CHAPTER XVI

THE DIVINE MISSION AND ITS MANIFESTATIONS

1. Growth of Luther’s Idea of his Divine Mission

WHEREAS the most zealous of Luther’s earliest pupils and followers

outvied one another in depicting their master as the messenger of God,

who had come before the world equipped with revelations from on high,

the tendency of later Protestantism has been, more and more, to reduce

Luther, so to speak, to a merely natural level, and to represent him as

a hero indeed, but as one inspired by merely human motives. An earlier

generation exalted him to mystical regions, and, being nearer him in

point of time and therefore knowing him better, grasped the fact that

he was dominated by a certain supernaturalism. Many later and more

recent writers, on the other hand, have preferred to square their

conception of his personality with their own liberal views on religion.

They hail Luther as the champion of free thought and therefore as

the founder of modern intellectual life. What he discovered in his

struggles with himself by reflection and pious meditation, that, they

say, he bequeathed to posterity without insisting upon the immutability

of his ideas or claiming for them any infallibility. His only permanent

work, his real legacy to posterity, was a negative one, viz. the breach

with Popery, which he consummated, thanks to his extraordinary powers.

This is, however, from the religious standpoint, to attenuate Luther’s

figure as it appears in history, notwithstanding the tribute paid to

his talents.

If he is not the “messenger of God,” whose doctrines, inspired from on

high, the world was bound to accept, then he ceases to be Luther, for

it was from his supernatural estimate of himself that he drew all his

strength and defiance. Force him to quit the dim, mystical heights

from which he fancies he exercises his sway, and his claim on the faith

of mankind becomes inexplicable and he himself an enigma.

It has been pointed out above, how Luther gradually reached the

conviction that he had received his doctrine by a special revelation,

with the Divine mission to communicate it to the world and to reform

the Church (vol. ii., p. 92 f.). The conviction, that, as he declares,

“the Holy Ghost had revealed the Scriptures” to him culminated in that

personal assurance of salvation which was suddenly vouchsafed to him in

the Tower.[284]

It will repay us to examine more closely the nature of this idea, and

its manifestations, now that we have the mature man before us.

The founder of the new Church has reached a period when he no longer

scruples to speak of the “revelations” which had been made to him,

and which he is compelled to proclaim. “By His Grace,” he says, “God

has revealed this doctrine to me.”[285]—“I have it by revelation ...

that will I not deny.”[286] Of his mission he assures us: “By God’s

revelation I am called to be a sort of antipope”;[287] of his chief

dogma, he will have it that “the Holy Ghost bestowed it upon me,”[288]

and declares that “under pain of the curse of eternal reprobation”

he had been “instructed (‘_interminatum_’) not to doubt of it in

any way.”[289] Of this he solemnly assured the Elector Frederick in

a letter written in 1522: “Concerning my cause I would say: Your

Electoral Highness is aware, or, if not aware, is hereby apprised of

the fact, that I received the Evangel, not from man, but from heaven

alone through our Lord Jesus Christ, so that I might well subscribe

myself and boast of being a minister and evangelist—as, indeed, I

shall do for the future.”[290]

It is because he has received the Word of God direct from on high that

he is so firm. “God’s Word,” he cries, “is above everything to me; I

have the Divine Majesty on my side, therefore I care not in the least

though a thousand Augustines, or a thousand Harry-Churches [Henry VIII.

of England was then still a Catholic] should be against me; I am quite

certain that the true Church holds fast with me to God’s Word, and

leaves it to the Harry-Churches to depend on the words of men.”[291]

There are many passages in which he merely claims to have been

enlightened in his ruminations and labours and thus led to embrace the

real, saving truth; less frequently do we hear of any actual, sudden

inspiration from above. Where he does claim this most distinctly is

in the matter of the discovery of his chief doctrine, viz. assurance

of salvation by justifying faith, vouchsafed to him in the Tower of

the Wittenberg monastery. The fact that his mode of expression varies

may be explained not merely by his own involuntary wavering, but by

the very difficulty of imparting his favourite doctrine to others. His

frame of mind, outward circumstances and the character of his hearers

or readers were the cause of his choice of words. With his friends,

for instance, more particularly the younger ones, and likewise in his

sermons at Wittenberg, he was fond of laying stress on what he had

once said to the lawyers when they molested him with Canon Law: “They

shall respect our teaching, which is the Word of God spoken by the

Holy Ghost through our lips.”[292] When speaking to larger audiences,

on the other hand, he does not as a rule claim more than a gradual,

inner enlightenment by God, which indeed partakes of the nature of a

revelation, but to which he was led by his work and study and inward

experience. In the presence of the fanatics he became, after 1524, more

cautious in his claims, owing to the similar ones made on their own

behalf by these sectarians.

Yet the idea of an assurance born of God lies at the bottom of all his

statements.

He worked himself into this belief until it became part of his

nature.[293] He had to face many doubts and scruples, but he overcame

them, and, in the latter years of his life, we hear little of any such.

His struggle with these doubts, which clearly betray the faulty basis

of his conviction, will be dealt with elsewhere.[294]

“I am certain and am determined to feel so.” Expressions such as this

are not seldom to be met with in Luther’s letters and writings.[295]

An almost appalling strength of will lurks behind such assurances.

Indeed, what impels him seems to savour more of self-suggestion than of

inward experience. To the objections brought forward by his adversaries

he frequently enough merely opposes his “certainty”; behind this he

endeavours to conceal the defects of his proofs from Scripture, and his

inability to reply to the reasons urged against him. His determination

to find conviction constitutes one of Luther’s salient psychological

characteristics; of the Titanic strength at his disposal he made proof

first and foremost in his own case.

* * * * *

Luther also succeeded in inducing in himself a pseudo-mystic mood

in which he fancied himself acting in everything conformably with a

Divine mission, everywhere specially guided and protected as beseemed a

messenger of God.

For instance, he says that he wrote the pamphlet against the seditious

peasants in obedience to a Divine command; “therefore my little book is

right and will always be so, though all the world should be incensed at

it.”[296]

“It is the Lord Who has done this,” he had declared of the Peasant

Rising when he recognised in it elements favourable to his cause;

“It is the Lord Who has done this and Who conceals these menaces and

dangers from the eyes of the Princes, and will even bring it about

Himself by means of their blindness and violence.” That the Princes

are threatened with destruction, that “I firmly believe the Spirit

proclaims through me.”[297]

Later on he was no less sure that he could foresee in the Spirit the

coming outbreak of a religious war in Germany; only the prayers which

he—who had the Divine interests so much at heart—offered, could avail

to stave off the war; at least the delay was mainly the result of this

prayer: “I am assured that God really hearkens to my prayer, and I know

that so long as I live there will be no war in Germany.”

Never does he tire of declaring that the misfortunes and deaths which

his foes have to deplore are the result of the intervention of heaven

on behalf of his cause.[298] He was convinced that he had repeatedly

been cured in sickness and saved from death by Christ, by Him, as he

says in 1534, “in Whose faith I commenced all this and carried it

through, to the admiration even of my opponents.”[299] He, “one of the

Apostles and Evangelists of Germany, is,” so he proclaims in 1526 in a

pamphlet, “a man delivered over to death and only preserved in life by

a wonder and in defiance of the wrath of the devil and his saints.”[300]

In February, 1520, he speaks of the intimation he has received of a

great storm impending, were God not to place some hindrance in the

way of Satan. “I have seen Satan’s cunning plans for my destruction

and that of many others. Doubtless the Divine Word can never be

administered without confusion, tumult and danger. It is a word of

boundless majesty, it works great things and is wonderful on high.”

This was to be his only guide in his undertaking. He was compelled, so

he declared on the same occasion, “to leave the whole matter to God, to

resign himself to His guidance and to look on while wind and waves make

the ship their plaything.”[301]

He frequently repeats later that his professorship at the University

had been bestowed upon him by a Divine dispensation and against his

will; whereas others were honoured for their academic labours, he

complains to Spalatin of being persecuted; “I teach against my will

and yet I have to endure evil things.” “What I now do and have done,

I was compelled to do.” “I have enough sins on my conscience without

incurring the unpardonable one of being unfaithful to my office, of

refraining from scourging evil and of neglecting the truth to the

detriment of so many thousand souls.”[302]—At the time when the

Disputation at Leipzig was preparing, he tells the same confidant that

the matter must be left to God: “I do not desire that it should happen

according to our designs, otherwise I would prefer to desist from it

altogether.” Spalatin must not desire to see the matter judged and

settled according to human wisdom, but should remember that we know

nothing of “God’s plans.”[303]

Everything had befallen him in accordance with God’s design. It was in

accordance therewith, nay, “at the command of God,” that he had become

a monk, so at least he says later. This, too, was his reason for giving

up the office in choir and the recitation of the Breviary. “Our Lord

God dragged me by force from the canonical hours, anno 1520.”[304]

His marriage likewise was the direct result of God’s plan. “The Lord

suddenly flung me into matrimony in a wonderful way while my thoughts

were set in quite another direction.”[305] At an earlier date he had,

so he said, defended the theses of his Resolutions only “because God

compelled him to advance all these propositions.”[306]

His first encounter with Dr. Eck took place, so he was persuaded,

“at God’s behest.”[307] “God takes good care that I should not be

idle.”[308] It is God Who “calls and compels him” to return to

Wittenberg after his stay at the Wartburg.[309]—It is not surprising,

then, that he also attributes to God’s doing the increase in the number

of his friends and followers.

The success of his efforts to bring about a great falling away from

the Catholic Church he regarded as a clear Divine confirmation of his

mission, so that “no higher proof or miracle was needed.”[310] Even the

disturbance and tumult which resulted bore witness in his favour, since

Christ says: “I am come to send a sword.” All around him prevailed

“discord, revolt and uproar,”[311] because, forsooth, the Gospel was

there at work; the calm, unquestioned sovereignty of Popery within its

own boundaries was a sure sign of its being the devil’s own.[312] “Did

I not meet with curses, I should not believe that my cause was from

God.”[313]

It is evident from these and other like statements how greatly his

fame, the increase of his followers and his unexpected success

engrossed and intoxicated him. In judging of him we must not

under-estimate the effect of the din of applause in encouraging him

in his self-suggestion. The cheers of so great a crowd, as Erasmus

remarked in a letter to Melanchthon, might well have turned the head

even of the humblest man. What anchor could have held the bark exposed

to such a storm? Outbursts such as the following, to which Luther

gave vent under the influence of the deafening ovation, were only to

be expected of such a man as he, when he had once cut himself adrift

from the Church: “God has now given judgment ... and, contrary to the

expectation of the whole world, has brought things to such a pass....

The position of the Pope grows daily worse, that we may extol the work

of God herein.”[314] Under the magic influence of the unhoped-for

growth of his movement of revolt, he declared it could only be due

to a higher power, “which so disposed things that even the gates of

hell were unable to prevent them.” Not he, but “another man, drives

the wheel.” It is as clear as day that no man could, single-handed,

have achieved so much, and, by “mere word of mouth,” done more harm

to the Pope, the bishops, priests and monks than all worldly powers

hitherto.[315] Christ was working for him so strenuously, so he

declares in all seriousness, that he might well calmly await His

complete victory over Antichrist; for this reason there was really

no need to trouble about the ecclesiastical organisation of the new

Church, or to think of all the things it would otherwise have been

necessary for him to remember.

His mere success was not the only Divine witness in his favour; Luther

was also of opinion that owing to God’s notable working, signs and

wonders had taken place in plenty in confirmation of the new teaching;

such Divine wonders, however, must not be “thrown to the winds.”[316]

He seems, nevertheless, to have had at one time the intention of

collecting and publishing these miracles.[317]

In short, “the first-fruits of the Grace of God,” he says, have come

upon us; in these he was unwilling that later teachers, who differed

from him, should be allowed to participate.[318]

Was not the guidance of Christ also plainly visible in the fact that

he, the proclaimer of His Word, had been delivered from so many

ambushes on the part of the enemies who lay in wait for him? Such a

thought lay at the root of his words to his pupil Mathesius: There was

no doubt that poison had frequently been administered to him, but “an

important personage had been heard to say, that none had any effect

on him.” On one occasion, however, when an attempt had been made to

poison him, He “Who said, ‘If they drink any deadly thing it shall not

hurt them,’ blessed him, and preserved him then and afterwards from

all mischief.”[319] “I also believe,” Luther once said, according to

Bindseil’s Latin “_Colloquia_,” that “my pulpit-chair and cushion were

frequently poisoned, yet God preserved me.”[320] Similar words are

recorded in the Diary of Cordatus.[321] This accounts for the strange

tales which grew up amongst his pupils and followers of how “God

Almighty had always preserved him in a wonderful manner,” of how He

“had affrighted the knaves” who sought his life, and so forth, of which

the early editions of Luther’s Works have so much to say.

Among the characteristics most highly extolled by his earliest

followers as exemplifying his mission must be instanced, first, his

inflexible courage, amounting frequently to foolhardiness, in the

accomplishment of his set task, viz. the establishing of the Evangel

and the destruction of Popery; secondly, his extraordinary capacity

for work and the perseverance of which he gave such signal proof in

his literary undertakings; thirdly, his entire disregard for temporal

advantages, which he himself held up as an example to those of the

evangelical preachers whose worldliness had become a reproach to the

Lutheran cause.

Very strange and remarkable is the connection between Luther’s

mysticism and the simple and homely view he took of life; the pleasure

with which he welcomed everything good which came in his way—so far

as it was free from any trace of Popery—the kindly, practical turn of

his manner of thinking and acting when among his own people, and that

love for humour and good cheer which so strikingly contrasts with the

puritanical behaviour of his opponents, the Anabaptists and fanatics.

To reconcile his mysticism with habits at first blush so divergent

would present quite a problem in itself were we not to take into

account the fact, that homeliness and humour had been his from the very

beginning, whereas his mysticism was a later growth, always to some

extent alien to his character. His mysticism he carefully confined to

what related to his supposed Divine mission, though at times he does

indeed seem to extend indefinitely the range of this mission. Yet, when

the duties of his office had cost him pain or tried his temper, he was

ever glad to return to the realities of life, and to seek relief in

social intercourse or in his family circle.

When it was a question of the working of miracles by the heaven-sent

messenger, he was of too practical a turn of mind to appeal to anything

but the ostensible tokens of the Divine favour worked around him and

on his behalf in proof of the truth of the new Evangel. He carefully

avoided attributing any miracles to his own powers, even when assisted

by Divine grace, though, occasionally, he seems to imply that, were the

need to arise, he might well work wonders by the power of God, were he

only to ask it of Him. With the question of miracles and predictions

as proofs of Luther’s Divine mission we shall deal later (p. 153 ff.).

While on the one hand Luther’s views of miracles and prophecies witness

to an error which was not without effect on his persuasion of his

Divine mission, on the other his pseudo-mystic notion of his special

calling led him superstitiously to see in chance events of history

either the extraordinary confirmation of his mission or the celestial

condemnation of Popery.

We know that Luther not only shared the superstitions of his

contemporaries, but also defended them with all the weight of his

great name and literary talents.[322] When at Vienna, in January,

1520, something unusual was perceived in the sky, he at once referred

it to “his tragedy,” as he had done even previously in similar cases.

He also expressed the wish that he himself might be favoured with

some such sign. The noisy spirits which had formerly disturbed people

had, he believed, been reduced in number throughout the world solely

owing to his Evangel. The omnipotence of the devil and the evil he

worked on men was, so he thought, to be restrained only by the power

of that Word which had again been made known to the world, thanks to

his preaching.[323] It was his intention to publish an account of

the demoniacal happenings which had taken place in his day and which

confirmed his mission; he was only prevented from doing this by want

of time.[324] To astrology, unlike Melanchthon, he ever showed himself

averse.

Another element which loomed large in his persuasion that he was a

prophet was his so-called “temptations,” i.e. the mental troubles,

which, so he thought, were caused by the devil and which, coinciding as

they often did with other sufferings, were sometimes the cause of long

fits of misery and dejection.[325]

These temptations in their most extreme form Luther compared with

the death-agony. His extraordinary experiences, of which he never

understood the pathological cause, were regarded by him as God’s own

testimony to his election. His conviction was that, by imposing on him

these pangs of hell, God was cleansing him for the grand task assigned

to him, even as He had done with other favoured souls in the past. When

plunged in the abyss of such sufferings he felt like St. Paul, the

Apostle of the Gentiles, who likewise was buffeted by Satan (vol. i.,

p. 381 f.), and whom he would fain have emulated in his “revelations”

of the Divine mysteries. Only in the sequel, however, will it be

possible to describe Luther’s pathology for the benefit of those to

whom it may be of interest.

All his troubles, whether due to doubt and sadness or to the fury of

foes stirred up by Satan against him, he utilised, so he tells us, as

an incentive to immerse himself ever more and more in the study of

Holy Scripture, to cultivate the understanding bestowed upon him, and

to seek its practical applications. “My theology was not all learnt

in a day; I was obliged to explore deeper and deeper to acquire it.

My temptations helped me, for it is impossible to understand Holy

Scripture without experience and temptations. This is what the fanatics

and unruly spirits lack, viz. that capital gainsayer the devil, who

alone can teach a man this. St. Paul had a devil, who beat him with

his fists and drove him by the way of temptation diligently to study

Holy Scripture. I have had the Pope, the Universities and all the

scholars, and, behind them all, the devil, hanging round my neck: they

drove me to the Bible and made me read it until at length I reached

the right understanding of it. Unless we have such a devil, we remain

mere speculative theologians, for whose precious imaginings the world

is not much better.”[326] This casual saying of Luther’s gives us a

good glimpse into his customary process of thought when in presence of

troubles and temptations, great or small.

The above passage, moreover, agrees with many similar statements

of his, inasmuch as, far from ascribing his doctrine to any actual

revelation, he makes its discovery to result from effort on his part,

under the guidance of a higher illumination. Luther, less than any

other, could scarcely have been unconscious of the gradual change in

his views, more particularly at the outset of his career as Evangelist

and prophet; at the very least it was clear that, in the earlier period

of his higher mission, he had taught much that was borrowed from Popery

and which he discarded only later; at that time, as he puts it, he was

still “besotted with Popery.”

_Periodic Upheaval of Luther’s Idea of his Divine Mission._

Luther’s consciousness of his Divine mission found expression with

varying degrees of intensity at different periods of his life.

At certain junctures, notably when historic events were impending,

it was apt to burst forth, producing in him effects of a character

almost terrifying. Such was the case, for instance, in the days which

immediately preceded and followed the proclamation of the Bull of

Excommunication. At that time it seemed as though every spirit of

revolt had entered into him to use him as a tool for defying the

authority of the Church. Such was the depth of his persuasion, that

he, the excommunicate, was carried away to proclaim his unassailable

prophetic rights in tones of the utmost conviction.

Towards the end of his stay at the Wartburg and during the first period

of his struggle with the Anabaptists at Wittenberg, we again hear him

insisting on his own exalted mission; owing, however, to the mystic

illumination of which the fanatics boasted, his claims are now based,

not so much on mystical considerations, as on the “outward Word,” whose

authentic representative he had, by his works, proved himself to be.

The loneliness and gloom of the Wartburg and his “diabolical”

experiences there doubtless helped to convince him yet more of the

reality of his mission. The ensuing struggle with those of the

innovators who differed from him and even threatened to oust him, acted

as a further stimulus and aroused his powers of resistance to the

utmost. Nor must we forget the threatening attitude of the Imperial

authorities at Nuremberg, whom he was resolved to oppose with the

greatest determination; only by impressing on his followers that he was

something more than human would it be possible for him successfully

to hold in check the hostility of Emperor and Princes. The supposed

world-wide success of his venture also dazed him at this critical

juncture, a fact which further elucidates the situation.

Triumphantly he cries: “The Lord has already begun to mock at Satan

and his slaves. Satan is in truth vanquished, and the Pope, too,

with all his abominations! Now our only concern is the soap-bubble

which has swelled to such alarming dimensions [the Nuremberg menace].

We believe in Christ, the Son of God, believe in His dominion over

life and death. Whom then shall we fear? The first-fruits of victory

have already fallen to us; we rejoice at the overthrow of the Papal

tyranny, whereas formerly Kings and Princes were content to submit to

its oppression; how much easier will it be to vanquish and despise the

Princes themselves!”

“If Christ assures us,” he continues in this same letter, one of

the first dispatched after his “Patmos” at the Wartburg, “that the

Father has placed all things under His feet, it is certain that He

lieth not; ‘all things’ must also comprise the mighty ones assembled

at Nuremberg, not to speak of that Dresden bubble [Duke George of

Saxony]. Let them therefore set about deposing Christ. We, however,

will calmly look on while the Father Almighty preserves His Son at His

right hand from the face and the tail of these smoking firebrands”

(Isa. vii. 4). Should a rising or a tumult among the people ensue

“which cannot be suppressed by force, then that will be the Lord’s

own work; He conceals the danger from the sight of the Princes; and,

owing to their blindness and rebellion, He will work such things

that methinks all Germany will be deluged with blood. We shall ‘set

ourselves like a hedge before God in favour of the land and the

people’ (Ezek. xxii. 30), in this day of His great wrath, wherefore do

you and your people pray for us.”

These words were addressed to an old Augustinian friend to whom he

showed himself undisguisedly and in his true colours. In the same

letter he has it that he considers it quite certain that Carlstadt,

Gabriel Zwilling and the fanatical Anabaptists were preaching without

any real call, in fact, against God’s will. To himself he applies the

words of our Redeemer: “He Whom God has sent speaketh the words of

God” (John iii. 34), and “He that seeketh the glory of Him that sent

Him is true” (John vii. 18). Fully convinced of the Divine inspiration

and compulsion he exclaims: “For this reason did I yield to necessity

and return [from the Wartburg], viz. that I might, if God wills, put

an end to this devils’ uproar” (of the fanatics).[327]

If Luther sought to show the fanatics that their fruits bore witness

against them and their doctrine, it is worthy of note that Staupitz,

his former Superior, about this very time, confronted Luther with the

disastrous fruits of his action, in order to dissuade him from the

course he was pursuing. Staupitz, who so far had been his patron, had

grown apprehensive of the character of the movement. His warning,

however, only acted as oil on the flame of the enthusiasm then surging

up in Luther. In his reply, dated in May, 1522, we find the real

Luther, the prophet full of his own great plans: “You write that my

undertaking is praised [by discreditable people], and by those who

frequent houses of ill-fame, and that much scandal has been given

by my latest writings. I am not surprised at this, neither am I

apprehensive. It is certain that we for our part have been careful

to proclaim the pure Word without causing any tumult; the good and

the bad alike make use of this Word, and this, as you know, we cannot

help.... For we do what Christ foretold when He commanded the angels

to collect and remove out of His Kingdom all scandals. Father, I

cannot do otherwise than destroy the Kingdom of the Pope, the Kingdom

of abomination and wickedness together with all its train. God is

already doing this without us, without any assistance from us, merely

by His Word. The end of this Kingdom is come before the Lord. The

matter far exceeds our powers of comprehension.... Great commotion

of minds, great scandals and great signs must follow, in view of

God’s greatness. But, dear father, I hope this will not trouble

you; God’s plan is visible in these things and His mighty hand. You

will remember that at the outset everybody thought my undertaking

suspicious, doubtful and altogether too bad, and yet it has held the

field and will hold its own in spite of your apprehensions; only have

patience. Satan feels the smart of his wound, and that is why he rages

so greatly and sets all at loggerheads. But Christ Who has begun the

work will trample him under foot; and the gates of hell will do their

worst, but all in vain.”

So perverted an application of the promise solemnly made by Christ to

the Church of Peter, that the gates of hell should not prevail against

it, had surely never before been heard. Words such as these would even

sound incredible did we not learn from the same letter into what a

state of nervous excitement the ban and excommunication had plunged

him. At Antwerp, Jacob Probst, one of his followers, was to be burned

with two of his comrades, and in various localities Luther’s writings,

by order of the authorities, were being consigned to the flames.

This it was which made him say in his letter: “My death by fire is

already under discussion; but I only defy Satan and his myrmidons

the more that the day of Christ may be hastened, when an end will be

put to Antichrist. Farewell, father, and pray for me.... The Evangel

is a scandal to the self-righteous and to all who think themselves

wise.”[328]

The later occasions on which this peculiar mystic idea asserted

itself most strongly and vividly were during the exciting events of

the Peasant War of 1525; in 1528, at the time his Evangel was in

danger from the Empire, while he was tormented within; his sojourn in

the fortress of Coburg during the much-dreaded Diet of Augsburg, in

1530, when he again endured profound mental agony; the period of the

Schmalkald negotiations, in 1537, when the Council of Trent had already

been summoned, while Luther was suffering much from disease; finally,

in the last years of his life, accompanied as they were by recurring

friction with the various Courts and hostile parties, when a growing

bitterness dominated his spirit.

In this last period of his career the sense of his Divine mission

revived in full force, never again to quit him. His statements

concerning his mission now bear a more pessimistic stamp, but he

nevertheless holds fast to it and allows nothing to disconcert him by

any suspicion of a mistake on his part, nor does he betray any trace of

his earlier doubts and misgivings.

“We know that it is God’s cause,” he says in 1541 to the Electoral

Chancellor Brück: “God has commenced it and carried it through, and He

too will finish it! Whoever does not wish to follow us, let him fall

to the rear, with the Emperor and the Turk; all the devils shall gain

nothing here, let what God wills befall us.”[329]

“It annoys me that they should esteem these things [of the Evangel]

as though they were secular, Imperial, Turkish or princely matters

to be decided and controlled, bestowed and accepted by reason alone.

It is a matter which God and the devil with their respective angels

must arrange. Whoever does not believe this will do no good in the

business.”[330]

When the negotiations at Ratisbon seemed to be exposing the

timorous Melanchthon to the “snares of Satan,” Luther in his wonted

presumptuous fashion wrote to him: “Our cause is not to be controlled

by our own action, but only by God’s Providence. The Word progresses,

prayer is ardent, hope endures, faith conquers, so that verily we

cannot but see it, and might even sleep calmly and feast were we not

so carnal; for the words of Moses are also addressed to us: ‘The Lord

will fight for you and you shall hold your peace’ (cp. Exod. xiv.

14). It is certain that the Lord is fighting, that He is slowly and

gradually descending from His Throne to the [Last] Judgment which we

so anxiously look for. The signs announcing the approaching Judgment

are all too numerous.... Hence put away all fear. Be strong and

glad and untroubled, for the Lord is near. Let them undertake what

they please, the Henrys [he is thinking of Henry of Brunswick, an

opponent], the bishops, and likewise the Turks and Satan himself.

We are children of the kingdom, and we await and honour Him as our

Saviour Whom these Henrys spit upon and crucify anew.”[331]

In what frame of mind he then was, and what strange judgments he could

pass, is seen even more plainly from what he adds concerning a tract

he had just published against Duke Henry of Brunswick.

This work, entitled “Wider Hans Worst,” is, in style and matter, an

attack of indescribable violence on this Catholic prince and Catholics

in general. Yet Luther writes of it to Melanchthon: “I have re-read my

book against this devil, and I cannot understand what has happened to

make me so restrained. I attribute it to my headache which prevented

my mind from being carried away on the wings of the storm.” The

“bloodhound and incendiary assassin,” as he calls the Duke, would

otherwise have had to listen to a very different song for having

compelled Luther to “waste his time on Henry’s devil’s excrement.”

That the Duke had been the originator of the appalling number of

fires which occurred in the Electorate of Hesse in 1540, both Luther

and Melanchthon were firmly convinced. Luther’s readiness to cherish

the blackest suspicions, his volcanic rage against Catholics, the

pessimism of his reiterated cry: “Let everything fall, stand or sink

into ruins, as it pleases; let things take their own course,”[332]

form a remarkable accompaniment to the thrilling tones in which he

again asserts his consciousness of the fulfilment of his Divine

mission.

We must here revert to some of Luther’s Statements concerning the

triumphant progress of the Evangel and the determined resistance to be

offered to all opposing forces—solemn declarations which attain their

full meaning only in the light of his idea of his own Divine mission.

We give the gist of the passages already quoted in detail elsewhere.

These passages, which reek of revolution, are altogether inspired by

the glowing idea of his heavenly mission apart from which they are

scarcely comprehensible.

“If war is to come of it, let it come,” etc. “Princely foes are

delivered up to us as a holocaust in order that they may be rewarded

according to their works”; God will “deliver His people even from the

fiery furnace of Babylon.”[333]

“Let things run on merrily and be prepared for the worst,” “whether it

be war or revolt, as God’s anger may decree.”[334]

“Let justice take its course even should the whole world fall into

ruins.”[335]

“It is said, ‘If the Pope fall, Germany will perish.’[336] But what has

this to do with me?”

“It is God’s Word. Let what cannot stand, fall, and what is not to

remain, pass away.” “It is a great thing,” he continues, “that for the

sake of the young man [the Divine Redeemer] this Jewish Kingdom and

the Divine Service which had been so gloriously instituted and ordered

should fall to the ground.” Not Christ alone, he says, had spoken of

His work in the same way that he (Luther) did of his own, but St.

Paul also, in spite of his grief over the Jews, had, like himself,

constantly declared: “The Word is true, else everything must fall

into ruins; for He Who sent me and commanded me to preach, will not

lie.”[337]

His followers recalled his words, that it were better “all churches,

convents and foundations throughout the world should be rooted

out” than that “even one soul should be seduced by such [Popish]

error.”[338] And again: “Are we to forswear the truth?” “Would it be

strange were the rulers, the nobles and laity to fall upon the Pope,

the bishops, priests and monks and drive them out of the land?” They

had brought it upon themselves and it was necessary “to pray for

them.”[339] But prayer might not suffice. If no improvement took place,

then “a general destruction of all the foundations and convents would

be the best reformation.”[340]

These outbursts date almost all from the time of the Diet of Augsburg,

or that immediately succeeding it. They might, however, be compared

with some earlier utterances not one whit less full of fanaticism;

for instance, where he says to the Elector, in 1522: “Not only the

spiritual but also the secular power must yield to the Evangel, whether

willingly or unwillingly”;[341] or the opening sentences of his “Bull

of the Evening Feed of our Most Holy Lord the Pope” (1522): “After

having had to put up with so many hawkers of bulls, cardinals ... and

the countless horde of extortioners and swindlers and knaves whom the

Rhine would hardly suffice to drown ...!”[342]

A flood of rage and passionate enthusiasm for his mission finds vent

in these words: “If they hope ever to exterminate the Turks they must

begin with the Pope.”[343] “The Pope drives the whole world from the

Christian faith to his devilish lies, so that the Pope’s rule is ten

times worse than that of the Turk for both body and soul.”[344]

Previous to this, in February, 1519, he reveals in the following words

the agitation and ferment going on within him: “I adjure you,” he says

to his friend Spalatin, “if you would think aright of the Evangel, not

to imagine that such a cause can be fought out without tumults, scandal

and rebellion. You cannot make a pen out of a sword, or peace of war.

The Word of God is a sword, war, ruin, scandal, destruction, poison

and, as we read in the Old Covenant, ‘Like to a bear in the road and a

lioness in the wood,’ so it withstands the sons of Ephraim.”[345]

No Apostle or Prophet ever laid claim to a Divine authorisation for

their preaching in language so violent. Indeed, mere phrases and

extracts from his writings scarcely suffice to give a true picture of

the intensity of his prepossession for his supposed Divine calling and

of his furious hatred of his opponents. It would, in fact, be necessary

to read in their entirety certain of his polemical works. That they

have not done so is the explanation why so many know only a polished

Luther and have scarcely an inkling of the fierceness of the struggle

which centred round his consciousness of a Divine mission, and of the

depth of his animosity against those who dared to gainsay him.

Nor was this consciousness of his without its effects on those around

him. During the long years of his public life, it kindled the passion

of thousands and contributed largely to the Peasant Revolt and the

unhappy religious wars which followed later. Indirectly it was also

productive of disaster for the Empire by forcing it to make terms with

the turbulent elements within, and by preventing it from displaying

a united front against the Turks and other enemies without. On the

other hand, in the case of very many who honestly looked on Luther as

a real reformer of the Church, it also served to infuse into them new

enthusiasm for what they deemed the Christian cause.

Its effect on Luther’s character in later life was such as to make

him, in his writings to the German people, rave like a maniac of the

different forms of death best suited for Pope and Cardinals, viz. being

hanged on the gallows with their tongues torn out, being drowned in the

Tyrrhenean Sea, or “flayed alive.”[346] “How my flesh creeps and how my

blood boils,” he cries, after one such outburst.[347]

If we remember the frenzy with which he carried out his religious

enterprise, the high tension at which he ever worked and his

inexhaustible source of eloquence, it is easy to fancy ourselves face

to face with something more than human. The real nature of the spirit

which, throughout Luther’s life, was ever so frantically at work

within him, must for ever remain a secret. One eye alone, that of the

All-seeing, can pierce these depths. Anxious Catholic contemporaries of

Luther’s strongly suspected that they had to deal with one possessed

by the evil spirit. This opinion was openly voiced, first by Johann

Nathin, Luther’s contemporary at the Erfurt monastery, by Emser,

Cochlæus, Dungersheim and certain other early opponents, and then by

several others whose testimony will be heard later (vol. iv., xxvii.,

1).

Catholic contemporaries also urged that his claim to a Divine mission

was mere impudence. A simple monk, hitherto quite unknown to the world,

so they said, breaks his vows and dares to set himself in opposition

to the universal Church. A man, whose repute was not of the best, and

who not only lacked any higher attestation, but actually exhibited in

his doctrine of evangelical freedom, in the disorderly lives of his

followers and in the dissensions promoted by his fanatical and stormy

rhetoric, those very signs which our Redeemer had warned His disciples

would follow false prophets—such a man, they argued, could surely not

be a reformer, but was rather a destroyer, of Christendom; he perceives

not that the Church, for all her present abuses and corruption, has

nevertheless all down the ages scattered throughout the world the

Divine blessings committed to her care by a promise which shall never

fail, and that she will soon rise again purer and more beautiful than

ever, for the lasting benefit of mankind.

Luther, on the contrary, sought to base his claim to a Divine mission

on the abuses rampant in Popery, which, he would have it, was

altogether under the dominion of the devil and quite beyond redemption.

2. His Mission Alleged against the Papists

Luther, subsequent to his apostasy, accustomed himself to speak of

Catholicism in a fashion scarcely credible. He did not shrink even from

the grossest and most impudent depreciation of the Church of the Popes.

His incessant indulgence in such abuse calls for some examination into

its nature and the mental state of which it was a product.

_The Pope and the Papacy._

The Roman Curia, Luther repeatedly declared, did not believe one

word of all the truths of religion; at the faithful who held fast

to Revelation they scoffed and called them good simpletons (“_buoni

cristiani_”); they knew nothing either of the Creed or of the Our

Father, and from all the ecclesiastical books put together not as much

could be learnt as from one page of Martin Luther’s Catechism.

“Mark this well,” he declared as early as 1520 in his work “Von dem

Bapstum tzu Rome,” of all that is ordered of God not one jot or tittle

is observed at Rome; indeed, they mock at it as folly when anyone pays

any attention to it. They don’t mind a bit that the Gospel and the

faith of Christ are perishing throughout the world, and would not

lift a finger to prevent it.[348] The Popes are simply “Epicureans,”

so that, naturally, almost all those who return from Rome bring back

home with them an “Epicurean faith.” “For this at least is certain,

viz. that the Pope and the Cardinals, together with their schools of

knaves, believe in nothing at all; in fact, they smile when they hear

faith mentioned.”[349]

“What cares the Pope about prayer and God’s Word? He has his own god

to serve, viz. the devil. But this is a mere trifle.... What is far

worse, and a real masterpiece of all the devils in hell, is, that

he usurps the authority to set up laws and articles of faith.... He

roars, as though chock-full of devils, that whosoever does not obey

him and his Romish Church cannot be saved.... Papistically, knavishly,

nay, in a truly devilish way, does the Pope, like the stupid scoundrel

he is, use the name of the holy Roman Church, when he really means

his school of knaves, his Church of harlots and hermaphrodites, the

devil’s own hotchpotch.... For such is the language of his Romish

Church, and whoever has to do with the Pope and the Roman See must

first learn this or else he fares badly. For the devil, who founded

the Papacy, speaks and works everything through the Pope and the Roman

See.”[350]

His “Heer-Predigt widder den Türcken,” in 1529, supplied him with

the occasion for the following aside: “The Pope’s doctrine is mere

spiritual murder and not one whit better than the teaching and

blasphemy of Mohammed or the Turks.... We have nothing but devils

on either side and everywhere.”[351] “They even try to force us

poor Christians at the point of the sword to worship the devil and

blaspheme Christ. Other tyrants have at least this in their favour,

that they crucify the Lord of Glory ignorantly, like the Turks, the

heathen and the Jews ... but they [the Papists], say: We know that

Christ’s words and acts testify against us, but nevertheless we shall

not endure His Word, or yield to it.”[352] “I believe the Pope is the

devil incarnate in disguise; for he is Antichrist. For, as Christ is

true God and man, so Antichrist is the incarnation of the devil.”[353]

“The superstition of the Pope exceeds that of the Jews.” Though

the Pope drags countless souls down to hell, yet we may not say

to him: “For shame! Why act you thus?” “Had not his prestige been

overthrown by the Word [i.e. by my preaching] even the devil would

have vomited him forth. But this deliverance [from the Pope] we esteem

a small matter and have become ungrateful. God, however, will send

other forms of darkness to avenge this ingratitude; we still have

this consolation, that the Last Day cannot be far distant; for the

prophecy of Daniel has been entirely fulfilled, where he describes

the Papacy as though he had actually seen its doings.”[354]

“At Rome,” so he assures his readers, “they pull the noses of us

German fools,” and then say, that “it is of Divine institution

that none can be made bishop without the authority of Rome. I can

only wonder that Germany ... has a farthing left for this horde of

unspeakable, intolerable Roman fools, scoundrels and robbers.”[355]

“Worse even than this rapacious seizing of the money of foreigners is

the Pope’s usurped right of deciding matters of faith. He acts just

as he pleases in accordance with the imaginary interior inspirations

which he believes he receives.” “He does just the same as Thomas

Münzer and the Anabaptists, for he treads under foot the outward Word

of God, trusts entirely to higher illumination and gives vent to his

own fond inventions against Holy Scripture; which is the reason why we

blame him. We care not for mere human thoughts; what we want is the

outward Word.”[356]

“In short, what shall I say? No error, superstition or idolatry is too

gross to be admitted and accepted; at Rome they even honour the Pope

as God. And the heathen also had a god, whose name it was not lawful

to utter.”[357]

_The Catholics._

If we turn from the Pope-God or Pope-devil to the Papists, from the

Roman Curia to the Catholics, we find them scourged in similar language.

Amidst a wealth of imagery quite bewildering to the mind, one idea

emerges clearly, viz. that he has been summoned by God for the purpose

of rebuilding Christianity from the very foundation. Nothing but such

a mission could justify him in forcing upon himself and others the

belief, that the existing Church had been utterly corrupted by the

devil and that everybody who dared to oppose him was inspired by Satan.

“No one can be a Papist unless he is at the very least a murderer,

robber or persecutor,” for “he must agree” that the “Pope and his crew

are right in burning and banishing people,”[358] etc. The worst thing

about the Papists is the Mass; he would rather he had “kept a brothel,

or been a robber, than have sacrificed and blasphemed Christ for

fifteen years by saying Mass.”[359]

Their bloodthirstiness is beyond belief. “They would not care a scrap

were no Prince or ruler left in Germany, and were the whole land

bathed in blood, so long as they were free to exercise their tyranny

and lead their godless and shameless life.”[360] So shameless is their

life that the morals of the Lutherans glitter like gold in comparison.

Yea, “our life even when it reeks most of sin is better than all their

[the Papists’] sanctity, though it should seem to smell as sweet as

balsam.”[361] The Catholics had destroyed the Baptism instituted by

Christ, and replaced it by a baptism of works, hence their doctrine is

as pernicious as that of the Anabaptists, nay, is exactly on a level

with that of the Jews.[362]

The Catholics profess “unbelief in God,” and “put to death those

guileless Christians who refuse to countenance such idolatry”; they

are “not fit to be compared with oxen or asses,” seeing that they

exalt “their self-chosen works,” “far above God’s commandment. For

in addition to the idolatry and ungodly teaching whereby they daily

outrage and blaspheme God, they do not perform any works of charity

towards their neighbour, nay, would rather leave anyone to perish in

want than stretch out a hand to help him. Again, they are as careful

not to deviate by a hair’s breadth from their man-made ordinances,

rules and commands as were the Jews with regard to the Sabbath....

They make no scruple of cheating their neighbour of his money and

goods in order to fill their own belly.... Such perverse and crazy

saints, more foolish than ever ox or ass, are all those, Mohammedans,

Turks or whatever else they be called, who refuse to listen to or

receive Christ.”[363]

It was Luther that Dr. Jonas had heard, on one occasion at table,

express the opinion concerning the Papists: “Young fellows, take note

of this definition: A Papist is a liar and murderer, nay, the devil

himself. Hence they are not to be trusted, for they thirst for our

blood.”[364]

Luther himself assures us that “the blindness of the Papists and the

anger of God against the Papacy was terrible.” “Christians, redeemed

by the Blood of Christ, put away this blood and worshipped the crib,

surely an awful fall! If this had happened amongst the heathen it

would have been regarded as monstrous.”[365]

The Catholics, Luther taught, never pray, in fact, they do not know

how to pray but only how to blaspheme. We find other almost incredible

allegations born of his fancy and voiced in a sermon in 1524, of which

we have a transcript. “They taught the Our Father, but warned us not

to use it [by instructing us to get others to pray for us in our

stead]. It is true that for many years I shouted [’bawled,’ he says

elsewhere] in the monastery [in choir], but never did I pray. They

mock the Lord God with their prayers. Never did they approach God

with their hearts so as to pray for anything in faith.”[366]

Had it been possible for a man to be saved in Popery? He, Luther,

replies that this might have happened because “some laymen” may have

“held the crucifix in front of the dying man and said: Look up to

Jesus, Who died on the cross for you. By this means many a dying man

had turned to Christ in spite of having previously believed in the

false, miraculous signs [which the devil performs in Popery] and

acted as an idolator. Such, however, were lucky.”[367] He admits

incidentally that “many of our forefathers” had been saved in this

exceptional way, though only such as “had been led astray into error,

but had not clung to it.”[368] In any case it was a miracle. “Those

pious souls,” “many of whom had by God’s grace been wonderfully

preserved in the true faith in the midst of Popery,” had been

saved, so he fancies, in much the same way as “Abraham in Ur of the

Chaldeans, and Lot in Sodom.”[369]

Now, however, matters stood differently; thanks to his mission light

had dawned again, and the unbelief of the Catholics was therefore all

the more reprehensible. In the heat of his polemic Luther goes so far

as to accuse the Papists who oppose him of the sin against the Holy

Ghost. At any rate they were acting against their conscience, as he

had pointed out before. He also hints that theirs is that worst sin,

of which Christ declares (Matt. xii. 31), that it can be forgiven

neither in this world nor in the next. The greater part of a sermon

on this text which he preached at Wittenberg, in 1528 or 1529, deals

with this criminal blindness on the part of Catholics, this deliberate

turning away from the truth of the Holy Ghost to which Matthew refers.

Here, as elsewhere, Luther’s presupposition is: I teach “the bright

Evangel with which even they can find no fault”; I preach “nothing

but what is plain to all and so clearly grounded on Scripture that

they themselves are forced to admit it”; “what is so plainly proved

by the Holy Ghost” that it stands out as a “truth known to all.” He

proceeds: “When I was a learned Doctor I did not believe there was

such a thing on earth as the sin against the Holy Ghost, for I never

imagined or believed it was possible to find a heart that could be

so wicked.” But “now the Papal horde” has descended to this, for

they “blaspheme and lie against their conscience”; they “are unable

to refute our Evangel or to advance anything against it,” “yet they

knowingly oppose our teaching out of waywardness and hatred of the

truth, so that no admonition, counsel, prayer or chastisement is

of any avail.” “Thus openly to smite the Holy Ghost on the mouth,”

nay, “to spit in His Face,” is to emulate the treachery of Judas in

the depth of their “obstinate and venomous hearts”; for such it was

“forbidden to pray,” according to 1 John v. 16, because this would be

to “insult the spirit of grace and tread under foot the Son of God.”

The Papists richly deserve that the “Holy Ghost should forsake them,”

and that they should go “wantonly to their destruction according to

their desire.” In short, “It is better for people to be sunk in sin,

to be prostitutes and utter scamps, for at least they may yet come to

a knowledge of the truth; but these devil’s saints who go to Divine

worship full of good works, when they hear the Holy Ghost openly

testifying against them, strike Him on the mouth and say: it is all

heresy and devilry.”[370]

The tone of hatred and of blind prejudice in favour of his cause which

here finds utterance may be explained to some extent by his experience

during the sharp struggles of conscience through which he was then

going, and which formed the worst crisis of his inner states of terror.

(See vol. v., xxxii., 4.) Nor must the connection be overlooked between

his apparent confidence here and the attempt which he makes in one

passage of the sermon to justify theologically his radical subversion

of olden doctrine. The brief argument runs as follows: “From St. Paul

everyone can infer that it cannot be achieved by works, otherwise the

Blood of Christ is made of no account.” Hence the holiness-by-works of

the Catholics was an abomination.[371]

On another occasion Luther, speaking of the wilful blindness of the

Catholics, declared that “God’s untold wrath must sooner or later fall

upon such Epicurean pigs and donkeys”; the devil must be a spirit of

tremendous power to incite them “deliberately to withstand God.” They

say and admit: “‘That is, I know, the Word of God, but even though it

is the Word of God I shall not suffer it, listen to it, nor regard it,

but shall reprove it and call it heretical, and whoever is determined

to obey God in this matter ... him I will put to death or banish.’ I

could never have believed there was such a sin.”[372]

As such declarations of the wilful obstinacy of the Catholics are quite

commonly made by him, we are tempted to assume that such was really his

opinion; if so, we are here face to face with a remarkable instance of

what his self-deception was capable.

Even at the Wartburg, however, he was already on the road to such an

idea, for, while still there, he had declared that the Papists were

unworthy to receive the truth which he preached: “Had they been worthy

of the truth, they would long ago have been converted by my many

writings.” “If I teach them they only revile me; I implore and they

merely mock at me; I scold them and they grow angry; I pray for them

and they reject my prayer; I forgive them their trespass and they will

have none of my forgiveness; I am ready to sacrifice myself for them

and yet they only curse me. What more can I do than Christ?”[373]

It is true that according to him the Papists were ignorant to the last

degree, and such ignorance had indeed always prevailed under Popery.

“I myself have been a learned Doctor of theology and yet I never

understood the Ten Commandments aright. Nay, there have been many

celebrated Doctors who were not sure whether there were nine or ten or

eleven Commandments; much less did they know anything of the Gospel or

of Christ.”[374]

Still, this appalling ignorance on the part of the Papists did not

afford any excuse or ground for charitable treatment. Their malice,

particularly that of the Popes, is too great. “The Popes are a pot-boil

of the very worst men on earth. They boast of the name of Christ, St.

Peter and the Churches and yet are full of the worst devils in hell,

full, absolutely full, so full that they drivel, spew and vomit nothing

but devils.”[375]

A passage in the “Table-Talk” collected by Mathesius and recently

published, shows that Luther considered his frenzied anti-popery as the

most suitable method of combating Popish errors; “Philip [Melanchthon]

isn’t as yet angry enough with the Pope,” he said some time in the

winter of 1542-43; “he is moderate by nature and always acts with

moderation, which may possibly be of some use, as he himself hopes.

But _my_ storming (_impetus_) knocks the bottom out of the cask; _my_

way is to fall upon them with clubs ... for the devil can only be

vanquished by contempt. Enough has been written and said to the weak,

as for the hardened, nothing is of any avail ... I rush in with all my

might, but against the devil.”[376]

His attitude towards scholarly Catholics was very apparent in the

later episodes of his controversy with Erasmus.[377]

After having charged Popes and Cardinals with lack of faith, it can be

no matter for surprise that he should have represented Erasmus as an

utter infidel and a preacher of Epicureanism. The pretexts upon which

Luther based this charge had been triumphantly demolished by Erasmus,

and only Luther’s prejudice in favour of his own mission to save

Christendom from destruction could have led him to describe Erasmus as

a depraved fellow, who personified all the infidelity and corruption

of the Papacy.

“This man learned his infidelity in Rome,” Luther ventured to say of

him; hence his wish “to have his Epicureanism praised.” “He is the

worst foe of Christ that has arisen for the last thousand years.”[378]

In 1519, before Erasmus took the field against him, Luther had written

to him, praising him, and, in the hope of securing his co-operation,

had said: “You are our ornament and our hope.... Who is there into

whose mind Erasmus has not penetrated, who does not see in him a

teacher, or over whom he has not established his sway? You are

displeasing to many, but therein I discern the gifts of our Gracious

God.... With these my words, barbarous as they are, I would fain pay

homage to the excellence of your mind to which we, all of us, are

indebted.... Please look on me as a little brother in Christ, who is

wholly devoted to you and loves you dearly.”[379]

On another occasion Luther abuses his opponent as follows: “The only

foundation of all his teaching is his desire to gain the applause of

the world; he weights the scale with ignorance and malice.” “What is

the good of reproaching him with being on the same road as Epicurus,

Lucian and the sceptics? By doing so I merely succeeded in rousing the

viper, and in its fury against me it gave birth to the _Viperaspides_

[i.e. the “_Hyperaspistes_”]. In Italy and at Rome he sucked in the

milk of the Lamiæ and Megæræ and now no medicine is of any avail.”

Even in what Erasmus says concerning the Creed, we see the “_os et

organum Satanæ_.” He may be compared with the enemy in the Gospel,

who, while men slept, sowed cockel in the field. We can understand now

how Sacramentarians, Donatists, Arians, Anabaptists, Epicureans and

so forth have again made their appearance. He sowed his seed and then

disappeared. And yet he stands in high honour with Pope and Prince.

“Who would have believed that the hatred of Luther was so strong? A

poor man is made great simply through Luther.”[380]

This letter Erasmus described in the title of his printed reply as

“_Epistola non sobria Martini Lutheri_.” Others, he says, might well

explain it as a mental aberration, or as due to the influence of some

evil demon.[381]

Luther, quite undismayed, continued to deny that Erasmus was in any

sense a believer: “He regards the Christian religion and doctrine

as a comedy or tragedy”; he is “a perfect counterfeit and image of

Epicurus”; to this “incarnate scoundrel, God—the Father, Son and

Holy Ghost—is merely ludicrous.” “Whereas I did not take the trouble

to read most of the other screeds published against me, but merely

put them to the basest use that paper can be put—which indeed was

all they were worth—I read through the whole of the ‘_Diatribe_’

of Erasmus, though I was often tempted to throw it aside.” He, like

Democritus, the cynical heathen philosopher, looks on our whole

theology as nothing better than a fairy tale.[382]

Luther, vol. 3 of 6 · 第 3 / 13 章