CHAPTER XXXV

NUNC AGE (1905)

NEARLY forty years had passed since the ex-private secretary

landed at New York with the ex-Ministers Adams and Motley, when they

saw American society as a long caravan stretching out towards the

plains. As he came up the bay again, November 5, 1904, an older man

than either his father or Motley in 1868, he found the approach more

striking than ever--wonderful--unlike anything man had ever seen--and

like nothing he had ever much cared to see. The outline of the city

became frantic in its effort to explain something that defied meaning.

Power seemed to have outgrown its servitude and to have asserted its

freedom. The cylinder had exploded, and thrown great masses of stone

and steam against the sky. The city had the air and movement of

hysteria, and the citizens were crying, in every accent of anger and

alarm, that the new forces must at any cost be brought under control.

Prosperity never before imagined, power never yet wielded by man, speed

never reached by anything but a meteor, had made the world irritable,

nervous, querulous, unreasonable and afraid. All New York was demanding

new men, and all the new forces, condensed into corporations, were

demanding a new type of man--a man with ten times the endurance,

energy, will and mind of the old type--for whom they were ready to pay

millions at sight. As one jolted over the pavements or read the last

week's newspapers, the new man seemed close at hand, for the old one

had plainly reached the end of his strength, and his failure had become

catastrophic. Every one saw it, and every municipal election shrieked

chaos. A traveller in the highways of history looked out of the club

window on the turmoil of Fifth Avenue, and felt himself in Rome, under

Diocletian, witnessing the anarchy, conscious of the compulsion, eager

for the solution, but unable to conceive whence the next impulse was to

come or how it was to act. The two-thousand-years failure of

Christianity roared upward from Broadway, and no Constantine the Great

was in sight.

Having nothing else to do, the traveller went on to Washington

to wait the end. There Roosevelt was training Constantines and battling

Trusts. With the Battle of Trusts, a student of mechanics felt entire

sympathy, not merely as a matter of politics or society, but also as a

measure of motion. The Trusts and Corporations stood for the larger

part of the new power that had been created since 1840, and were

obnoxious because of their vigorous and unscrupulous energy. They were

revolutionary, troubling all the old conventions and values, as the

screws of ocean steamers must trouble a school of herring. They tore

society to pieces and trampled it under foot. As one of their earliest

victims, a citizen of Quincy, born in 1838, had learned submission and

silence, for he knew that, under the laws of mechanics, any change,

within the range of the forces, must make his situation only worse; but

he was beyond measure curious to see whether the conflict of forces

would produce the new man, since no other energies seemed left on earth

to breed. The new man could be only a child born of contact between the

new and the old energies.

Both had been familiar since childhood, as the story has shown,

and neither had warped the umpire's judgment by its favors. If ever

judge had reason to be impartial, it was he. The sole object of his

interest and sympathy was the new man, and the longer one watched, the

less could be seen of him. Of the forces behind the Trusts, one could

see something; they owned a complete organization, with schools,

training, wealth and purpose; but of the forces behind Roosevelt one

knew little; their cohesion was slight; their training irregular; their

objects vague. The public had no idea what practical system it could

aim at, or what sort of men could manage it. The single problem before

it was not so much to control the Trusts as to create the society that

could manage the Trusts. The new American must be either the child of

the new forces or a chance sport of nature. The attraction of

mechanical power had already wrenched the American mind into a

crab-like process which Roosevelt was making heroic efforts to restore

to even action, and he had every right to active support and sympathy

from all the world, especially from the Trusts themselves so far as

they were human; but the doubt persisted whether the force that

educated was really man or nature--mind or motion. The mechanical

theory, mostly accepted by science, seemed to require that the law of

mass should rule. In that case, progress would continue as before.

In that, or any other case, a nineteenth-century education was

as useless or misleading as an eighteenth-century education had been to

the child of 1838; but Adams had a better reason for holding his

tongue. For his dynamic theory of history he cared no more than for the

kinetic theory of gas; but, if it were an approach to measurement of

motion, it would verify or disprove itself within thirty years. At the

calculated acceleration, the head of the meteor-stream must very soon

pass perihelion. Therefore, dispute was idle, discussion was futile,

and silence, next to good-temper, was the mark of sense. If the

acceleration, measured by the development and economy of forces, were

to continue at its rate since 1800, the mathematician of 1950 should be

able to plot the past and future orbit of the human race as accurately

as that of the November meteoroids.

Naturally such an attitude annoyed the players in the game, as

the attitude of the umpire is apt to infuriate the spectators. Above

all, it was profoundly unmoral, and tended to discourage effort. On the

other hand, it tended to encourage foresight and to economize waste of

mind. If it was not itself education, it pointed out the economies

necessary for the education of the new American. There, the duty

stopped.

There, too, life stopped. Nature has educated herself to a

singular sympathy for death. On the antarctic glacier, nearly five

thousand feet above sea-level, Captain Scott found carcasses of seals,

where the animals had laboriously flopped up, to die in peace. "Unless

we had actually found these remains, it would have been past believing

that a dying seal could have transported itself over fifty miles of

rough, steep, glacier-surface," but "the seal seems often to crawl to

the shore or the ice to die, probably from its instinctive dread of its

marine enemies." In India, Purun Dass, at the end of statesmanship,

sought solitude, and died in sanctity among the deer and monkeys,

rather than remain with man. Even in America, the Indian Summer of life

should be a little sunny and a little sad, like the season, and

infinite in wealth and depth of tone--but never hustled. For that

reason, one's own passive obscurity seemed sometimes nearer nature than

John Hay's exposure. To the normal animal the instinct of sport is

innate, and historians themselves were not exempt from the passion of

baiting their bears; but in its turn even the seal dislikes to be

worried to death in age by creatures that have not the strength or the

teeth to kill him outright.

On reaching Washington, November 14, 1904, Adams saw at a

glance that Hay must have rest. Already Mrs. Hay had bade him prepare

to help in taking her husband to Europe as soon as the Session should

be over, and although Hay protested that the idea could not even be

discussed, his strength failed so rapidly that he could not effectually

discuss it, and ended by yielding without struggle. He would equally

have resigned office and retired, like Purun Dass, had not the

President and the press protested; but he often debated the subject,

and his friends could throw no light on it. Adams himself, who had set

his heart on seeing Hay close his career by making peace in the East,

could only urge that vanity for vanity, the crown of peacemaker was

worth the cross of martyrdom; but the cross was full in sight, while

the crown was still uncertain. Adams found his formula for Russian

inertia exasperatingly correct. He thought that Russia should have

negotiated instantly on the fall of Port Arthur, January 1, 1905; he

found that she had not the energy, but meant to wait till her navy

should be destroyed. The delay measured precisely the time that Hay had

to spare.

The close of the Session on March 4 left him barely the

strength to crawl on board ship, March 18, and before his steamer had

reached half her course, he had revived, almost as gay as when he first

lighted on the Markoe house in I Street forty-four years earlier. The

clouds that gather round the setting sun do not always take a sober

coloring from eyes that have kept watch on mortality; or, at least, the

sobriety is sometimes scarcely sad. One walks with one's friends

squarely up to the portal of life, and bids good-bye with a smile. One

has done it so often! Hay could scarcely pace the deck; he nourished no

illusions; he was convinced that he should never return to his work,

and he talked lightly of the death sentence that he might any day

expect, but he threw off the coloring of office and mortality together,

and the malaria of power left its only trace in the sense of tasks

incomplete.

One could honestly help him there. Laughing frankly at his

dozen treaties hung up in the Senate Committee-room like lambs in a

butcher's shop, one could still remind him of what was solidly

completed. In his eight years of office he had solved nearly every old

problem of American statesmanship, and had left little or nothing to

annoy his successor. He had brought the great Atlantic powers into a

working system, and even Russia seemed about to be dragged into a

combine of intelligent equilibrium based on an intelligent allotment of

activities. For the first time in fifteen hundred years a true Roman

pax was in sight, and would, if it succeeded, owe its virtues to him.

Except for making peace in Manchuria, he could do no more; and if the

worst should happen, setting continent against continent in arms--the

only apparent alternative to his scheme--he need not repine at missing

the catastrophe.

This rosy view served to soothe disgusts which every parting

statesman feels, and commonly with reason. One had no need to get out

one's notebook in order to jot down the exact figures on either side.

Why add up the elements of resistance and anarchy? The Kaiser supplied

him with these figures, just as the Cretic approached Morocco. Every

one was doing it, and seemed in a panic about it. The chaos waited only

for his landing.

Arrived at Genoa, the party hid itself for a fortnight at

Nervi, and he gained strength rapidly as long as he made no effort and

heard no call for action. Then they all went on to Nanheim without

relapse. There, after a few days, Adams left him for the regular

treatment, and came up to Paris. The medical reports promised well, and

Hay's letters were as humorous and light-handed as ever. To the last he

wrote cheerfully of his progress, and amusingly with his usual light

scepticism, of his various doctors; but when the treatment ended, three

weeks later, and he came on to Paris, he showed, at the first glance,

that he had lost strength, and the return to affairs and interviews

wore him rapidly out. He was conscious of it, and in his last talk

before starting for London and Liverpool he took the end of his

activity for granted. "You must hold out for the peace negotiations,"

was the remonstrance. "I've not time!" he replied. "You'll need little

time!" was the rejoinder. Each was correct.

There it ended! Shakespeare himself could use no more than the

commonplace to express what is incapable of expression. "The rest is

silence!" The few familiar words, among the simplest in the language,

conveying an idea trite beyond rivalry, served Shakespeare, and, as

yet, no one has said more. A few weeks afterwards, one warm evening in

early July, as Adams was strolling down to dine under the trees at

Armenonville, he learned that Hay was dead. He expected it; on Hay's

account, he was even satisfied to have his friend die, as we would all

die if we could, in full fame, at home and abroad, universally

regretted, and wielding his power to the last. One had seen scores of

emperors and heroes fade into cheap obscurity even when alive; and now,

at least, one had not that to fear for one's friend. It was not even

the suddenness of the shock, or the sense of void, that threw Adams

into the depths of Hamlet's Shakespearean silence in the full flare of

Paris frivolity in its favorite haunt where worldly vanity reached its

most futile climax in human history; it was only the quiet summons to

follow--the assent to dismissal. It was time to go. The three friends

had begun life together; and the last of the three had no motive--no

attraction--to carry it on after the others had gone. Education had

ended for all three, and only beyond some remoter horizon could its

values be fixed or renewed. Perhaps some day--say 1938, their

centenary--they might be allowed to return together for a holiday, to

see the mistakes of their own lives made clear in the light of the

mistakes of their successors; and perhaps then, for the first time

since man began his education among the carnivores, they would find a

world that sensitive and timid natures could regard without a shudder.

THE END

End of Project Gutenberg's The Education of Henry Adams, by Henry Adams

The Education of Henry Adams · 第 35 / 35 章