Vienna.
I have not said any thing of the Austrian army, having some suspicion
that I rather over-dosed you with military details from Berlin, where the
subject of my letters was continually before my eyes. But the Emperor
has very few of his troops in garrison at Vienna. They make a fine
appearance, and the army in general are more judiciously clothed, than
any other I have seen.
Instead of coats with long skirts, their uniform is a short jacket of
white cloth, with waistcoat and breeches of the same, and each soldier
has a surtout of coarse gray cloth, which he wears in cold or rainy
weather. This he rolls up in a very small bulk when the weather is good,
and it is little or no incumbrance on a march. They have short boots for
shoes; and, in place of hats, they wear caps of very stout leather, with
a brass front, which usually stands up, but which may be let down upon
occasion, to prevent their eyes from being incommoded by the sun.
Except a very few Hungarians who do duty within the palace, there are
no troops in the Austrian service with increased pay, and exclusive
privileges, under the denomination of body-guards; the marching regiments
on the ordinary establishment, form the garrison of Vienna, and perform
the duty of guards by rotation.
The insolence of the Prætorian bands at Rome, so often terrible to their
masters; the frequent insurrections of the Janissaries at Constantinople,
and the revolutions effected by the Russian guards, at Petersburgh,
sufficiently point out the danger of such an institution. These examples
may have influenced the Austrian government to renounce a system which
seems to render certain regiments less useful, and more dangerous, than
the rest of the army.
The Austrian army is calculated at considerably above two hundred
thousand; and, it is imagined, that there never was a greater number of
excellent officers in the service than at present; so that in case of a
war with Prussia, the two powers will be more equally matched than ever.
It would be unfortunate for this Court if it should break out at present,
for there are some commotions among the peasants in Bohemia, which
occasion a general disquiet, and by which some individuals have sustained
great losses. One nobleman of the first rank has had his house, and all
the furniture, burnt to the ground, together with some large out-houses
near his castle.
These excesses, according to some, proceed from mere wantonness, and
love of mischief, in the people. Others assert, that they are excited by
the tyranny of the lords, which has driven those poor men to despair.
Whichsoever of these accounts is true, it seems evident to me, that
it would be much better for the lords, as well as the peasants, that
the latter, instead of being bond-men, were in a state of freedom. At
present, they pay their rent by working a certain number of days in the
week for their masters, and maintain themselves and families by labouring
the other days on their own account. You will readily believe, that more
real business will be done in one day when they work for themselves, than
in two days labour for their lords. This occasions ill-humour and blows
on the part of the master, and hatred and revolt on that of the peasants.
If the estates in Bohemia were let to free-men at a reasonable rent,
freedom and property would excite a spirit of industry among these
indolent people. They would then work every day with cheerfulness and
good-will, and I am convinced the landlords revenues would increase
daily. In consequence of this, the peasants would, in all probability,
continue as much attached to the ground from choice, as they are at
present from necessity.—Do we not see families in Great Britain remain
for many generations on gentlemen’s estates, though the master has the
privilege of changing his tenant, and the tenant his master, at the end
of every lease?
In almost every country in Europe, except England, the inhabitants are
confined by some barrier or other, to the situation in which they are
born. The total want of education necessarily obliges the greater part to
gain their livelihood by bodily labour. National opinions prevent others
from ever rising above the level of their birth, however sublime their
genius, or however great their acquired knowledge. But in our island
the door of science, and consequently the road to ambition, is open to
almost every individual. Even in the most remote villages some degree of
education is bestowed on the poorest inhabitants.
This may be of little or no importance to ninety-nine in a hundred; and
if the small number who, by improving this pittance of knowledge, raise
themselves above the state in which they were born, very few arrive at
any degree of eminence; the reason of which is, that great genius is a
quality very sparingly dealt out to mankind. Though it must be allowed,
that much the greater part of the inhabitants of the same country and
climate are born with nearly the same natural abilities; and that the
degrees of education, and other opportunities of improvement, gradually
form all the difference which appears among them in after-life; yet I
cannot, with Helvetius, believe that genius is entirely the work of
education.
I am fully convinced, that Nature is continually producing some
individuals in every nation of a finer organization, with an infinitely
greater aptitude for science of every kind, and whose minds are capable
of a more sublime and extensive range of thought, than is attainable
by the common run of mankind with any possible degree of culture. This
natural superiority is what I call genius. Wherever a considerable share
of this is lodged, a little cultivation will be sufficient, but some is
absolutely requisite to make it appear.
When it does exist in the minds of peasants in Russia, Poland, and some
parts of Germany, it remains dormant from neglect, or is smothered by
oppression. But in Great Britain, the degree of education which is now
universal, small as it is, will be sufficient to rouse, animate, and
bring into action the fire of extraordinary genius, the seeds of which
impartial Nature is as apt to place in the infant breast of a peasant as
of a prince. The chance of great and distinguished men springing up in a
country, is therefore not to be calculated by the number of inhabitants,
but by the number whose minds receive that degree of cultivation
necessary to call forth their latent powers.
On the supposition, that one kingdom contains eight millions of
inhabitants, and another triple the number, many more men of original
genius, and great eminence in every art and science, may, from the
circumstances above mentioned, be expected to appear in the first than
in the second. In Great Britain, for example, almost all the natives
may be included in the calculation; but in the other countries which I
have mentioned, the peasantry, who form the most numerous class, must be
struck out.