CHAPTER II.

THE HIGH PRIEST OF PESSIMISM.

Arthur Schopenhauer, the founder of the present school, was born toward

the close of the last century, in the now mildewed city of Dantzic. His

people came of good Dutch stock, and were both well-to-do and peculiar.

His grandmother lost her reason at the death of her husband, a

circumstance as unusual then as in more recent years; his two uncles

passed their melancholy lives on the frontiers of insanity, and his

father enjoyed a reputation for eccentricity which his end fully

justified.

This latter gentleman was a rich and energetic merchant, of educated

tastes and excitable disposition, who, when well advanced in middle

life, married the young and gifted daughter of one of the chief

magnates of the town. Their union was not more unhappy than is usually

the case under similar circumstances, his time being generally passed

with his ledger, and hers with the poets.

With increasing years, however, his untamable petulance grew to such an

extent that he was not at all times considered perfectly sane, and it

is related that on being visited one day by a lifelong acquaintance,

who announced himself as an old friend, he exclaimed, with abrupt

indignation, "Friend, indeed! there is no such thing; besides, people

come here every day and say they are this, that, and the other. I don't

know them, and I don't want to." A day or two later, he met the same

individual, greeted him with cheerful cordiality, and led him amiably

home to dinner. Shortly after, he threw himself from his warehouse to

the canal below.

He had always intended that his son, who was then in his sixteenth

year, should continue the business; and to prepare him properly for his

duties he had christened him Arthur, because he found that name was

pretty much the same in all European languages, and furthermore had

sent the lad at an early age first to France, and then to England, that

he might gain some acquaintance and familiarity with other tongues.

The boy liked his name, and took naturally to languages, but he felt no

desire to utilize these possessions in the depressing atmosphere of

commercial life, and after his father's death loitered first at the

benches of Gotha and then at those of Göttingen.

Meanwhile his mother established herself at Weimar, where she soon

attracted to her all that was brilliant in that brilliant city. Goethe,

Wieland, Fernow, Falk, Grimm, and the two Schlegels were her constant

guests. At court she was received as a welcome addition, and such an

effect had these surroundings upon her imagination, that in not very

many years she managed to produce twenty-four compact volumes of

criticism and romance.

During this time her son was not idle. Thoroughly familiar with ancient

as with modern literature, he devoted his first year at Göttingen to

medicine, mathematics and history; while in his second, which he passed

in company with Bunsen and William B. Astor, he studied physics,

physiology, psychology, ethnology and logic; as these diversions did

not quite fill the hour, he aided the flight of idle moments with a

guitar.

He was at this time a singularly good-looking young man, possessing a

grave and expressive type of beauty, which in after years developed

into that suggestion of majestic calm for which the head of Beethoven

is celebrated, while to his lips there then came a smile as

relentlessly implacable as that of Voltaire.

From boyhood he had been of a thoughtful disposition, finding wisdom in

the falling leaf, problems in vibrating light, and movement in

immobility. Already he had wrung his hands at the stars, and watched

the distant future rise with its flouting jeer at the ills of man. In

this, however, there was little of the cheap sentimentalism of Byron,

and less of the weariness of Lamartine. His griefs were purely

objective; life to him was a perplexing riddle, whose true meaning was

well worth a search; and as the only possible solution of the gigantic

enigma seemed to lie in some unexplored depth of metaphysics, he soon

after betook himself to Berlin, where Fichte then reigned as Kant's

legitimate successor. But the long-winded demonstrations that Fichte

affected, his tiresome verbiage, lit, if at all, only by some trivial

truism or trumpery paradox, bored Schopenhauer at first well-nigh to

death, and then worked on his nerves to such an extent that he longed,

pistol in hand, to catch at his throat, and cry, "Die like a dog you

shall; but for your pitiful soul's sake, tell me if in all this rubbish

you really mean anything, or take me simply for an imbecile like

yourself." For Schopenhauer, it should be understood, had passed his

nights first with Plato and then with Kant; they were to him like two

giants calling to one another across the centuries, and that this

huckster of phrases should pretend to cloak his nakedness with their

mantle seemed to him at once indecent and absurd.

Schelling pleased him no better; he dismissed him with a

word,--mountebank; but for Hegel, Caliban-Hegel as he was wont in after

years to call him, his contempt was so violent that, with a prudence

which is both amusing and characteristic, he took counsel from an

attorney as to the exact limit he might touch in abusing him without

becoming amenable to a suit for defamation. "Hegel's philosophy," he

said, "is a crystalized syllogism; it is an abracadabra, a puff of

bombast, and a wish-wash of phrases, which in its monstrous

construction compels the mind to form impossible contradictions, and

in itself is enough to cause an entire atrophy of the intellect." "It

is made up of three fourths nonsense and one fourth error; it contains

words, not thoughts;" and then, rising in his indignation to the

heights of quotation, he added, "'Such stuff as madmen tongue and brain

not.'" Time, it may be noted, has to a great extent indorsed

Schopenhauer's verdict. The tortures of Fichte, Schelling, and Hegel

linger now in the history of philosophy very much as might the memory

of a nightmare, and except in a few cobwebbed halls the teachings of

the three sophists may safely be considered as a part of the

inexplicable past.

It should not, however, be supposed that because he found the

philosophy of the moment so little to his taste he necessarily

squandered his time; on the contrary, he turned to Aristotle and

Spinoza for consolation, and therewith followed sundry lectures in

magnetism, electricity, ichthyology, amphiology, ornithology, zoölogy,

and astronomy, all of which he enlivened with rapid incursions to the

rich granaries of Rabelais and Montaigne, and moreover gave no little

time to the study of the religion and philosophy of India.

It was at this time characteristic of the man, that while his

appearance, wealth, and connections would have formed an open letter to

the best society in Berlin, which was then heterogeneously agreeable,

or even to the worst, which is said to have been charming, he preferred

to pass his leisure hours in scrutinizing the animals in the

Zoölogical Gardens, and in studying the inmates of the State Lunatic

Asylum.

In this _cità dolente_ his attention was particularly claimed by two

unfortunates who, while perfectly conscious of their infirmity, were

yet unable to master it; in proof of which, one wrote him a series of

sonnets, and the other sent him annotated passages from the Bible.

In the second year of his student life at Berlin the war of 1813 was

declared, and Schopenhauer was in consequence obliged to leave the city

before he had obtained his degree. He prepared, however, and forwarded

to the faculty at Jena an elaborate thesis, which he entitled the

Quadruple Root of Conclusive Reason,--a name which somewhat astounded

his mother, who asked him if it were something for the apothecary,--and

meanwhile prowled about Weimar meditating on the philosophy which he

had long intended to produce. He visited no one but Goethe, took

umbrage at his mother's probably harmless relations with Fernow,

treated her to discourse not dissimilar to that which Hamlet had

addressed to his own parent, received his degree from Jena, and then

went off to Dresden, where he began to study women with that

microscopic eye which he turned on all subjects that engaged his

attention.

The result of these studies was an essay on the metaphysics of love,

which he thereupon attached to his budding system of philosophy; an

axiom to the effect that women are rich in hair and poor in thought;

and the same misadventure that befell Descartes.

His life at Dresden was necessarily much less secluded than that to

which he had been hitherto accustomed; he became an _habitué_ at the

opera and comedy, a frequent guest in literary and social circles, and,

as student of men and things, he went about disturbing draperies and

disarranging screens, very much as any other philosopher might do who

was bent on seeing the world.

Meanwhile, he was not otherwise idle: the morning he gave to work, and

in the afternoon he surrendered himself to Nature, whom he loved with a

passionate devotion, which increased with his years. The companionship

of men was always more or less irksome to him; and while it was less so

perhaps at this time than at any other, it was nevertheless with a

sense of relief that he struck out across the inviting pasture-lands of

Saxony, or down the banks of the Elbe, and left humanity behind, in

search of that open-air solitude which is Nature's nearest friend.

In the companionship of others he was constantly seeking a trait or a

suggestion, some hint capable of development; when in the world,

therefore, he flashed a lantern, so to speak, at people, and then

passed them by; but in the open country he communed with himself, and

strolled along, note-book in hand, jotting down the thoughts worth

jotting very much after the manner that Emerson is said to have

recommended.

With regard to the majority of men, it will not seem reckless to say

that their end and aim is happiness and self-satisfaction; but however

trite the remark may be, it may still perhaps serve to bring into

relief something of Schopenhauer's distinctive purpose. It would, of

course, be foolish to assert that he did not care for his own

happiness, and disregarded his own satisfaction, for of these things

few men, it is imagined, have thought more highly. If his ideas of

happiness diverged widely from those generally received as standards,

it has but little to do with the matter in hand, for the point which is

intended to be conveyed is simply that above all other things, beyond

the culture of self, that which Schopenhauer cared for most was truth,

and that he pursued it, moreover, as pertinaciously as any other

thinker whom the world now honors. Whether he ran it to earth or not,

the reader must himself decide; indeed, it was very many years before

any one even heard that he had been chasing it at all. Of late,

however, some of the best pickets who guard the literary outposts from

Boston to Bombay have brought a very positive assurance that he did

catch it, and, moreover, held it fast long enough to wring out some

singularly valuable intimations.

In hurrying along after his quarry, Schopenhauer became convinced that

life was a lesson which most men learned trippingly enough, but whose

moral they failed to detect; and this moral, which he felt he had

caught on the wing, as it were, he set about dissecting with a great

and sumptuous variety of reflection.

Wandering, then, on the banks of the Elbe, massing his thoughts and

arranging their progression, his system slowly yet gradually expanded

before him. He wrote only in moments of inspiration, yet his hours were

full of such moments; little by little he drifted away from the opera

and his friends into a solitude which he made populous with thought,

and in this manner gave himself up so entirely to his philosophy that

one day, it is reported, he astonished an innocent-minded gate-keeper,

who asked him who he was, with the weird and pensive answer, "Ah! if I

but knew, myself!"

Meanwhile his work grew rapidly beneath his hands, and when after four

years of labor and research "Die Welt als Wille und Vorstellung" was so

far completed as to permit its publication, he read it over with

something of the same unfamiliarity which he would have experienced in

reading the work of another author, though, doubtless, with greater

satisfaction.

Fascinated with its merits, he offered the manuscript to Brockhaus, the

Leipsic publisher. "My book," he wrote, "is a new system of philosophy,

but when I say new I mean new in every sense of the word; it is not a

restatement of what has been already expressed, but it is in the

highest degree a continuous flow of thought such as has never before

entered the mind of mortal man. It is a book which, in my opinion, is

destined to rank with those which form the source and incentive to

hundreds of others."

Brockhaus, familiar with the proverbial modesty of young authors, lent

but an inattentive ear to these alluring statements, and accepted the

book solely on account of the reputation which Schopenhauer's mother

then enjoyed; a mark of confidence, by the way, which he soon deeply

regretted. "It is so much waste paper," he said, dismally, in after

years; "I wish I had never heard of it." He lived long enough, however,

to change his mind, and in 1880 his successors published a stout little

pamphlet containing the titles of over five hundred books and articles,

of which the "World as Will and Idea" formed the source and incentive.

"Le monde," Montaigne has quaintly noted, "regorge de commentaires,

mais d'auteurs il en est grand chierté."

Schopenhauer's philosophy first appeared in 1818; but while it was

still in press, its author, like one who has sprung a mine and fears

the report, fled away to Italy, where he wandered about from Venice to

Naples bathing his senses in color and music. He associated at this

time very willingly with Englishmen, and especially with English

artists and men of letters. Germans and Americans he avoided, and as

for Jews, he not only detested them, but expressed an admiring approval

of Nebuchadnezzar, and only regretted that he had been so lenient with

them. "The Jews are God's chosen people, are they?" he would say,

"very good; tastes differ, they certainly are not mine." In this

dislike he made no exception, and scenting in after years some of the

_foetor judaicus_ on Heine and Meyerbeer, he refused them the

attention which others were only too glad to accord. Schopenhauer's

distaste, however, for everything that savored of the Israelite will be

perhaps more readily understood when it is remembered that the Jews, as

a race, are optimists, and their creed, therefore, to him, in his

consistency, was like the aggressive flag to the typical bull.

With the Germans he had another grievance. "The Germans," he said, "are

heavy by nature; it is a national characteristic, and one which is

noticeable not only in the way they carry themselves, but in their

language, their fiction, their conversation, their writings, their way

of thinking, and especially in their style and in their mania for

constructing long and involved sentences. In reading German," he

continued, "memory is obliged to retain mechanically, as in a lesson,

the words that are forced upon it, until after patient labor a period

is reached, the keynote is found, and the meaning disentangled. When

the Germans," he added, "get hold of a vague and unsuitable expression

which will completely obscure their meaning, they pat themselves on the

back; for their great aim is to leave an opening in every phrase,

through which they may seem to come back and say more than they

thought. In this trick they excel, and if they can manage to be

emphatic and affected at the same time, they are simply afloat in a sea

of joy. Foreigners hate all this, and revenge themselves in reading

German as little as possible.... Wherefore, in provision of my death, I

acknowledge that on account of its infinite stupidity I loathe the

German nation, and that I blush to belong thereto."

At various _tables-d'hôte_ Schopenhauer had encountered traveling

Yankees, and objected to them accordingly. "They are," he said, "the

_plebs_ of the world, partly, I suppose, on account of their republican

government, and partly because they descend from those who left Europe

for Europe's good. The climate, too," he added, reflectively, "may have

something to do with it." Nor did Frenchmen escape his satire. "Other

parts of the world have monkeys; Europe has Frenchmen, _ça balance_."

But with Englishmen he got on very well, and during his after life

always talked to himself in their tongue, wrote his memoranda in

English, and read the "Times" daily, advertisements and all.

Meanwhile Schopenhauer held his hand to his ear unavailingly. From

across the Alps there came to him no echo of any report, only a silence

which was ominous enough to have assured any other that the fusee had

not been properly applied. But to him it was different; he had, it is

true, expected a reverberation which would shake the sophistry of all

civilization, and when no tremor came he was mystified, but only for

the moment. He had been too much accustomed to seek his own dead in the

great morgue of literature not to know that any man, who is to belong

to posterity, is necessarily a stranger to his epoch. And that he was

to belong to posterity he had no possible doubt; indeed he had that

prescience of genius which foresees its own future, and he felt that

however tightly the bushel might be closed over the light, there were

still crevices through which it yet would shine, and from which at last

some conflagration must necessarily burst.

It was part of the man to analyze all things, and while it cannot be

said that the lack of attention with which his philosophy had been

received left him entirely unmoved, it would be incorrect to suppose

that he was then sitting on the pins and needles of impatience.

Deeply reflective, he was naturally aware that as everything which is

exquisite ripens slowly, so is the growth of fame proportioned to its

durability. And Schopenhauer meant to be famous, and this not so much

for fame's sake, as for the good which his fame would spread with it.

He could therefore well afford to wait. His work was not written

especially to his own epoch, save only in so far as his epoch was part

of humanity collectively considered. It did not, therefore, take him

long to understand that as his work was not tinted with any of the

local color and fugitive caprices of the moment, it was in consequence

unadapted to an immediate and fictitious vogue. Indeed, it may be added

that the history of art and literature is eloquent with the examples of

the masterpieces which, unrewarded by contemporary appreciation, have

passed into the welcome of another age; and of these examples few are

more striking than that of the absolute indifference with which

Schopenhauer's philosophy was first received.

It was presumably with reflections of this nature that Schopenhauer

shrugged his shoulders at the inattention under which he labored, and

wandered serenely among the treasuries and ghosts of departed Rome.

About this time an incident happened which, while not possessing any

very vivid interest, so affected his after life as to be at least

deserving of passing notice. Schopenhauer was then in his thirty-first

year. On coming of age, he had received his share of his father's

property, some of which he securely invested, but the greater part he

deposited at high interest with a well-known business house in Dantzic.

When leaving for Italy, he took from this firm notes payable on demand

for the amount which they held to his credit, and after he had cashed

one of their bills, learned that the firm was in difficulties. Shortly

after, they suspended payment, offering thirty per cent. to those of

their creditors who were willing to accept such an arrangement, and

nothing to those who refused.

All the creditors accepted save Schopenhauer, who, with the wile of a

diplomat, wrote that he was in no hurry for his money, but that perhaps

if he were made preferred creditor he might accept a better offer. His

debtors fell into the trap, and offered him first fifty, and then

seventy per cent. These offers he also refused. "If," he wrote, "you

offer me thirty per cent. when you are able to pay fifty, and fifty per

cent. when you are able to pay seventy, I have good reason to suspect

that you can pay the whole amount. In any event, my right is perennial.

I need not present my notes until I care to. Settle with your other

creditors, and then you will be in a better position to attend to me. A

wise man watches the burning phoenix with a certain pleasure, for he

well knows what that crafty bird does with its ashes. Keep my money,

and I will keep your drafts. When your affairs are straightened either

we will exchange, or you will be arrested for debt. I am, of course,

very sorry not to be able to oblige you, and I dare say you think me

very disagreeable, but that is only an illusion of yours, which is at

once dispelled when you remember that the money is my own, and that its

possession concerns my lifelong freedom and well-being. You will say,

perhaps, that if all your creditors thought as I do, it would be deuced

hard for me. But if all men thought as I do, not only would more be

thought, but there would probably be neither bankrupts nor swindlers.

Machiavelli says, Giacchè il volgo pensa altrimente,--although the

common herd think otherwise,--ma nel mondo non é se non volgo,--and

the world is made up of the common herd,--e gli pocchi ivi luogo

trovano,--yet the exceptions take their position,--dove gli molti stare

non possono,--where the crowd can find no foot-hold."

By the exercise of a little patience, and after a few more dagger

thrusts of this description, Schopenhauer recovered the entire amount

which was due him, together with the interest in full. But the danger

which he had so cleverly avoided gave him, so to speak, a retrospective

shock; the possibility of want had brushed too near for comfort's sake.

He was thoroughly frightened; and in shuddering at the cause of his

fright he experienced such a feeling of insecurity with regard to what

the future might yet hold that he determined to lose no time in seeking

a remunerative shelter. With this object he returned to Berlin, and as

_privat-docent_ began to lecture on the history of philosophy.

Hegel was then in the high tide of his glory. Scholars from far and

near came to listen to the man who had compared himself to Christ, and

said, "I am Truth, and teach truth." In the "Reisebilder," Heine says

that in the learned caravansary of Berlin the camels collected about

the fountain of Hegelian wisdom, kneeled down, received their burden of

precious waters, and then set out across the desert wastes of

Brandenburg.

At that time not to bend before Hegel was the blackest and most wanton

of sins. To disagree with him was heretical, and as few understood his

meaning clearly enough to attempt to controvert it, it will be readily

understood that in those days there was very little heresy in Berlin.

Among the few, however, Schopenhauer headed the list. "I write to be

understood," he said; and indeed no one who came in contact with him or

with his works had ever the least difficulty in seizing his meaning and

understanding his immense disgust for the "pachyderm hydrocephali,

pedantic eunuchs, apocaliptic retinue della bestia triumphante," as in

after years, with gorgeous emphasis, he was wont to designate Hegel and

his clique. The war that he waged against them was truly Homeric. He

denounced Hegel in a manner that would have made Swinburne blush; then

he attacked the professors of philosophy in general and the Hegelians

in particular, and finally the demagogues who believed in them, and who

had baptized themselves "Young Germany."

For the preparation of such writings as theirs he had a receipt, which

was homeopathic in its simplicity. "Dilute a minimum of thought in five

hundred pages of nauseous phraseology, and for the rest trust to the

German patience of the reader." He also suggested that for the wonder

and astonishment of posterity every public library should carefully

preserve in half calf the complete works of the great philosophaster

and his adorers; and, considering very correctly that philosophers

cannot be hatched like bachelors of arts, he further recommended that

the course in philosophy should be cut from the University programmes,

and the teaching in that branch be limited to logic. "You can't write

an Iliad," he said, "when your mother is a dolt, and your father is a

cotton nightcap."

There are few debts which are so faithfully acquitted as those of

contempt; and as Schopenhauer kicked down every screen, tore off every

mask, and jeered at every sham, it would be a great stretch of fancy to

imagine that he was a popular teacher. But this at least may be said:

he was courageous, and he was strong of purpose. In the end, he dragged

Germany from her lethargy, and rather than take any other part in

Hegelism than that of spectre at the feast, he condemned himself to an

almost lifelong obscurity. If, therefore, he seems at times too bitter

and too relentless, it should be remembered that this man, whom Germany

now honors as one of her greatest philosophers, fought single-handed

for thirty years, and routed the enemy at last by the mere force and

lash of his words.

But in the mean time, while Hegel was holding forth to crowded halls,

his rival, who, out of sheer bravado, had chosen the same hours,

lectured to an audience of about half a dozen persons, among whom a

dentist, a horse-jockey, and a captain on half pay were the more

noteworthy. Such listeners were hardly calculated to make him

frantically attached to the calling he had chosen, and accordingly at

the end of the first semester he left the empty benches to take care of

themselves.

Early in life Schopenhauer wrote in English, in his note-book,

"Matrimony--war and want!" and when the _privat-docent_ had been

decently buried, and the crape grown rusty, he began to consider this

little sentence with much attention. As will be seen later on, he

objected to women as a class on purely logical grounds,--they

interfered with his plan of delivering the world from suffering; but

against the individual he had no marked dislike, only a few pleasing

epigrams. During his Dresden sojourn, as in his journey to Italy, he

had knelt, in his quality of philosopher who was seeing the world, at

many and diverse shrines, and had in no sense wandered from them

sorrow-laureled; but all that had been very different from assuming

legal responsibilities, and whenever he thought with favor of the

_petits soins_ of which, as married man, he would be the object, the

phantom of a milliner's bill loomed in double columns before him.

Should he or should he not, he queried, fall into the trap which nature

has set for all men? The question of love did not enter into the matter

at all. He believed in love as most well-read people believe in William

Tell; that is, as something very inspiring, especially when treated by

Rossini, but otherwise as a myth. Nor did he need Montaigne's hint to

be assured that men marry for others and not for themselves. The

subject, therefore, was somewhat complex: on the one side stood the

attention and admiration which he craved, and on the other an eternal

farewell to that untrammeled freedom which is the thinker's natural

heath.

The die, however, had to be cast then or never. He was getting on in

life, and an opportunity had at that time presented itself, a

repetition of which seemed unlikely. After much reflection, and much

weighing of the pros and cons, he concluded that it is the married man

who supports the full burden of life, while the bachelor bears but

half, and it is to the latter class, he argued, that the courtesan of

the muses should belong. Thereupon, with a luxury of reminiscence and

quotation which was usual to him at all times, he strengthened his

resolution with mental foot-notes, to the effect that Descartes,

Leibnitz, Malebranche, and Kant were bachelors, the great poets

uniformly married and uniformly unhappy; and supported it all with

Bacon's statement that "he that hath wife and children has given

hostages to fortune, for they are impediments to great enterprises,

either of virtue or of mischief."

In 1831 the cholera appeared in Berlin, and Schopenhauer, who called

himself a choleraphobe by profession, fled before it in search of a

milder and healthier climate. Frankfort he chose for his hermitage, and

from that time up to the day of his death, which occurred in September,

1860, he continued to live there in great peace and tranquillity.

Schopenhauer should in no wise be represented as having passed his life

in building dungeons in Spain. Like every true scholar he was, in the

absence of his peers, able to live with great comfort with the dead. He

was something of a Mezzofanti; he spoke and read half a dozen languages

with perfect ease, and he could in consequence enter any library with

the certainty of finding friends and relations therein. For the

companionship of others he did not care a rap. He was never so lonely

as when associating with other people, and of all things that he

disliked the most, and a catalogue of his dislikes would fill a

chapter, the so-called entertainment headed the obnoxious list.

He had taken off, one by one, the different layers of the social nut,

and in nibbling at the kernel he found its insipidity so great that he

had small approval for those who made it part of their ordinary diet.

It should not, however, be supposed that this dislike for society and

the companionship of others sprang from any of that necessity for

solitude which is noticeable in certain cases of hypochondria; it was

simply due to the fact that he could not, in the general run of men,

find any one with whom he could associate on a footing of equality. If

Voltaire, Helvetius, Kant, or Cabanais, or, for that matter, any one

possessed of original thoughts, had dwelled in the neighborhood,

Schopenhauer, once in a while, would have delighted in supping with

them; but as agreeable symposiasts were infrequent, he was of necessity

thrown entirely on his own resources. His history, in brief, is that of

the malediction under which king and genius labor equally. Both are

condemned to solitude; and for solitude such as theirs there is neither

chart nor compass. Of course there are many other men who in modern

times have also led lives of great seclusion, but in this respect it

may confidently be stated that no thinker of recent years, Thoreau not

excepted, has ever lived in isolation more thorough and complete than

that which was enjoyed by this blithe misanthrope.

It is not as though he had betaken himself to an unfrequented waste, or

to the top of an inaccessible crag; such behavior would have savored of

an affectation of which he was incapable, and, moreover, would have

told its story of an inability to otherwise resist the charms of

society. Besides, Schopenhauer was no anchorite; he lived very

comfortably in the heart of a populous and pleasant city, and dined

daily at the best _table d'hôte_, but he lived and dined utterly alone.

He considered that, as a rule, a man is never in perfect harmony save

with himself, for, he argued, however tenderly a friend or mistress may

be beloved, there is at times some clash and discord. Perfect

tranquillity, he said, is found only in solitude, and to be permanent

only in absolute seclusion; and he insisted that the hermit, if

intellectually rich, enjoys the happiest condition which this life can

offer. The love of solitude, however, can hardly be said to exist in

any one as a natural instinct; on the contrary, it may be regarded as

an acquired taste, and one which must be developed in indirect

progression. Schopenhauer, who cultivated it to its most supreme

expression, admitted that at first he had many fierce struggles with

the natural instinct of sociability, and at times had strenuously

combated some such Mephistophelian suggestion as,--

"Hör' auf, mit deinem Gram zu spielen,

Der, wie ein Geier, dir am Leben frisst:

Die schlechteste Gesellschaft lässt dich fühlen

Dass du ein Mensch, mit Menschen bist."

But solitude, more or less rigid, is undoubtedly the lot of all

superior minds. They may grieve over it, as Schopenhauer says, but of

two evils they will choose it as the least. After that, it is

presumably but a question of getting acclimated. In old age the

inclination comes, he notes, almost of itself. At sixty it is well-nigh

instinctive; at that age everything is in its favor. The incentives

which are the most energetic in behalf of sociability then no longer

act. With advancing years there arises a capacity of sufficing to one's

self, which little by little absorbs the social instinct. Illusions

then have faded, and, ordinarily speaking, active life has ceased.

There is nothing more to be expected, there are no plans nor projects

to form, the generation to which old age really belongs has passed

away, and, surrounded by a new race, one is then objectively and

essentially alone.

Then, too, many things are clearly seen, which before were as veiled by

a mist. As the result of long experience very little is expected from

the majority of people, and the conclusion is generally reached that

not only men do not improve on acquaintance, but that mankind is made

up of very defective copies, with which it is best to have as little to

do as possible.

But beyond converting his life into a monodrama with reflections of

this description, Schopenhauer considered himself to be a missionary of

truth, and in consequence as little fitted for every-day companionship

as missionaries in China feel themselves called upon to fraternize with

the Chinese. It was the rule of his life to expect nothing, desire as

little as possible, and learn all he could, and as little was to be

expected and nothing was to be learned from the majority of the dull

ruffians who go to the making of the census, it is not to be wondered

that he trod the thoroughfares of thought alone and dismissed the

majority of men with a shrug.

"They are," he said, "just what they seem to be, and that is the worst

that can be said of them." Epigrams of this description were naturally

not apt to increase his popularity. But for that he cared very little.

He considered that no man can judge another save by the measure of his

own understanding. Of course, if this understanding is of a low degree,

the greatest intellectual gifts which another may possess convey to him

no meaning; they are as colors to the blind; and consequently, in a

great nature there will be noticed only those defects and weaknesses

which are inseparable from every character.

But to such a man as Schopenhauer,--one who considered five sixths of

the population to be knaves or blockheads, and who had thought out a

system for the remaining fraction,--to such a man as he, the question

of esteem, or the lack thereof, was of small consequence. He cared

nothing for the existence which he led in the minds of other people. To

his own self he was true, to the calling of his destiny constant, and

he felt that he could sit and snap his fingers at the world, knowing

that Time, who is at least a gentleman, would bring him his due

unasked.

Schopenhauer's character was made up of that combination of seeming

contradictions which is the peculiarity of all great men. He had the

audacity of childhood and the timidity of genius. He was suspicious of

every one, and ineffably kind-hearted. With stupidity in any form he

was blunt, even to violence, and yet his manner and courtesy were such

as is attributed to the gentlemen of the old school. If he was an

egotist, he was also charitable to excess; and who shall say that

charity is not the egotism of great natures? He was honesty itself, and

yet thought every one wished to cheat him. To mislead a possible thief

he labeled his valuables Arcana Medica, put his banknotes in

dictionaries, and his gold pieces in ink bottles. He slept on the

ground floor, that he might escape easily in case of fire. If he heard

a noise at night he snatched at a pistol, which he kept loaded at his

bedside. Indeed, he might have chosen for his motto, "Je ne crains rien

fors le dangier," and yet who is ever so foolish as a wise man? Kant's

biography is full of similar vagaries, and one has but to turn to the

history of any of the thinkers whose names are landmarks in literature,

to find that eccentricities no less striking have also been recorded of

them.

Voltaire said, "On aime la vie, mais le néant ne laisse pas d'avoir du

bon;" and Schopenhauer, not to be outdone, added more massively, that

if one could tap on the tombs and ask the dead if they cared to return,

they would shake their heads. His views of life, however, and of the

world in general, will be considered later on, and for the moment it is

but necessary to note that he regarded happiness as consisting solely

in the absence of pain, and laid down as one of the supreme rules for

the proper conduct of life that discontent should be banished as far as

possible into the outer darkness.

When, therefore, to this Emerson in black there came those moments of

restlessness and dissatisfaction which visit even the most philosophic,

he would argue with himself in a way which was almost pathetic, and

certainly naïve; it was not he that was moody and out of sorts, it was

some _privat-docent_ lecturing to empty halls, some one who was abused

by the Philistines, some defendant in a suit for damages, some one

whose fortune was engulfed perhaps beyond recovery, some lover

pleading to inattentive ears, some one attacked by one of the thousand

ills that flesh is heir to; yet this was not he; these things truly he

might have endured and suffered as one bears for a moment an ill-made

shoe, but now the foot no longer ached; indeed, he was none of all

this, he was the author of the "Welt als Wille und Vorstellung," and

what had the days to do with him!

But through all the intervening years the book had lain unnoticed on

the back shelves of the Leipsic publisher; and Schopenhauer, who had at

first been puzzled, but never disheartened, at the silence which had

settled about it, became convinced that through the influence of the

three sophists at Berlin, all mention of its merit had been suppressed

from the start.

"I am," he said, "the Iron Mask, the Caspar Hauser of philosophy," and

thereupon he pictured the Hegelians as looking admiringly at his

system, very much as the man in the fairy tale looked at the genie in

the bottle which, had he allowed it to come out, would carry him off.

Truth, however, which is long-lived, can always afford to wait; and

Schopenhauer, with something of the complacency of genius that is in

advance of its era, held his fingers on the public pulse and noted the

quickening which precedes a return to consciousness. Germany was waking

from her torpor. Already the influence of Hegel had begun to wane; his

school was split into factions, and his philosophy, which in solving

every problem had left the world nothing to do but to bore itself to

death, was slowly falling into disrepute. Moreover, the great class of

unattached scholars and independent thinkers, who cared as little for

University dogmas as they did for the threats of the Vatican, were

earnestly watching for some new teacher.

Schopenhauer was watching too; he knew that a change was coming, and

that he would come in with the change. He had but to wait. "My extreme

unction," he said, "will be my baptism; my death, a canonization."

Meanwhile old age had come upon him unawares, but with it the rich

fruition of lifelong study and reflection. The perfect tranquility in

which he passed his days had been utilized in strengthening and

expanding his work, and in 1843, in his fifty-sixth year, the second

and complementary volume of his philosophy was completed.

Twelve months later he wrote to Brockhaus, his publisher:--

"I may tell you in confidence that I am so well pleased with this

second volume, now that I see it in print, that I really think it will

be a great success.... If, now, in return for this great work, you are

willing to do me a very little favor, and one that is easily performed,

I will beg you each Easter to let me know how many copies have been

sold."

For two years he heard nothing, then in answer to a letter from him,

Brockhaus wrote:--

"In reply to your inquiry concerning the sale of your book, I can only

tell you that, to my sorrow, I have made a very poor business out of

it. Further particulars I cannot enter into."

"Many a rose," Schopenhauer murmured, as he refolded the note and

turned to other things.

In 1850, when, after six years' daily labor, he had completed his last

work, "Parerga und Paralipomena," his literary reputation was still so

insignificant that Brockhaus refused to publish it. Schopenhauer then

offered it, unavailingly, to half a dozen other publishers. No one

would have anything to do with it; the name which it bore would have

frightened a pirate, and the boldest in the guild was afraid to examine

its contents. "One thing is certain," said Schopenhauer, reflectively,

"I am unworthy of my contemporaries, or they of me." The "Parerga,"

however, in spite of the lack of allurement in its title, was not

destined to wither in manuscript. After much reconnoitring a publisher

was discovered in Berlin who, unwillingly, consented to produce it, and

thereupon two volumes of the most original and entertaining essays were

given to the public. For this work Schopenhauer received ten copies in

full payment.

Meanwhile a few adherents had rallied about him. Brockhaus, in an

attempt to make the best of a bad bargain, had marked the "Welt" down

to the lowest possible price, and a few copies had in consequence

fallen into intelligent hands. Among its readers there were some who

came to Frankfort to make the author's acquaintance; a proceeding

which pleased, yet alarmed Schopenhauer not a little.

One of them wrote to people with whom he was unacquainted, advising

them to read the work at once. "He is a fanatic," said Schopenhauer, in

complacent allusion to him, "a fanatic, that's what he is."

Dr. Gwinner, his subsequent biographer, whom he met about this time,

was his apostle, while Dr. Frauenstadt, another Boswell, whose

acquaintance he made at _table d'hôte_, he called his arch-evangelist,

and, not without pathos, repeated to him Byron's seductive lines,--

"In the desert a fountain is springing,

In the white waste there still is a tree,

And a bird in the solitude singing,

That speaks to my spirit of thee."

These gentlemen, together with a few others, made up a little band of

sturdy disciples, who went about wherever they could, speaking and

writing of the merits of Schopenhauer's philosophy. But the first note

of acclamation which, historically speaking, was destined to arouse the

thinking world, came, curiously enough, from England.

In 1853 the "Westminster Review" published a long and laudatory article

on Schopenhauer's philosophy; and this article Lindner, the editor of

the "Vossiche Zeitung," to whom Schopenhauer had given the title of

_doctor indefatigabilis_, reproduced in his own journal. In the

following year Dr. Frauenstadt published, in a well-written

pamphlet[3] which only needed a little more order and symmetry to be a

valuable handbook, a complete exposition of the doctrine; and the

applause thus stimulated reëchoed all over Germany. The "Welt als Wille

und Vorstellung," the "World as Will and Idea," which for so many years

had lain neglected, was dragged from its musty shelf like a Raphael

from a lumber-room; and the fame to which Schopenhauer had not made a

single step came to him as fame should, unsought and almost unbidden.

"My old age," he said, "is brighter now than most men's youth, for time

has brought its roses at last; but see," he added, touching his

silvered hair, "they are white."

From all sides now came evidences of the most cordial recognition. The

reviews and weeklies published anecdotes about him and extracts from

his works. Indeed, it was evident that the Iron Mask had escaped, and

that to Caspar Hauser light and air had at last been accorded.

Thinkers, scholars, and philosophers, of all creeds and colors, became

his attentive readers. Decorations were offered to him, which he

unostentatiously refused. The Berlin Academy, within whose walls Hegel

had reigned supreme, invited him to become one of its faculty. This

honor he also declined. "They have turned their back on me all my

life," he said, "and after my death they want my name to adorn their

catalogues." His philosophy was lectured upon at Breslau, and the

University of Leipsic offered it as a subject for a prize essay. All

this was very pleasant. Much to his indignation, however, for he was by

nature greatly disinclined to serve as pastime to an idle public, the

"Illustrirte Zeitung" published his likeness, and added insult to

injury by printing his name with two p's. Ah! how truly has it been

said that fame consists in seeing one's name spelt wrong in the

newspapers!

One of the most flattering manifestations of this sudden vogue was the

curiosity of the public, the number of enthusiasts that visited him,

and the eagerness with which artists sought to preserve his features

for posterity. To all this concert of praise it is difficult to say

that Schopenhauer lent a rebellious ear. The success of his philosophy

of disenchantment enchanted him. He accepted with the seriousness of

childhood the bouquets and sonnets which rained in upon him on his

subsequent birthdays, and in his letters to Frauenstadt alluded to his

ascending glory with innocent and amusing satisfaction:--

FRANKFORT, _September 23, 1854._

... A fortnight ago, a Dr. K., a teacher, came to see me; he

entered the room and looked so fixedly at me that I began to

be frightened, and then he cried out, "I must look at you, I

will look at you, I came to look at you." He was most

enthusiastic. My philosophy, he told me, restored him to

life. What next?...

_June 29, 1855._

... B. called to-day; he had been here for twenty-four hours

under an assumed name, and after many hesitations came in a

closed carriage to pay his respects.... On taking leave, he

kissed my hand. I screamed with fright....

_August 17, 1855._

... My portrait, painted by Lunteschütz, is finished and

sold. Wiesike saw it in time, and bought it while it was

still on the easel. But the unheard-of part of the whole

matter is that he told me, and Lunteschütz too, that he was

going to build a temple on purpose for it. That will be the

first chapel erected in my honor. Recitativo, "Ja, ja,

Sarastro herrschet hier."[4] What will be said of me, I

wonder, in the year 2100?...

_September, 1855._

... Received a number of visits. Baehr, the Dresden painter

and professor, came; he is a charming fellow, and pleased me

very much. He knows all my works, and is full of them. He

says, at Dresden every one is interested in them, especially

the women, who, it appears, read me with passionate delight.

Hornstein, a young composer, came also; he is a pupil of

Richard Wagner, who, it seems, is also one of my students.

Hornstein is still here, and pays me an exaggerated respect;

for instance, when I want my waiter, he rises from table to

summon him.... My portrait has been for a fortnight at the

exposition. There has been a great crowd to see it. Von

Launitz, the Frankfort Phidias, wants to take my bust....

_December 23, 1855._

... A gentleman has written to me from Zurich to say that in

the club to which he belongs my works are read with such

admiration that the members are crazy to get a picture of me

of any kind, nature, or description, and that the artist who

takes it has but to forward it C. O. D.... You see that my

fame is spreading like a conflagration, and not in

arithmetical ratio either, but in geometric, and even

cubic....

_March 28, 1856._

... R., too, kissed my hand,--a ceremony to which I cannot

accustom myself; yet it is one, I suppose, that forms part

of my imperial dignity....

_June 6, 1856._

... Becher sent his son and nephew here, and Baehr sent his

son also, and that only that these young people may in their

old age be able to boast that they had seen and spoken to

me....

_June 11, 1856._

... Professor Baehr, of Dresden, was here yesterday, and,

penetrated with the most praiseworthy enthusiasm, wished to

exchange his beautiful silver snuff-box for my forlorn old

leather one. I refused, however. He told me of a certain

Herr von Wilde, who was a perfect fanatic on the subject of

my philosophy, and who, at the age of eighty-five, died with

my name on his lips.

My Buddha, re-gilded, glittering on his pedestal, gives you

his benediction.

_August 14, 1856._

... Four pages and a half of Tallendier about me.[5] You

have seen it, I suppose. French chatter, personal details,

etc., but where the devil did he hear that I am "tout etonné

du bruit que font mes écrits dans le monde?" I am so little

astonished, that Emden told Nordwall, to the latter's

intense surprise, that I had predicted to him my future

celebrity fully twenty years ago....

Now, mediocrity may, of course, be praised, but, as Balzac has put it,

it is never discussed. And Schopenhauer, in the matter of discussion,

came in for his full share. He was praised and abused by turn. Like

every prominent figure, he made a good mark to fire at. Certain critics

said that he had stolen from Fichte and Schelling everything in his

philosophy that was worth reading, others abused him personally; and

one writer, a woman with whom he had refused to converse, and who had

probably expected to pay her hotel bill with the protocol of his

conversation, wrote a quantity of scurrilous articles about him. But

_censura perit, scriptum manet._ The criticisms are forgotten, while

his work still endures and, moreover, grows each year into surer and

stronger significance.

Among his visitors at the time was M. Foucher de Carsil, and the

portrait which that gentleman subsequently drew of him is so graphic

that it is impossible to resist the temptation of making the following

extract:[6]--

"When I first saw him, in 1859, at the Hôtel d'Angleterre, at

Frankfort, he was then an old man, with bright blue and

limpid eyes. His lips were thin and sarcastic, and about them

wandered a smile of shrewd intelligence. His high forehead

was tufted on either side with puffs of white hair that gave

to his physiognomy, luminous as it was with wit and malice, a

stamp of nobility and distinction. His garments, his lace

_jabot_, his white cravat, reminded me of that school of

gentlemen who lived toward the close of the reign of Louis

XV. His manners were those of a man accustomed to the best

society; habitually reserved and timid even to suspicion, he

rarely entered into conversation with any save his intimates

and an occasional sympathetic traveler. His gestures were

abrupt, and in conversation they became at once petulant and

suggestive. He avoided discussions and combats in words, but

he did so that he might the better enjoy the charm of

familiar conversation. When he did speak, his imagination

embroidered on the heavy canvas of the German tongue the

most subtle and delicate arabesques that the Latin, Greek,

French, English, or Italian languages were capable of

suggesting. Indeed, when he cared to talk, his conversation

possessed swing and precision, and joined thereto was a

wealth of citation, an exactitude of detail, and such

tireless flow of wit, as held the little circle of his

friends charmed and attentive until far into the night. His

words, clear-cut and cadenced, captivated his listener

wholly: they both pictured and analyzed, a tremulous

sensitiveness heightened their fervor, they were precise and

exact on every topic. A German, who had traveled extensively

in Abyssinia, was so astonished at the minute details which

he gave on the different species of crocodiles, and their

customs, that he thought that in him he recognized a former

companion.

"Happy are they who heard this last survivor of the

conversationalists of the eighteenth century! He was a

contemporary of Voltaire and of Diderot, of Helvetius and of

Chamfort; his brilliant thoughts on women, on the part that

mothers hold in the intellectual qualities of their children;

his theories, profoundly original, on the connection between

will and mind; his views on art and nature, on the life and

death of the species; his remarks on the dull and wearisome

style of those who write to say nothing, or who put on a mask

and think with the thoughts of others; his pungent

reflections on the subject of pseudonyms, and on the

establishment of a literary censure for those journals which

permitted neologisms, solecisms, and barbarisms; his

ingenious hypotheses on magnetic phenomena, dreams, and

somnambulism; his hatred of excess of every kind; his love of

order; and his horror of obscurantism, 'qui, s'il n'est pas

un péché contre le Saint Esprit en est un contre l'esprit

humain,' make for him a physiognomy entirely different from

any other of this century."

A few tags and tatters of these conversations have been preserved by

Dr. Frauenstadt,[7] and in them Schopenhauer is discovered sprawled at

ease, and expressing himself on a variety of topics with a

_disinvoltura_ and freedom of epithet which recalls the earlier

essayists. With them, as with him, periphrasis was avoided. Spades were

spades, not horticultural implements; and in one dialogue Frauenstadt

compliments his master in having, in breadth and reach of his polemic,

nothing in common with contemporary regard for ears polite. Citations

of this class, however, may well be omitted. A thinker in slippers, and

especially _in puris naturalibus_, is generally unattractive even to

those the least given to prudishness. But beyond certain instances of

this description, the scholar and man of the world is usually very

discernible. At times he is profound, at others vivacious; for

instance, he is asked what man would be if Nature, in making the last

step which leads to him, had started from the dog or the elephant; to

which he answers, in that case man would be an intelligent dog or an

intelligent elephant, instead of being an intelligent monkey. As may be

imagined, there was about Schopenhauer very little of the Sunday-school

theologian, and religion was in consequence seldom viewed by him from

an orthodox standpoint; when, therefore, Schleiermacher was quoted

before him to the effect that no man can be a philosopher who is not

religious, he observed very quietly, "No man who is religious can

become a philosopher,--metaphysics are useless to him, and no true

philosopher is religious; he is sometimes in danger, but he is not

fettered, he is free." Elsewhere he said, "Religion and philosophy are

like the two scales of a balance; the more one rises, the more does the

other descend."

In Schopenhauer's opinion, the greatest novels were "Tristram Shandy,"

"Wilhelm Meister," "Don Quixote," and the "Nouvelle Héloïse." To "Don

Quixote" he ascribed an allegorical meaning, but as an intellectual

romance he preferred "Wilhelm Meister" to all others. He believed in

clairvoyance, but not that man is a free agent; and it may be here

noted that, according to the most recent scientific opinion, man is a

free agent, _at most_, about once in twenty-four hours. "Everything

that happens, happens necessarily," he would say; and it was with this

maxim, of whose truth he had a variety of every-day examples, and with

the aid of the theory of the ideality of time, that he explained second

sight. "Everything is now that is to be," he said; "but with our

ordinary eyes we do not see it; the clairvoyant merely puts on the

spectacles of Time."

In the "Paränesen und Maximen," in which Schopenhauer chats quietly

with the reader and not with the disciple, many quaint and forcible

suggestions are to be found. For instance, among other things, he says,

"I accord my entire respect to any man who, when unoccupied, and

waiting for something, does not immediately begin to beat a tattoo with

his fingers, or toy with the object nearest his hand. It is probable

that such a man has thoughts of his own." His advice, too, on the

manner in which we should think and work is quite Emersonian in its

directness. It was, it may be added, the manner in which he thought and

worked, himself: "Have compartments for your thoughts and open but one

of them at a time; in this way each little pleasure you may have will

not be spoiled by some lumbering care; neither will one thought drive

out another, and an important matter will not swamp a lot of smaller

ones."

Such, vaguely outlined, was this great and interesting figure. With the

appearance of the "Parerga" his work was done. He lived ten years

longer in great seclusion, receiving only infrequent visits. "There,

where two or three are gathered together," he would say, and suggested

that his friends and believers should meet and consult without him.

Such literary labor as he then performed consisted mainly in

strengthening that which he had already written, and in making notes

and suggestions for future editions. At the age of seventy-two he died,

very peacefully though suddenly, leaving all his fortune to charitable

purposes.

In these pages no attempt has been made to enter into the details of

biography, for that pleasant task has been already well performed by

other and better equipped pens. The present writer has therefore only

sought to present such a view of Schopenhauer as might aid the general

reader to a clearer understanding of the doctrine which he was the

first to present, and which will be briefly considered in the next

chapter.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 3: _Briefe über die Schopenhauer'sche Philosophie._]

[Footnote 4: "Yes, yes, Sarastro reigns herein."--Air from the _Magic

Flute_.]

[Footnote 5: An article in the _Revue des Deux Mondes_.]

[Footnote 6: _Hegel et Schopenhauer._ Paris: Hachette et Cie.]

[Footnote 7: _Arthur Schopenhauer. Von ihm, Ueber ihn._ Berlin.]

The Philosophy of Disenchantment · 第 2 / 6 章