HAREBELL (sometimes wrongly written HAIRBELL), known also as the
blue-bell of Scotland, and witches' thimbles, a well-known perennial
wild flower, _Campanula rotundifolia_, a member of the natural order
Campanulaceae. The harebell has a very slender slightly creeping
root-stock, and a wiry, erect stem. The radical leaves, that is, those
at the base of the stem, to which the specific name _rotundifolia_
refers, have long stalks, and are roundish or heart-shaped with crenate
or serrate margin; the lower stem leaves are ovate or lanceolate, and
the upper ones linear, subsessile, acute and entire, rarely pubescent.
The flowers are slightly drooping, arranged in a panicle, or in small
specimens single, having a smooth calyx, with narrow pointed erect
segments, the corolla bell-shaped, with slightly recurved segments, and
the capsule nodding, and opening by pores at the base. There are two
varieties:--(a) _genuina_, with slender stem leaves, and (b)
_montana_, in which the lower stem-leaves are broader and somewhat
elliptical in shape. The plant is found on heaths and pastures
throughout Great Britain and flowers in late summer and in autumn; it is
widely spread in the north temperate zone. The harebell has ever been a
great favourite with poets, and on account of its delicate blue colour
has been considered as an emblem of purity.
[Illustration: Harebell (_Campanula rotundifolia_).]
HAREM, less frequently HARAM or HARIM (Arab _harim_--commonly but
wrongly pronounced harem--"that which is illegal or prohibited"), the
name generally applied to that part of a house in Oriental countries
which is set apart for the women; it is also used collectively for the
women themselves. Strictly the women's quarters are the _haremlik_
(_lik_, belonging to), as opposed to _selamlik_ the men's quarters, from
which they are in large houses separated by the _mabein_, the private
apartments of the householder. The word _harem_ is strictly applicable
to Mahommedan households only, but the system is common in greater or
less degree to all Oriental communities, especially where polygamy is
permitted. Other names for the women's quarters are Seraglio (Ital.
_serraglio_, literally an enclosure, from Lat. _sera_, a bar; wrongly
narrowed down to the sense of harem through confusion with Turkish
_serai_ or _sarai_, palace or large building, cf. _caravanserai_);
Zenana (strictly _zanana_, from Persian _zan_, woman, allied with Gr.
[Greek: gyne]), used specifically of Hindu harems; Andarun (or
Anderoon), the Persian word for the "inner part" (_sc._ of a house). The
Indian harem system is also commonly known as _pardah_ or _purdah_,
literally the name of the thick curtains or blinds which are used
instead of doors to separate the women's quarters from the rest of the
house. A male doctor attending a zenana lady would put his hand between
the _purdah_ to feel her pulse.
The seclusion of women in the household is fundamental to the Oriental
conception of the sex relation, and its origin must, therefore, be
sought far earlier than the precepts of Islam as set forth in the Koran,
which merely regulate a practically universal Eastern custom.[1] It is
inferred from the remains of many ancient Oriental palaces (Babylonian,
Persian, &c.) that kings and wealthy nobles devoted a special part of
the palace to their womankind. Though in comparatively early times there
were not wanting men who regarded polygamy as wrong (e.g. the prophets
of Israel), nevertheless in the East generally there has never been any
real movement against the conception of woman as a chattel of her male
relatives. A man may have as many wives and concubines as he can
support, but each of these women must be his exclusive property. The
object of this insistence upon female chastity is partly the maintenance
of the purity of the family with special reference to property, and
partly to protect women from marauders, as was the case with the people
of India when the Mahommedans invaded the country and sought for women
to fill their harems. In Mahommedan countries theoretically a woman must
veil her face to all men except her father, her brother and her husband;
any violation of this rule is still regarded by strict Mahommedans as
the gravest possible offence, though among certain Moslem communities
(e.g. in parts of Albania) women of the poorer classes may appear in
public unveiled. If any other man make his way into a harem he may lose
his life; the attempted escape of a harem woman is a capital offence,
the husband having absolute power of life and death, to such an extent
that, especially in the less civilized parts of the Moslem world, no one
would think of questioning a man's right to mutilate or kill a
disobedient wife or concubine.
_Turkish Harems._--A good deal of misapprehension, due to ignorance
combined with strong prejudice against the whole system, exists in
regard to the system in Turkey. It is often assumed, for example, that
the sultan's seraglio is typical, though on a uniquely large scale, of
all Turkish households, and as a consequence that every Turk is a
polygamist. This is far from being the case, for though the Koran
permits four wives, and etiquette allows the sultan seven, the man of
average possessions is perforce content with one, and a small number of
female servants. It is, therefore, necessary to take the imperial
seraglio separately.
Though the sultan's household in modern times is by no means as numerous
as it used to be, it is said that the harem of Abdul Hamid contained
about 1000 women, all of whom were of slave origin. This body of women
form an elaborately organized community with a complete system of
officers, disciplinary and administrative, and strict distinctions of
status. The real ruler of this society is the sultan's mother, the
_Sultana Valide_, who exercises her authority through a female
superintendent, the _Kyahya Khatun_. She has also a large retinue of
subordinate officials (_Kalfas_) ranging downwards from the _Hasnadar
ousta_ ("Lady of the Treasury") to the "Mistress of the Sherbets" and
the "Chief Coffee Server." Each of these officials has under her a
number of pupil-slaves (_alaiks_), whom she trains to succeed her if
need be, and from whom the service is recruited. After the sultana
valide (who frequently enjoys considerable political power and is a
mistress of intrigue) ranks the mother of the heir-apparent; she is
called the _Bash Kadin Effendi_ ("Her excellency the Chief Lady"), and
also _hasseki_ or _kasseky_, and is distinguished from the other three
chief wives who only bear the title _Kadin Effendi_. Next come the
ladies who have borne the younger children of the sultan, the _Hanum
Effendis_, and after them the so-called Odalisks or Odalisques (a
perversion of _odalik_, from _odah_, chamber). These are subdivided,
according to the degree of favour in which they stand with the sultan or
padishah, into _Ikbals_ ("Favourites") and _Geuzdes_ (literally the
"Eyed" ones), those whom the sultan has favourably noticed in the course
of his visits to the apartments of his wives or his mother. All the
women are at the disposal of the sultan, though it is contrary to
etiquette for him actually to select recruits for his harem. The numbers
are kept up by his female relatives and state officials, the latter of
whom present girls annually on the evening before the 15th of Ramadan.
Every odalisk who has been promoted to the royal couch receives a
_daira_, consisting of an allowance of money, a suite of apartments, and
a retinue, in proportion to her status. It should be noted that, since
all the harem women are slaves, the sultans, with practically no
exceptions, have never entered into legal marriage contracts. Any slave,
in however menial a position, may be promoted to the position of a kadin
effendi. Hence all the slaves who have any pretension to beauty are
carefully trained, from the time they enter the harem, in deportment,
dancing, music and the arts of the toilette: they are instructed in the
Moslem religion and learn the daily prayers (_namaz_); a certain number
are specially trained in reading and writing for secretarial work.
Discipline is strict, and continued disobedience leads to corporal
punishment by the eunuchs. All the women of the harem are absolutely
under the control of the sultana valide (who alone of the harem of her
dead husband is not sent away to an older palace when her son succeeds),
and owe her the most profound respect, even to the point of having to
obtain permission to leave their own apartments. Her financial
secretary, the _Haznadar Ousta_, succeeds to her power if she dies. The
sultan's foster-mother also is a person of importance, and is known as
the _Taia Kadin_.
The security of the harem is in the hands of a body of eunuchs both
black and white. The white eunuchs have charge of the outer gates of the
seraglio, but they are not allowed to approach the women's apartments,
and obtain no posts of distinction. Their chief, however, the _kapu
aghasi_ ("master of the gates") has part control over the ecclesiastical
possessions, and even the vizier cannot enter the royal apartments
without his permission. The black eunuchs have the right of entering the
gardens and chambers of the harem. Their chief, usually called the
_kislar aghasi_ ("master of the maidens"), though his true title is
_darus skadet aga_ ("chief of the abode of felicity"), is an official of
high importance. His appointment is for life. If he is deprived of his
post he receives his freedom; and if he resigns of his own accord he is
generally sent to Egypt with a pension of 100 francs a day. His
secretary keeps count of the revenues of the mosques built by the
sultans. He is usually succeeded by the second eunuch, who bears the
title of treasurer, and has charge of the jewels, &c., of the women. The
number of eunuchs is always a large one. The sultana valide and the
sultana hasseki have each fifty at their service, and others are
assigned to the kadins and the favourite odalisks.
The ordinary middle-class household is naturally on a very different
scale. The _selamlik_ is on the ground floor with a separate entrance,
and there the master of the house receives his male guests; the rest of
the ground floor is occupied by the kitchen and perhaps the stables. The
_haremlik_ is generally (in towns at least) on the upper floor fronting
on and slightly overhanging the street; it has a separate entrance,
courtyard and garden. The windows are guarded by lattices pierced with
circular holes through which the women may watch without being seen.
Communication with the _haremlik_ is effected by a locked door, of which
the Effendi keeps the key and also by a sort of revolving cupboard
(_dutap_) for the conveyance of meals. The furniture, of the
old-fashioned harems at least, is confined to divans, rugs, carpets and
mirrors. For heating purposes the old brass tray of charcoal and wood
ash is giving way to American stoves, and there is a tendency to import
French furniture and decoration without regard to their suitability.
The presence of a second wife is the exception, and is generally
attributable to the absence of children by the first wife. The expense
of marrying a free woman leads many Turks to prefer a slave woman who is
much more likely to be an amenable partner. If a slave woman bears a
child she is often set free and then the marriage ceremony is gone
through.
The harem system is, of course, wholly inconsistent with any high ideal
of womanhood. Certain misapprehensions, however, should be noticed. The
depravity of the system and the vapid idleness of harem life are much
exaggerated by observers whose sympathies are wholly against the system.
In point of fact much depends on the individuals. In many households
there exists a very high degree of mutual consideration and the standard
of conduct is by no means degraded. Though a woman may not be seen in
the streets without the _yashmak_ which covers her face except for her
eyes, and does not leave her house except by her husband's permission,
none the less in ordinary households the harem ladies frequently drive
into the country and visit the shops and public baths. Their seclusion
has very considerable compensations, and legally they stand on a far
better basis in relation to their husbands than do the women of
monogamous Christian communities. From the moment when a woman, free or
slave, enters into any kind of wifely relation with a man, she has a
legally enforceable right against him both for her own and for her
children's maintenance. She has absolute control over her personal
property whether in money, slaves or goods; and, if divorce is far
easier in Islam than in Christendom, still the marriage settlement must
be of such amount as will provide suitable maintenance in that event.
On the other hand, of course, the system is open to the gravest abuse,
and in countries like Persia, Morocco and India, the life of Moslem
women and slaves is often far different from that of middle class women
of European Turkey, where law is strict and culture advanced. The early
age at which girls are secluded, the dulness of their surroundings, and
the low moral standard which the system produces react unfavourably not
only upon their moral and intellectual growth but also upon their
capacity for motherhood and their general physique. A harem woman is
soon passee, and the lot of a woman past her youth, if she is divorced
or a widow, is monotonous and empty. This is true especially of
child-widows.
Since the middle of the 19th century familiarity with European customs
and the direct influence of European administrators has brought about a
certain change in the attitude of Orientals to the harem system. This
movement is, however, only in its infancy, and the impression is still
strong that the time is not ripe for reform. The Oriental women are in
general so accustomed to their condition that few have any inclination
to change it, while men as a rule are emphatically opposed to any
alteration of the system. The Young Turkish party, the upper classes in
Egypt, as also the Babists in Persia, have to some extent progressed
beyond the orthodox conception of the status of women, but no radical
reform has been set on foot.
_In India_ various attempts have been made by societies, missionary and
other, as well as by private individuals, to improve the lot of the
zenana women. Zenana schools and hospitals have been founded, and a few
women have been trained as doctors and lawyers for the special purposes
of protecting the women against their own ignorance and inertia. Thus in
1905 a Parsee Christian lady, Cornelia Sorabjee, was appointed by the
Bengal government as legal adviser to the court of wards, so that she
might give advice to the widowed mothers of minors within the harem
walls. Similarly trained medical women are introduced into zenanas and
harems by the Lady Dufferin Association for medical aid to Indian women.
Gradually native Christian churches are making provision for the
attendance of women at their services, though the sexes are rigorously
kept apart. In India, as in Turkey, the introduction of Western dress
and education has begun to create new ideas and ambitions, and not a few
Eastern women have induced English women to enter the harems as
companions, nurses and governesses. But training and environment are
extremely powerful, and in some parts of the Mahommedan world, the
supply of Asiatic, European and even American girls is so steady, that
reform has touched only the fringe of the system.
Among the principal societies which have been formed to better the
condition of Indian and Chinese women in general with special reference
to the zenana system are the Church of England Zenana Missionary Society
and the Zenana Bible and Medical Mission. Much information as to the
medical, industrial and educational work done by these societies will be
found in their annual reports and other publications. Among these are J.
K. H. Denny's _Toward the Uprising_; Irene H. Barnes, _Behind the
Pardah_ (1897), an account of the former society's work; the general
condition of Indian women is described in Mrs Marcus B. Fuller's _Wrongs
of Indian Womanhood_ (1900), and Maud Dover's _The Englishwoman in
India_ (1909); see also article MISSIONS.
AUTHORITIES.--The literature of the subject is very large, though a
great deal of it is naturally based on insufficient evidence, and
coloured by Western prepossessions. Among useful works are A. van
Sommer and Zwerner, _Our Moslem Sisters_ (1907), a collection of
essays by authors acquainted with various parts of the Mahommedan
world and strongly opposed to the whole harem system; Mrs W. M.
Ramsay, _Everyday Life in Turkey_ (1897), cc. iv. and v., containing
an account of a day in a harem near Afium-Kara-Hissar; cf. e.g. art.
"Harem" in Hughes, _Dictionary of Islam_; Mrs S. Harvey's _Turkish
Harems and Circassian Homes_ (1871); for Mahomet's regulations, see
R. Bosworth Smith's _Mohammed and Mohammedanism_ (1889); for Egypt,
Lane, _Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians_ (1837); and E.
Lott, _Harem Life in Egypt and Constantinople_ (1869); for the
sultan's household in the 18th century, Lady Wortley Montagu's
_Letters_, with which may be compared S. Lane-Poole, _Turkey_ (ed.
1909); G. Dorys, _La Femme turque_ (1902); especially Lucy M. J.
Garnett (with J. S. Stuart-Glennie), _The Women of Turkey_ (London,
1901), and _The Turkish People_ (London, 1909). For the attempts which
have been made to modify and improve the Indian zenana system, see
e.g. the reports of the Dufferin Association and other official
publications. Other information will be found in Hoffman's article in
Ersch and Gruber's _Encyclopadie_; Flandin in _Revue des deux mondes_
(1852) on the harem of the Persian prince Malik Kasim Mirza; the count
de Beauvoir, in _Voyage round the World_ (1870), on Javanese and
Siamese harems; Hantzsche in _Zeitschrift fur allgemeine Erdkunde_
(Berlin, 1864). (J. M. M.)