against the views of Colonel Hamilton, I beg leave to add some notice of
his late charges against me in Fenno's Gazette; for neither the style,
matter, nor venom of the pieces alluded to, can leave a doubt of their
author. Spelling my name and character at full length to the public,
while he conceals his own under the signature of "An American," he
charges me, 1st. With having written letters from Europe to my friends
to oppose the present Constitution, while depending. 2d. With a desire
of not paying the public debt. 3d. With setting up a paper to decry and
slander the government. 1st. The first charge is most false. No man in the
United States, I suppose, approved of every tittle in the Constitution:
no one, I believe, approved more of it than I did, and more of it was
certainly disapproved by my accuser than by me, and of its parts most
vitally republican. Of this the few letters I wrote on the subject (not
half a dozen I believe) will be a proof; and for my own satisfaction and
justification, I must tax you with the reading of them when I return to
where they are. You will there see that my objection to the Constitution
was, that it wanted a bill of rights securing freedom of religion,
freedom of the press, freedom from standing armies, trial by jury, and
a constant habeas corpus act. Colonel Hamilton's was, that it wanted a
king and house of lords. The sense of America has approved my objection
and added the bill of rights, not the king and lords. I also thought
a longer term of service, insusceptible of renewal, would have made a
President more independent. My country has thought otherwise, I have
acquiesced implicitly. He wishes the General Government should have power
to make laws binding the States in all cases whatsoever. Our country has
thought otherwise: has he acquiesced? Notwithstanding my wish for a bill
of rights, my letters strongly urged the adoption of the Constitution, by
nine States at least, to secure the good it contained. I at first thought
that the best method of securing the bill of rights would be for four
States to hold off till such a bill should be agreed to. But the moment
I saw Mr. Hancock's proposition to pass the Constitution as it stood,
and give perpetual instructions to the representatives of every State to
insist on a bill of rights, I acknowledged the superiority of his plan,
and advocated universal adoption. 2d. The second charge is equally untrue.
My whole correspondence while in France, and every word, letter and act
on the subject, since my return, prove that no man is more ardently intent
to see the public debt soon and sacredly paid off than I am. This exactly
marks the difference between Colonel Hamilton's views and mine, that I
would wish the debt paid to-morrow; he wishes it never to be paid, but
always to be a thing wherewith to corrupt and manage the Legislature.
3d. I have never enquired what number of sons, relatives and friends of
Senators, Representatives, printers or other useful partisans Colonel
Hamilton has provided for among the hundred clerks of his department, the
thousand excisemen, at his nod, and spread over the Union; nor could ever
have imagined that the man who has the shuffling of millions backwards
and forwards from paper into money and money into paper, from Europe to
America, and America to Europe, the dealing out of treasury secrets among
his friends in what time and measure he pleases, and who never slips an
occasion of making friends with his means, that such an one, I say, would
have brought forward a charge against me for having appointed the poet,
Freneau, translating clerk to my office, with a salary of 250 dollars a
year. That fact stands thus. While the government was at New York I was
applied to on behalf of Freneau to know if there was any place within my
department to which he could be appointed. I answered there were but four
clerkships, all of which I found full, and continued without any change.
When we removed to Philadelphia, Mr. Pintard, the translating clerk,
did not choose to remove with us. His office then became vacant. I was
again applied to there for Freneau, and had no hesitation to promise the
clerkship for him. I cannot recollect whether it was at the same time,
or afterwards, that I was told he had a thought of setting up a newspaper
there. But whether then, or afterwards, I considered it a circumstance of
some value, as it might enable me to do, what I had long wished to have
done, that is, to have the material parts of the Leyden Gazette brought
under your eye, and that of the public, in order to possess yourself and
them of a juster view of the affairs of Europe than could be obtained from
any other public source. This I had ineffectually attempted through the
press of Mr. Fenno, while in New York, selecting and translating passages
myself at first, then having it done by Mr. Pintard, the translating
clerk, but they found their way too slowly into Mr. Fenno's papers. Mr.
Bache essayed it for me in Philadelphia, but his being a daily paper,
did not circulate sufficiently in the other States. He even tried, at
my request, the plan of a weekly paper of recapitulation from his daily
paper, in hopes that that might go into the other States, but in this too
we failed. Freneau, as translating clerk, and the printer of a periodical
paper likely to circulate through the States (uniting in one person
the parts of Pintard and Fenno), revived my hopes that the thing could
at length be effected. On the establishment of his paper, therefore, I
furnished him with the Leyden Gazette, with an expression of my wish
that he could always translate and publish the material intelligence
they contained, and have continued to furnish them from time to time, as
regularly as I received them. But as to any other direction or indication
of my wish how his press should be conducted, what sort of intelligence
he should give, what essays encourage, I can protest, in the presence of
heaven, that I never did by myself, or any other, or indirectly, say a
syllable, nor attempt any kind of influence. I can further protest, in the
same awful presence, that I never did, by myself, or any other, directly
or indirectly, write, dictate or procure any one sentence or sentiment
to be inserted _in his, or any other gazette_, to which my name was not
affixed or that of my office. I surely need not except here a thing so
foreign to the present subject as a little paragraph about our Algerine
captives, which I put once into Fenno's paper. Freneau's proposition
to publish a paper, having been about the time that the writings of
Publicola, and the discourses on Davila, had a good deal excited the
public attention, I took for granted from Freneau's character, which
had been marked as that of a good whig, that he would give free place
to pieces written against the aristocratical and monarchical principles
these papers had inculcated. This having been in my mind, it is likely
enough I may have expressed it in conversation with others, though I do
not recollect that I did. To Freneau I think I could not, because I had
still seen him but once, and that was at a public table, at breakfast, at
Mrs. Elsworth's, as I passed through New York the last year. And I can
safely declare that my expectations looked only to the chastisement of
the aristocratical and monarchical writers, and not to any criticisms on
the proceedings of government. Colonel Hamilton can see no motive for any
appointment, but that of making a convenient partizan. But you, Sir, who
have received from me recommendations of a Rittenhouse, Barlow, Paine,
will believe that talents and science are sufficient motives with me
in appointments to which they are fitted; and that Freneau, as a man of
genius, might find a preference in my eye to be a translating clerk, and
make good title to the little aids I could give him as the editor of a
gazette, by procuring subscriptions to his paper, as I did some before it
appeared, and as I have with pleasure done for the labors of other men of
genius. I hold it to be one of the distinguishing excellences of elective
over hereditary successions, that the talents which nature has provided
in sufficient proportion, should be selected by the society for the
government of their affairs, rather than that this should be transmitted
through the loins of knaves and fools, passing from the debauches of the
table to those of the bed. Colonel Hamilton, alias "Plain Facts," says,
that Freneau's salary began before he resided in Philadelphia. I do not
know what quibble he may have in reserve on the word "residence." He may
mean to include under that idea the removal of his family; for I believe
he removed himself, before his family did, to Philadelphia. But no act of
mine gave commencement to his salary before he so far took up his abode
in Philadelphia, as to be sufficiently in readiness for the duties of
the office. As to the merits or demerits of his paper, they certainly
concern me not. He and Fenno are rivals for the public favor. The one
courts them by flattery, the other by censure, and I believe it will be
admitted that the one has been as servile, as the other severe. But is
not the dignity, and even decency of government committed, when one of its
principal ministers enlists himself as an anonymous writer or paragraphist
for either the one or the other of them? No government ought to be without
censors; and where the press is free, no one ever will. If virtuous, it
need not fear the fair operation of attack and defence. Nature has given
to man no other means of sifting out the truth, either in religion, law,
or politics. I think it as honorable to the government neither to know,
nor notice, its sycophants or censors, as it would be undignified and
criminal to pamper the former and persecute the latter. So much for the
past, a word now of the future.
When I came into this office, it was with a resolution to retire from it
as soon as I could with decency. It pretty early appeared to me that the
proper moment would be the first of those epochs at which the Constitution
seems to have contemplated a periodical change or renewal of the public
servants. In this I was confirmed by your resolution respecting the same
period; from which, however, I am happy in hoping you have departed. I
look to that period with the longing of a wave-worn mariner, who has
at length the land in view, and shall count the days and hours which
still lie between me and it. In the meanwhile, my main object will be
to wind up the business of my office, avoiding as much as possible all
new enterprise. With the affairs of the Legislature, as I never did
intermeddle, so I certainly shall not now begin. I am more desirous to
predispose everything for the repose to which I am withdrawing, than
expose it to be disturbed by newspaper contests. If these however cannot
be avoided altogether, yet a regard for your quiet will be a sufficient
motive for my deferring it till I become merely a private citizen, when
the propriety or impropriety of what I may say or do, may fall on myself
alone. I may then, too, avoid the charge of misapplying that time which
now, belonging to those who employ me, should be wholly devoted to their
service. If my own justification, or the interests of the republic shall
require it, I reserve to myself the right of then appealing to my country,
subscribing my name to whatever I write, and using with freedom and truth
the facts and names necessary to place the cause in its just form before
that tribunal. To a thorough disregard of the honors and emoluments of
office, I join as great a value for the esteem of my countrymen, and
conscious of having merited it by an integrity which cannot be reproached,
and by an enthusiastic devotion to their rights and liberty, I will not
suffer my retirement to be clouded by the slanders of a man whose history,
from the moment at which history can stoop to notice him, is a tissue
of machinations against the liberty of the country which has not only
received and given him bread, but heaped its honors on his head. Still,
however, I repeat the hope that it will not be necessary to make such an
appeal. Though little known to the people of America, I believe, that as
far as I am known, it is not as an enemy to the Republic, nor an intriguer
against it, nor a waster of its revenue, nor prostitutor of it to the
purposes of corruption, as the "American" represents me; and I confide
that yourself are satisfied that as to dissensions in the newspapers,
not a syllable of them has ever proceeded from me, and that no cabals or
intrigues of mine have produced those in the Legislature, and I hope I
may promise both to you and myself, that none will receive aliment from me
during the short space I have to remain in office, which will find ample
employment in closing the present business of the department.
Observing that letters written at Mount Vernon on the Monday, and arriving
at Richmond on the Wednesday, reach me on Saturday, I have now the honor
to mention that the 22d instant will be the last of our post days that I
shall be here, and consequently that no letter from you after the 17th,
will find me here. Soon after that I shall have the honor of receiving at
Mount Vernon your orders for Philadelphia, and of there also delivering
you the little matter which occurs to me as proper for the opening of
Congress, exclusive of what has been recommended in former speeches, and
not yet acted on. In the meantime and ever I am, with great and sincere
affection and respect, dear Sir your most obedient, and most humble
servant.
TO ARCHIBALD STUART, ESQ.
Monticello, September 9, 1792.
Dear Sir,--I wrote you a long letter from Philadelphia early in the
summer, which would not have been worth recurring to, but that I therein
asked the favor of you to sound Mr. Henry on the subject you had written
to me on, to wit, the amendment of our Constitution, and to find whether
he would not approve of the specific amendments therein mentioned, in
which case the business would be easy. If you have had any conversation
with him on the subject, I will thank you for the result. As I propose
to return from my present office at the close of the ensuing session of
Congress, and to fix myself once more at home, I begin to feel a more
immediate interest in having the Constitution of our country fixed, and
in such a form as will ensure a somewhat greater certainty to our laws,
liberty and property, the first and last of which are now pretty much
afloat, and the second not out of the reach of every enterprise. I set
out for Philadelphia about the 20th, and would therefore be happy to hear
from you before that. I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your
constant friend and servant.
TO MR. CLAY.
Monticello, September 11, 1792.
Dear Sir,--Your favor of August 8th, came duly to hand, and I should
with pleasure have done what you therein desired, as I ever should what
would serve or oblige you; but from a very early moment of my life I
determined never to intermeddle with elections of the people, and have
invariably adhered to this determination. In my own county, where there
have been so many elections in which my inclinations were enlisted, I yet
never interfered. I could the less do it in the present instance, your
people so very distant from me, utterly unknown to me, and to whom I am
also unknown; and above all, I a stranger, to presume to recommend one
who is well known to them. The people could not but put this question
to me, "who are you, pray?" In writing the letter to you on the former
occasion, I went further than I had ever before done, but that was
addressed to yourself to whom I had a right to write, and not to persons
either unknown to me, or very capable of judging for themselves. I have
so much reliance on your friendship and candor as not to doubt you will
approve of my sentiments on this occasion, and be satisfied they flow from
considerations respecting myself only, and not you to whom I am happy in
every occasion of testifying my esteem. I hope to see you in Bedford about
May next, and am with great attachment, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO EDWARD RANDOLPH, ESQ.
Monticello, September 17, 1792.
My Dear Sir,--The last post brought me your favor of the 26th of August;
but it brought me at the same time so much business to be answered by
return of post, and which did not admit of delay, that I was obliged
to postpone the acknowledgment of yours. I thank you sincerely for what
respects myself. Though I see the pen of the Secretary of the Treasury
plainly in the attack on me, yet, since he has not chosen to put his name
to it, I am not free to notice it as his. I have preserved through life
a resolution, set in a very early part of it, never to write in a public
paper without subscribing my name, and to engage openly an adversary
who does not let himself be seen, is staking all against nothing. The
indecency too, of newspaper squabbling between two public ministers,
besides my own sense of it, has drawn something like an injunction from
another quarter. Every fact alleged under the signature of "an American"
as to myself, is false, and can be proved so; and perhaps will be one
day. But for the present, lying and scribbling must be free to those mean
enough to deal in them, and in the dark. I should have been setting out
to Philadelphia within a day or two; but the addition of a grandson and
indisposition of my daughter, will probably detain me here a week longer.
My best respects to Mrs. Randolph, and am, with great and sincere esteem,
dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
Monticello, September 18, 1792--2 o'clock, P.M.
Dear Sir,--Your express is this moment arrived with the Proclamation
on the proceedings against the laws for raising a revenue on distilled
spirits, and I return it herein enclosed with my signature. I think
if, instead of the words "to render laws dictated by weighty reasons of
public exigency and policy as acceptable as possible," it stood "to render
the laws as acceptable as possible," it would be better. I see no other
particular expressions which need alteration. I am sincerely sorry to
learn that such proceedings have taken place; and I hope the Proclamation
will lead the persons concerned into a regular line of application which
may end either in an amendment of the law, if it needs it, or in their
conviction that it is right. Your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO C. C. PINCKNEY, ESQ.
Philadelphia, October 8, 1792.
Sir,--I found on my return here three days ago, your favor of April
6th, and am happy to learn from it that the Agricultural Society has
adopted the plan of employing a person at Marseilles to raise and send
olive trees to them annually. Their success in South Carolina cannot be
doubted, and their value is great. Olive grounds in France rent higher
by the acre than those of any other growth in the kingdom, which proves
they yield the greatest nett produce. Marseilles is the proper place
for your nurseryman to be fixed, because it is the neighborhood of the
best olives; and Mr. Cathalan the properest person to whom we can commit
the whole superintendence, because he is our consul, is concerned in
our commerce, eager to extend it, is a good man, a wealthy one, and has
offered his services repeatedly in this business. He was brought up in
a counting-house in London, is connected there, and therefore I think
that the most convenient place on which to enable him to draw for the
expenditures. This may be either by an annual letter of credit to him on
some house there for any sum not exceeding fifty guineas, or a standing
letter of credit for that annual sum till your further orders. I would
advise that he should never be suffered to be in advance for the society,
that there may be no motive for his being cool in the business. If you
think proper to write to Mr. Cathalan merely to open the correspondence
with him, enclosing him a letter of credit, and referring him to me for
the mode of conducting the enterprise, I will enclose it to him with
proper instructions as to the mode. My reason for this caution is that
from my knowledge of circumstances, and from what has already passed
between him and me, I can fix him at once as to a moderate scale of
expense which I know to be sufficient, and which he might transcend under
the idea that this is a public enterprise, supported by powerful and
wealthy gentlemen. A copy of my letter shall be sent to you, so that you
may make any alterations in the plan which may be agreeable to your ideas
of the business, in the course of your future correspondence with Mr.
Cathalan; and I shall at all future times be ready to do anything further
in my power to promote the object. I am happy that while I was in the
olive country I enquired for and procured the best book on the subject
of the olive tree, which I now deliver to Mr. Smith for the use of the
society. I suspect that the excrescence on your olive trees, described in
your letter, is what they call the leprosy, which prevails among these
plants I believe in every country. I have the honor to be, with great
respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. PINCKNEY.
Philadelphia, October 12, 1792.
Dear Sir,--Your favor of August the 7th came to hand on the 6th instant,
and gave me the first certain information of your safe arrival. Mr.
Otto being about to sail for London, furnishes me with an opportunity
of sending the newspapers for yourself and Mr. Barclay, and I avail
myself of it chiefly for this purpose, as my late return from Virginia
and the vacation of Congress furnishes little new and important for your
information. With respect to the Indian war, the summer has been chiefly
employed on our part in endeavoring to persuade them to peace, in an
abstinence from all offensive operations, in order to give those endeavors
a fairer chance, and in preparation for activity the ensuing season,
if they fail. I believe we may say these endeavors have all failed, or
probably will do so. The year has been rather a favorable one for our
agriculture. The crops of small grain were generally good. Early frosts
have a good deal shortened those of tobacco and Indian corn, yet not so
as to endanger distress. From the south my information is less certain,
but from that quarter you will be informed through other channels. I have
a pleasure in noting this circumstance to you, because the difference
between a plentiful and a scanty crop more than counterpoises the expenses
of any campaign. Five or six plentiful years successively, as we have had,
have most sensibly ameliorated the condition of our country, and uniform
laws of commerce, introduced by our new government, have enabled us to
draw the whole benefits of our agriculture.
I enclose you the copy of a letter from Messrs. Blow and Milhaddo,
merchants of Virginia, complaining of the taking away of their sailors on
the coast of Africa, by the commander of a British armed vessel. So many
instances of this kind have happened, that it is quite necessary that
their government should explain themselves on the subject, and be led to
disavow and punish such conduct. I leave to your discretion to endeavor
to obtain this satisfaction by such friendly discussions as may be most
likely to produce the desired effect, and secure to our commerce that
protection against British violence which it has never experienced from
any other nation. No law forbids the seamen of any country to engage in
time of peace on board a foreign vessel; no law authorizes such seamen
to break his contract, nor the armed vessels of his nation to interpose
force for his rescue. I shall be happy to hear soon that Mr. B. has gone
on the service on which he was ordered.
I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT.
Philadelphia, October 14, 1792.
Gentlemen,--Since my letters of March the 18th and April the 24th (which
have been retarded so unfortunately), another subject of conference and
convention with Spain has occurred. You know that the frontiers of her
provinces, as well as of our States, are inhabited by Indians holding
justly the right of occupation, and leaving to Spain and to us only
the claim of excluding other nations from among them, and of becoming
ourselves the purchasers of such portions of land, from time to time, as
they may choose to sell. We have thought, that the dictates of _interest_
as well as _humanity_, enjoined mutual endeavors with those Indians to
live in peace with both nations, and we have scrupulously observed that
conduct. Our agent with the Indians bordering on the territories of Spain,
has a standing instruction to use his best endeavors to prevent them from
committing acts of hostility against the Spanish settlements. But whatever
may have been the conduct or orders of the _government_ of Spain, that of
their officers in our neighborhood has been indisputably unfriendly and
hostile to us. The papers enclosed will demonstrate this to you. That the
Baron de Carondelet, their chief Governor at New Orleans, has excited the
Indians to war on us, that he has furnished them with abundance of arms
and ammunition, and promised them whatever more shall be necessary, I
have from the mouth of him who had it from his own mouth. In short, that
he is the sole source of a great and serious war now burst out upon us,
and from Indians who, we know, were in peaceable dispositions towards us
till prevailed on by him to commence the war, there remains scarcely room
to doubt. It has become necessary that we understand the real policy of
Spain in this point. You will therefore be pleased to extract from the
enclosed papers such facts as you think proper to be communicated to that
court, and enter into friendly but serious expostulations on the conduct
of their officers; for we have equal evidence against the commandants of
other posts in West Florida, though they being subordinate to Carondelet,
we name him as the source. If they disavow his conduct, we must naturally
look to their treatment of him as the sole evidence of their sincerity.
But we must look further. It is a general rule, that no nation has a
right to keep an agent within the limits of another, without the consent
of that other, and we are satisfied it would be best for both Spain
and us, to abstain from having agents or other persons in our employ or
pay among the savages inhabiting our respective territories, whether as
subjects or independent. You are, therefore, desired to propose and press
a stipulation to that effect. Should they absolutely decline it, it may be
proper to let them perceive that as the right of keeping agents exists on
both sides or on neither, it will rest with us to reciprocate their own
measures. We confidently hope that these proceedings are unauthorized by
the government of Spain, and in this hope, we continue in the dispositions
formerly expressed to you, of living on terms of the best friendship and
harmony with that country, of making their interests in our neighborhood
our own, and of giving them every proof of this, except the abandonment
of those essential rights which you are instructed to insist on.
I have the honor to be, with great and sincere esteem, Gentlemen, your
most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO G. MORRIS, ESQ.
Philadelphia, October 15, 1792.
Sir,--I have duly received your favor of July 10, No. 4, but no other
number preceding or subsequent. I fear, therefore, that some miscarriage
has taken place. The present goes to Bordeaux, under cover to Mr.
Fenwick, who, I hope, will be able to give it a safe conveyance to
you. I observe that you say in your letter, that "the marine department
is to treat with you for supplies to St. Domingo." I presume you mean
"supplies of _money_," and not that our government is to furnish supplies
of _provisions_, specifically, or employ others to do it; this being a
business into which they could not enter. The payment of money here, to
be employed by their own agents in purchasing the produce of our soil,
is a desirable thing. We are informed by the public papers, that the
late constitution of France, formally notified to us, is suspended, and
a new convention called. During the time of this suspension, and while no
legitimate government exists, we apprehend we cannot continue the payments
of our debt to France, because there is no person authorized to receive
it and to give us an unobjectionable acquittal. You are, therefore,
desired to consider the payment as suspended, until further orders. Should
circumstances oblige you to mention this (which it is better to avoid if
you can), do it with such solid reasons as will occur to yourself, and
accompany it with the most friendly declarations that the suspension does
not proceed from any wish in us to delay the payment, the contrary being
our wish, nor from any desire to embarrass or oppose the settlement of
their government in that way in which their nation shall desire it; but
from our anxiety to pay this debt justly and honorably, and to the persons
really authorized by the nation (to whom we owe it) to receive it for
their use. Nor shall this suspension be continued one moment after we can
see our way clear out of the difficulty into which their situation has
thrown us. That they may speedily obtain liberty, peace, and tranquillity,
is our sincere prayer.
The present summer is employed by us in endeavors to persuade the Indians
to peace, and to prepare for the ensuing campaign, if our endeavors for
peace should fail. That they will fail, we have reason to expect, and
consequently that the expenses of our armament are to continue for some
time. Another plentiful year added to the several others which we have
successively had, is some consolation under these expenses. Very early
frosts, indeed, have somewhat shortened the productions of the autumn.
I have the honor to be, with great respect and esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO M. DE TERNANT.
Philadelphia, October 16, 1792.
Sir,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 9th instant,
proposing a stipulation for the abolition of the practice of privateering
in times of war. The benevolence of this proposition is worthy of the
nation from which it comes, and our sentiments on it have been declared
in the treaty to which you are pleased to refer, as well as in some
others which have been proposed. There are in those treaties some other
principles which would probably meet the approbation of your government,
as flowing from the same desire to lessen the occasions and the calamities
of war. On all of these, as well as on those amendments to our treaty of
commerce which might better its conditions with both nations, and which
the National Assembly of France has likewise brought into view on a former
occasion, we are ready to enter into negotiation with you, only proposing
to take the whole into consideration at once. And while contemplating
provisions which look to the event of war, we are happy in feeling a
conviction that it is yet at a great distance from us, and in believing
that the sentiments of sincere friendship which we bear to the nation of
France are reciprocated on their part. Of these our dispositions, be so
good as to assure them on this and all other occasions; and to accept
yourself those sentiments of esteem and respect with which I have the
honor to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. VIAR AND JAUDENES, _Commissioners of Spain_.
Philadelphia, November 1, 1792.
Gentlemen,--I have now to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of October
the 29th, which I have duly laid before the President of the United
States; and in answer thereto, I cannot but observe that some parts of
its contents were truly unexpected. On what foundation it can be supposed
that we have menaced the Creek nation with destruction during the present
autumn, or at any other time, is entirely inconceivable. Our endeavors,
on the contrary, to keep them at peace, have been earnest, persevering
and notorious, and no expense has been spared which might attain that
object. With the same views to peace, we have suspended, now more than a
twelvemonth, the marking a boundary between them and us, which had been
fairly, freely and solemnly established with the chiefs whom they had
deputed to treat with us on that subject; we have suspended it, I say, in
the constant hope that taking time to consider it in the councils of their
nation, and recognizing the justice and reciprocity of its conditions,
they would at length freely concur in carrying it into execution. We agree
with you, that the interests which either of us have in the proceedings of
the other with this nation of Indians, is a proper subject of discussion
at the negotiations to be opened at Madrid, and shall accordingly give
the same in charge to our commissioners there. In the meantime, we shall
continue sincerely to cultivate the peace and prosperity of all the
parties, being constant in the opinion, that this conduct, reciprocally
observed, will most increase the happiness of all.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of great esteem and respect,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Philadelphia, November 2, 1792.
Sir,--The letter of October the 29th, from Messrs. Viar and Jaudenes,
not expressing the principle on which their government interests itself
between the United States and the Creeks, I thought it of importance to
have it ascertained. I therefore called on those gentlemen, and entered
into explanations with them. They assured me, in our conversation, that
supposing all question of boundary to be out of the case, they did not
imagine their government would think themselves authorized to take under
their protection, any nations of Indians living within limits confessed to
be ours; and they presumed that any interference of theirs, with respect
to the Creeks, could only arise out of the question of disputed territory,
now existing between us; that, on this account, some part of our treaty
with the Creeks had given dissatisfaction. They said, however, that they
were speaking from their own sentiments only, having no instructions
which would authorize them to declare those of their court; but that
they expected an answer to their letters covering mine of July the 9th,
(erroneously cited by them as of the 11th,) from which they would probably
know the sentiments of their court. They accorded entirely in the opinion,
that it would be better that the two nations should mutually endeavor
to preserve each the peace of the other, as well as their own, with the
neighboring tribes of Indians.
I shall avail myself of the opportunity by a vessel which is to sail
in a few days, of sending proper information and instructions to our
commissioners on the subject of the late, as well as of the future,
interferences of the Spanish officers to our prejudice with the Indians,
and for the establishment of common rules of conduct for the two nations.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. CARMICHAEL AND SHORT.
Philadelphia, November 3, 1792.
Gentlemen,--I wrote you on the 14th of last month; since which some other
incidents and documents have occurred, bearing relation to the subject of
that letter. I therefore now enclose you a duplicate of that letter.
Copy of a letter from the Governor of Georgia, with the deposition it
covered of a Mr. Hull, and an original passport, signed by Olivier,
wherein he styles himself commissary for his Catholic Majesty with the
Creeks.
Copy of a letter from Messrs. Viar and Jaudenes to myself, dated October
the 29th, with that of the extract of a letter of September the 24th, from
the Baron de Carondelet to them.
Copy of my answer of No. 1, to them, and copy of a letter from myself to
the President, stating a conversation with those gentlemen.
From those papers you will find that we have been constantly endeavoring,
by every possible means, to keep peace with the Creeks; that in order
to do this, we have even suspended and still suspend the running a fair
boundary between them and us, as agreed on by themselves, and having for
its object the precise definition of their and our lands, so as to prevent
encroachment on either side, and that we have constantly endeavored to
keep them at peace with the Spanish settlements also; that Spain on the
contrary, or at least the officers of her governments, since the arrival
of the Baron de Carondelet, have undertaken to keep an agent among the
Creeks, have excited them and the other southern Indians to commence a war
against us, have furnished them with arms and ammunition for the express
purpose of carrying on that war, and prevented the Creeks from running the
boundary which would have removed the cause of difference from between us.
Messrs. Viar and Jaudenes explain the ground of interference on the fact
of the Spanish claim to that territory, and on an article in our treaty
with the Creeks, putting themselves under our protection. But besides that
you already know the nullity of their pretended claim to the territory,
they had themselves set the example of endeavoring to strengthen that
claim by the treaty mentioned in the letter of the Baron de Carondelet,
and by the employment of an agent among them. The establishment of our
boundary, committed to you, will, of course, remove the grounds of all
future pretence to interfere with the Indians _within our territory_, and
it was to such only that the treaty of New York stipulated protection; for
we take for granted, that Spain will be ready to agree to the principle,
that neither party has a right to stipulate protection or interference
with the Indian nations inhabiting the territory of the other. But it is
extremely material also, with sincerity and good faith, to patronize the
peace of each other with the neighboring savages. We are quite disposed to
believe that the late wicked excitements to war, have proceeded from the
Baron de Carondelet himself, without any authority from his court. But if
so, have we not reason to expect the removal of such an officer from our
neighborhood, as an evidence of the disavowal of his proceedings? He has
produced against us a serious war. He says in his letter, indeed, that he
has suspended it. But this he has not done, nor possibly can he do it. The
Indians are more easily engaged in a war than withdrawn from it. They have
made the attack in force on our frontiers, whether with or without his
consent, and will oblige us to a severe punishment of their aggression.
We trust that you will be able to settle principles of a friendly concert
between us and Spain, with respect to the neighboring Indians; and if
not, that you will endeavor to apprize us of what we may expect, that
we may no longer be tied up by principles, which, in that case, would be
inconsistent with duty and self-preservation.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of perfect esteem and respect,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.
Philadelphia, November 3, 1792.
Sir,--In order to enable you to lay before Congress the account required
by law of the application of the moneys appropriated to foreign purposes
through the agency of the Department of State, I have now the honor
to transmit to you the two statements, Nos. 1 and 2, herein enclosed,
comprehending the period of two years preceding the 1st day of July last.
The first statement is of the sums paid from the Treasury under the
act allowing the annual fund of $40,000 for the purpose of foreign
intercourse, as also under the acts of March 3, 1791, c. 16, and May
1792, c. 41, 5, 3, allowing other sums for special purposes. By this
it will appear, that, except the sum of $500 paid to Colonel Humphreys
on his departure, the rest has all been received in bills of exchange,
which identical bills have been immediately remitted to Europe, either to
those to whom they were due for services, or to the bankers of the United
States in Amsterdam, to be paid out by them to persons performing services
abroad. This general view has been given in order to transfer the debt of
these sums from the Department of State to those to whom they have been
delivered.
But in order to give to Congress a view of the specific application
of these moneys, the particular accounts rendered by those who have
received them, have been analyzed, and the payments made to them have
been reduced under general heads, so as to show at one view the amount of
the sums which each has received for every distinct species of service or
disbursement, as well as their several totals. This is the statement No.
2, and it respects the annual fund of $40,000 only, the special funds of
the acts of 1791 and 1792, having been not yet so far administered as to
admit of any statement.
I had presented to the Auditor the statement No. 1, with the vouchers,
and also the special accounts rendered by the several persons who have
received these moneys, but, on consideration, he thought himself not
authorized, by any law, to proceed to their examination. I am, therefore,
to hope, Sir, that authority may be given to the Auditor, or some other
person, to examine the general account and vouchers of the Department of
State, as well as to raise special accounts against the persons into whose
hands the moneys pass, and to settle the same from time to time on behalf
of the public.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and
attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE IN ACCOUNT WITH THE U. S.
Dr.
-------------+----------------------------------------------+---------
1790 Aug. 14 | To a warrant from the Treasury |
| under the Act for foreign |
| intercourse (1790, July 1) | $ 500
Dec. 20 | To the Treasurer's Exchange on |
| Will. V. Staph. |
| & Hub. under do. x $ |
| 2475.0 = 1000. | |
| To do. 577-10 = 233.33| |
1791 Mar. 19 | To do. 99,000 =| 40,000
May 7 | To do. under Act of |
| March 3, 1791, c. 16 32,175 =| 13,000
1792 Jan. 27 | To do. under Act |
| for foreign |
| intercourse 95,947-10 = 38,766,67| |
| ---------------------| | 40,000
| 99,000 = 40,000 | |
June 30 | To do. under the Act of 1792, |
| May 8, c. 41, 5, 3 123,750| 50,000
| |---------
| | $143,500
======================================================================
Cr.
-------------+----------------------------------------------+---------
1790 Aug. 14 | By paid Col. Humphreys on his mission to |
| Madrid, (as by his receipt) |$ 500
Dec. 17 | By remittance to Mr. G. Morris, |
| (as by his letter, |
| Feb. 26, 91), |
| the bill per contra x |
| for 2475 = $1,000|
| By do. to J. B. Cutting, |
| (as by papers given |
| in to Congress,) the |
| bill per contra for 577-10 = $233-1/3|
1791 Mar. 19 | By do. to Will V. Staphorsts |
| & Hub., (as by |
| their account, June 10, 91), |
| the bill per contra for 99,000 =| 40,000
May 13 | By do. to do. subject to |
| Humphreys & Barclay, |
| (as by their receipt,) |
| the bill per contra for 32,175 =| 13,000
1792 Jan. 23 | By do. to do., (as by their |
| account, April 10, 92), |
| the bill per contra for 95,947 = 38,766-2/3|
| -------------------|
| 99,000 = 40,000 | 40,000
July 3 | By do. to do. subject to J. Pinckney for |
| purposes of Act May 8, 92, |
| the bill per contra for 123,750| 50,000
| |---------
| | $143,500
_Analyses of the Expenses of the United States for their intercourse
with Foreign Nations from July 1, 1790, to July 1, '91,
and from July 1, '91, to July 1, '92, taken from the accounts
of Messrs. Short, Humphreys, Morris, Pinckney, Willincks,
Van Staphorsts, Hubbard, given to the auditor._
------------------+-------+-------+----------+--------+---------+---------
| | | | | |
| | | | | |
1790, July 1 |Outfit.|Salary.|Secretary.|Postage.| (a) | Total.
--1791, July 1. | | | | | |Dollars.
| | | | | |
| | | | | |
Ordinary, +-------+-------+----------+--------+---------+---------
Mr. Short | |4500. | 281.74 | 72.4 | 248.96 | 5,103.10
Col. Humphreys | 4500. |1602.73| | | | 6,102.73
Mr. Carmichael | | | | | | 3,927.94
Mr. Dumas | | | | | | 1,505.44
+-------+-------+----------+--------+---------+---------
|16,639.21
Extraordinary, |
Mission to London 2000. |
" " Amsterdam on the subject of loans 986.18 |
" " Madrid 1195.89 |
Mr. Cutting special services to American seamen 233.33 | 4,415.40
------------+---------
Total |21,054.61
(a) Contingencies, viz., Gazettes, &c. to dept. of state, printing, poor
seamen, &c.
------------------+-------+-------+----------+--------+---------+---------
1791, July 1. |Outfit.|Salary.| |Postage.|Contin- | Total.
--1792, July 1. | | | | |gencies |Dollars.
Ordinary, +-------+-------+----------+--------+---------+---------
Mr. Short | 4500. | 4500. | | 68.82 | | 9,068.82
Col. Humphreys | | 4500. | | 171. | | 4,671.
Mr. Carmichael | | | | | | 4,512.20
Mr. Dumas | | | | | | 1,528.32
Mr. Morris | 9000. | 1500. | | | |10,500.
Mr. Pinckney | 9000. | 1800. | | | |10,800.
+-------+-------+----------+--------+---------+---------
|41,080.34
Extraordinary, |
Mission to Amsterdam on subject of loans 444.43 |
" " Madrid 320. |
Dyes for medals as presents to foreign ministers |
taking leave, and medals 1586.32 | 2,350.75
----------+---------
Total |43,431.09
Thomas Jefferson having had the honor at different times heretofore of
giving to the President _conjectural_ estimate of expenses of our foreign
establishment, has that of now laying before him, in page 1 of the
enclosed paper, a statement of the whole amount of the foreign fund from
the commencement to the expiration of the act, which will be on the 3d
March next, with the _actual_ expenses to the 1st of July last, and the
_conjectural_ ones from thence through the remaining eight months, and
the balance which will probably remain.
Page 2, shows the probable annual expense of our present establishment,
and its excess above the funds allowed, and in another column the
_reduced_ establishment necessary and most proper to bring it within the
limits of the funds supposing it should be continued.
November 5, 1792.
_Estimate of the funds of $40,000 for foreign intercourse and its
application._
1790, July 1, to 1791, July 1, a year's appropriation $40,000
1791, July 1, to 1792, July 1, a year's appropriation 40,000
1792, July 1, to 1793, March 3d, being 8 1-10 months 27,000
------- $107,000
1790, July 1, to 1791, July 1, actual expenses incurred 21,054,00
1791, July 1, to 1792, July 2, actual expenses incurred 43,431,09
1792, July 1, to 1793, March 3d, the probable }
expenses may be about } 26,300,00
Surplus unexpended will be about 16,214,91
------- $107,000
November 5, 1792.
_Estimate of the ordinary expense of the different diplomatic grades
annually._
A Minister Plenipotentiary.
Outfit 1-7 of $9,000. 1,285.71
Salary 9,000.
Secretary 1,350.
Extras 350.
Return 1-7 of $2,250 321.42
---------
$12,307.13
A Resident.
Outfit 1-7 of $4,500. 642.85
Salary 4,500.
Extras 350.
Returns 1-7 of $1,125 160.71
--------
$5,653.56
Agent.
Salary 1,300
Extras 350
--------
$1,650
Medals to foreign ministers, suppose 5 to be kept here and changed once
in 7 years, will be about $654.06 annually.
To Support the present establishment, would require
For Paris, Minister Plenipot'y $12,307.13
London 12,307.13
Madrid, Resident 5,653.56
Lisbon 5,653.56
Hague 5,653.56
Medals to foreign ministers 654.06
----------
$42,229.54
A reduction of the establishment to bring it within the limits of $40,000
For Paris, Minister Plenipot'y $12,307.13
London 12,307.13
Madrid, a Resident 5,653.56
Lisbon 5,653.56
Hague, an Agent 1,650.
Medals to ministers 654.06
Surplus 1,774.02
----------
$40,000.00
November 5, 1792.
Gentlemen of the Senate,--According to the directions of the law, I now
lay before you a statement of the administration of the funds appropriated
to certain foreign purposes, together with a letter from the Secretary of
State, explaining the same.
November 5, 1792.
TO THE MAYOR, MUNICIPAL OFFICERS AND PROCUREUR OF THE COMMUNITY OF
MARSEILLES.
Philadelphia, November 6, 1792.
Gentlemen,--Your letter of the 24th of August, is just now received by
the President of the United States, and I have it in charge from him to
communicate to you the particular satisfaction he feels at the expressions
of fraternity towards our nation therein contained, to assure you that
he desires sincerely the most speedy relief to France from her general
difficulties, and will be happy to be instrumental in removing the special
ones of the city of Marseilles in particular, by encouraging supplies of
wheat and flour to be sent thither. Our harvest having been plentiful, our
merchants would of course feel sufficient inducements, in the assurances
you give of a ready sale and good price, were it not for the apprehensions
of the Barbary cruisers. Certain arrangements for a Convoy, and the time,
place, and manner of getting under its protection, would remove these
apprehensions; but it may be doubtful whether these can be notified to
them in time to prepare their adventures. They shall certainly, however,
be informed of the wants of your city, and the inducements to go to
it, and on this, and all other occasions, I beg leave to recommend our
commerce to the patronage of your municipality, and to tender to you the
homage of those sentiments of respect and attachment, with which I have
the honor to be, Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
Philadelphia, November 6, 1792.
Dear Sir,--We have never known so long an interval during which there has
not been a single vessel going to Lisbon. Hence it is that I am so late in
acknowledging the receipt of your letters from No. 54 to 58 inclusive, and
that I am obliged to do it by the way of London, and consequently cannot
send you the newspapers as usual.
The summer has been chiefly past in endeavoring to bring the north-western
Indians to peace, and in preparing for a vigorous operation against them
the ensuing summer, if peace should not be made. As yet no symptoms of
it appear on their part. In the meantime there is danger of a war being
kindled up on our south-western frontiers by the Indians in that quarter,
excited, as we have reason to believe, by some Spanish officers. We trust
that it has not been with the authority of their government.
To counterbalance these evils, we have had the blessing of another
plentiful harvest of the principal grains. Tobacco and Indian corn have
suffered from the early frosts. We have very earnest demands for supplies
of grain from Marseilles; but the Algerine cruisers are an impediment.
Would it be practicable for you, without awaiting a general treaty, to
obtain permission for our _flour_ to be carried to Portugal? nothing
is more demonstrable than that this restriction is highly injurious to
Portugal as well as to us.
Congress assembled yesterday, the President will meet them to-day, and
I will enclose you a copy of his speech whereby you will see the chief
objects which will be under their consideration during the present
session. Your newspapers shall be sent by the very first vessel bound to
Lisbon directly. I am, with sentiments of great and sincere esteem, dear
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. November 7. After writing this letter, your No. 59 came to hand.
It seems then that, so far from giving new liberties to our corn trade,
Portugal contemplates the prohibition of it, by giving that trade
exclusively to Naples. What would she say should we give her wine-trade
exclusive to France and Spain. It is well known that far the greatest
portion of the wine we consume, is from Portugal and its dependancies,
and it must be foreseen that from the natural increase of population in
these States, the demand will become equal to the uttermost abilities
of Portugal to supply, even when her last foot of land shall be put into
culture. Can a wise statesman seriously think of risking such a prospect
as this? To me it seems incredible; and if the fact be so, I have no doubt
you will interpose your opposition with the minister, developing to him
all the consequences which such a measure would have on the happiness of
the two nations. He should reflect that nothing but habit has produced
in this country a preference of their wines over the superior wines
of France, and that if once that habit is interrupted by an absolute
prohibition it will never be recovered.
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, November 7, 1792.
Dear Sir,--My last to you was of the 15th of October; since which I have
received your Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7. Though mine went by a conveyance
directly to Bordeaux, and may therefore probably get safe to you, yet I
think it proper, lest it should miscarry, to repeat to you the following
paragraph from it.
* * * * *
I am perfectly sensible that your situation must, ere this reaches you,
have been delicate and difficult; and though the occasion is probably
over, and your part taken of necessity, so that instructions now would be
too late, yet I think it just to express our sentiments on the subject,
as a sanction of what you have probably done. Whenever the scene became
personally dangerous to you, it was proper you should leave it, as well
from personal as public motives. But what degree of danger should be
awaited, to what distance or place you should retire, are circumstances
which must rest with your own discretion, it being impossible to prescribe
them from hence. With what kind of government you may do business, is
another question. It accords with our principles to acknowledge any
government to be rightful, which is formed by the will of the nation
substantially declared. The late government was of this kind, and was
accordingly acknowledged by all the branches of ours. So, any alteration
of it which shall be made by the will of the nation substantially
declared, will doubtless be acknowledged in like manner. With such a
government _every kind_ of business may be done. But there are _some
matters_ which, I conceive, might be transacted with a government _de
facto_; such, for instance, as the reforming the unfriendly restrictions
on our commerce and navigation. Such cases you will readily distinguish
as they occur. With respect to this particular reformation of their
regulations, we cannot be too pressing for its attainment, as every day's
continuance gives it additional firmness, and endangers its taking root in
their habits and constitution; and, indeed, I think they should be told,
as soon as they are in a condition to act, that if they do not revoke
the late innovations, we must lay additional and equivalent burthens on
_French ships_, by name. Your conduct in the case of M. de Bonne Carrere,
is approved entirely. We think it of great consequence to the friendship
of the two nations, to have a minister here in whose dispositions we have
confidence. Congress assembled the day before yesterday. I enclose you a
paper containing the President's speech, whereby you will see the chief
objects of the present session. Your difficulties as to the settlements
of our accounts with France and as to the payment of the foreign officers,
will have been removed by the letter of the Secretary of the Treasury, of
which, for fear it should have miscarried, I now enclose you a duplicate.
Should a conveyance for the present letter offer to any port of France
directly, your newspapers will accompany it. Otherwise, I shall send it
through Mr. Pinckney, and retain the newspapers as usual, for a direct
conveyance.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.
Philadelphia, November 8, 1792.
Dear Sir,--You were not unapprised of the reluctance with which I came
into my present office, and I came into it with a determination to quit
it as soon as decency would permit. Nor was it long before I fixed on the
termination of our first federal cycle of four years as the proper moment.
That moment is now approaching, and is to me as land was to Columbus in
his first American voyage. The object of this private letter is to desire
that your future public letters may be addressed to the Secretary of State
by title and not by name, until you know who he will be, as otherwise your
letters arriving here after the 3d of March, would incur the expense,
delay, and risk of travelling six hundred miles by post after their
arrival here. I may perhaps take the liberty of sometimes troubling you
with a line from my retirement, and shall be ever happy to hear from you,
and to give you every proof of the sincere esteem and respect, with which
I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.
P. S. We yesterday received information of the conclusion of peace with
the Wabash and Illinois Indians. This forms a broad separation between
the northern and southern war-tribes.
TO T. M. RANDOLPH, JR.
Philadelphia, November 16, 1792.
Dear Sir,--Congress have not yet entered into any important business.
An attempt has been made to give further extent to the influence of the
Executive over the Legislature, by permitting the heads of departments
to attend the House and explain their measures _vivâ voce_. But it was
negatived by a majority of 35 to 11, which gives us some hope of the
increase of the republican vote. However, no trying question enables us
yet to judge, nor indeed is there reason to expect from this Congress many
instances of conversion, though some will probably have been effected by
the expression of the public sentiment in the late election. For, as far
as we have heard, the event has been generally in favor of republican,
and against the aristocratical candidates. In this State the election has
been triumphantly carried by the republicans; their antagonists having
got but 2 out of 11 members, and the vote of this State can generally
turn the balance. Freneau's paper is getting into Massachusetts, under
the patronage of Hancock; and Samuel Adams, and Mr. Ames, the colossus
of the monocrats and paper men, will either be left out or hard run. The
people of that State are republican; but hitherto they have heard nothing
but the hymns and lauds chanted by Fenno. My love to my dear Martha, and
am, dear Sir, yours affectionately.
TO M. DE TERNANT.
Philadelphia, November 20, 1792.
Sir,--Your letter on the subject of further supplies to the colony of St.
Domingo, has been duly received and considered. When the distresses of
that colony first broke forth, we thought we could not better evidence
our friendship to that and to the mother country also, than to step in to
its relief, on your application, without waiting a formal authorization
from the National Assembly. As the case was unforeseen, so it was
unprovided for on their part, and we did what we doubted not they would
have desired us to do, had there been time to make the application, and
what we presumed they would sanction as soon as known to them. We have
now been going on more than a twelve-month, in making advances for the
relief of the colony, without having, as yet, received any such sanction;
for the decree of four millions of livres in aid of the colony, besides
the circuitous and informal manner by which we became acquainted with it,
describes and applies to operations very different from those which have
actually taken place. The wants of the colony appear likely to continue,
and their reliance on our supplies to become habitual. We feel every
disposition to continue our efforts for administering to those wants;
but that cautious attention to forms which would have been unfriendly in
the first moment, becomes a duty to ourselves, when the business assumes
the appearance of long continuance, and respectful also to the National
Assembly itself, who have a right to prescribe the line of an interference
so materially interesting to the mother country and the colony.
By the estimate you were pleased to deliver me, we perceive that there
will be wanting, to carry the colony through the month of December,
between thirty and forty thousand dollars, in addition to the sums
before engaged to you. I am authorized to inform you, that the sum of
forty thousand dollars shall be paid to your orders at the treasury of
the United States, and to assure you, that we feel no abatement in our
dispositions to contribute these aids from time to time, as they shall
be wanting, for the necessary subsistence of the colony; but the want of
express approbation from the national Legislature, must ere long produce
a presumption that they contemplate perhaps other modes of relieving the
colony, and dictate to us the propriety of doing only what they shall
have regularly and previously sanctioned. Their decree before mentioned,
contemplates purchases made _in the United States only_. In this they
might probably have in view, as well to keep the business of providing
supplies under a single direction, as that these supplies should be bought
where they can be had cheapest, and where the same sum will consequently
effect the greatest measure of relief to the colony. It is our wish
as undoubtedly it must be yours, that the moneys we furnish be applied
strictly in the line they prescribe. We understand, however, that there
are in the hands of our citizens, some bills drawn by the administration
of the colony, for articles of subsistence _delivered there_. It seems
just, that such of them should be paid as were received before _bona fide_
notice that that mode of supply was not bottomed on the funds furnished
to you by the United States, and we recommend them to you accordingly.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect. Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. PINCKNEY.
Philadelphia, December 3, 1792.
Dear Sir,--
* * * * *
I do not write you a public letter by the packet because there is really
no subject for it. The elections for Congress have produced a decided
majority in favor of the republican interest. They complain, you know,
that the influence and patronage of the Executive is to become so great as
to govern the Legislature. They endeavored a few days ago to take away one
means of influence by condemning references to the heads of department.
They failed by a majority of five votes. They were more successful in
their endeavor to prevent the introduction of a new means of influence,
that of admitting the heads of department to deliberate occasionally in
the House in explanation of their measures. The proposition for their
admission was rejected by a pretty general vote. I think we may consider
the tide of this government as now at the fullest, and that it will, from
the commencement of the next session of Congress, retire and subside into
the true principles of the Constitution. An alarm has been endeavored to
be sounded as if the republican interest was indisposed to the payment
of the public debt. Besides the general object of the calumny, it was
meant to answer the special one of electioneering. Its falsehood was
so notorious that it produced little effect. They endeavored with as
little success to conjure up the ghost of anti-federalism, and to have
it believed that this and republicanism were the same, and that both were
Jacobinism. But those who felt themselves republicans and federalists too,
were little moved by this artifice; so that the result of the election
has been promising. The occasion of electing a Vice-President has been
seized as a proper one for expressing the public sense on the doctrines
of the monocrats. There will be a strong vote against Mr. Adams, but the
strength of his personal worth and his services will, I think, prevail
over the demerit of his political creed.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, my dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO DR. GILMER.
Philadelphia, December 15, 1792.
Dear Doctor,--I received only two days ago your favor of October 9, by Mr.
Everett. He is now under the small-pox. I am rejoiced with the account
he gives me of the invigoration of your system, and am anxious for your
persevering in any course of regimen which may long preserve you to us. We
have just received the glorious news of the Prussian army being obliged
to retreat, and hope it will be followed by some proper catastrophe on
them. This news has given wry faces to our monocrats here, but sincere
joy to the great body of the citizens. It arrived only in the afternoon
of yesterday, and the bells were rung and some illuminations took place in
the evening. A proposition has been made to Congress to begin sinking the
public debt by a tax on pleasure horses; that is to say, on all horses not
employed for the draught or farm. It is said there is not a horse of that
description eastward of New York. And as to call this a _direct tax_ would
oblige them to proportion it among the States according to the census,
they choose to class it among the _indirect taxes_. We have a glimmering
hope of peace from the northern Indians, but from those of the south there
is danger of war. Wheat is at a dollar and a fifth here. Do not sell yours
till the market begins to fall. You may lose a penny or two in the bushel
then, but might lose a shilling or two now. Present me affectionately to
Mrs. Gilmer. Yours, sincerely.
TO MR. MERCER.
Philadelphia, December 19, 1792.
Dear Sir,--I received yesterday your favor of the 13th. I had been
waiting two or three days in expectation of vessels said to be in the
river, and by which we hope more particular accounts of the late affairs
in France. It has turned out that there were no such vessels arriving as
had been pretended. However I think we may safely rely that the Duke of
Brunswick has retreated, and it is certainly possible enough that between
famine, disease, and a country abounding with defiles, he may suffer some
considerable catastrophe. The monocrats here still affect to disbelieve
all this, while the republicans are rejoicing and taking to themselves the
name of Jacobins, which two months ago was fixed on them by way of stigma.
The votes for Vice-President, as far as hitherto known, stands thus:
Adams. Clinton.
New Hampshire 6
Massachusetts 16
Rhode Island 4
Connecticut 7
New York 12
Pennsylvania 14 1
Delaware 3
Maryland 8
Virginia 21
Bankrupt bill is brought on with some very threatening features to landed
and farming men, who are in danger of being drawn into its vortex. It
assumes the right of seizing and selling lands, and so cuts the knotty
question of the Constitution whether the General Government may direct
the transmission of land by descent or otherwise. The post-office is not
within my department, but that of the treasury. I note duly what you say
of Mr. Skinner, but I don't believe any bill on weights and measures will
be passed. Adieu. Yours, affectionately.
TO MR. RUTHERFORD.
Philadelphia, December 25, 1792.
Sir,--I have considered, with all the attention which the shortness of
the time would permit, the two motions which you were pleased to put into
my hands yesterday afternoon, on the subject of weights and measures, now
under reference to a committee of the Senate, and will take the liberty
of making a few observations thereon.
The first, I presume, is intended as a basis for the adoption of that
alternative of the report on measures and weights, which proposed
retaining the present system, and fixing its several parts by a reference
to a rod vibrating seconds, under the circumstances therein explained;
and to fulfil its object, I think the resolutions there proposed should be
followed by this: "that the standard by which the said measures of length,
surface, and capacity shall be fixed, shall be an uniform cylindrical rod
of iron, of such length as in latitude forty-five degrees, in the level of
the ocean, and in a cellar or other place of uniform natural temperature,
shall perform its vibrations in small and equal arcs, in one second of
mean time; and that rain water be the substance, to some definite mass of
which, the said weights shall be referred." Without this, the committee
employed to prepare a bill on those resolutions, would be uninstructed
as to the principles by which the Senate mean to fix their measures of
length, and the substance by which they will fix their weights.
The second motion is a middle proposition between the first and the
last alternatives in the report. It agrees with the first in some of
the present measures and weights, and with the last, in compounding
and dividing them decimally. If this should be thought best, I take the
liberty of proposing the following alterations of these resolutions:
2d. For "metal" substitute "iron." The object is to have one determinate
standard. But the different metals having different degrees of
expansibility, there would be as many different standards as there
are metals, were that generic term to be used. A specific one seems
preferable, and "iron" the best, because the least variable by expansion.
3d. I should think it better to omit the chain of 66 feet, because it
introduces a series which is not decimal, viz., 1. 66. 80. and because
it is absolutely useless. As a measure of length, it is unknown to the
mass of our citizens; and if retained for the purpose of superficial
measure, the foot will supply its place, and fix the acre as in the fourth
resolution.
4th. For the same reason, I propose to omit the words "or shall be ten
chains in length and one in breadth."
5th. This resolution would stand better, if it omitted the words "shall
be one foot square, and one foot and twenty cents of a foot deep,
and," because the second description is perfect, and too plain to need
explanation. Or if the first expression be preferred, the second may be
omitted, as perfectly tautologous.
6th. I propose to leave out the words "shall be equal to the pound
avoirdupois now in use, and," for the reasons suggested in the second
resolution, to wit, that our object is, to have one determinate standard.
The pound avoirdupois now in use is an indefinite thing. The committee
of parliament reported variations among the standard weights of the
exchequer. Different persons weighing the cubic foot of water, have
made it, some more, and some less than one thousand ounces avoirdupois;
according as their weights had been tested by the lighter or heavier
standard weights of the exchequer. If the pound now in use be declared a
standard, as well as the weight of sixteen thousand cubic cents of a foot
in water, it may hereafter perhaps be insisted that these two definitions
are different, and that, being of equal authority, either may be used,
and so the standard pound be rendered as uncertain as at present.
7th. For the same reason, I propose to omit the words "equal to seven
grains troy." The true ratio between the avoirdupois and troy weights,
is a very contested one. The equation of seven thousand grains troy to
the pound avoirdupois, is only one of several opinions, and is indebted
perhaps to its integral form for its prevalence. The introduction either
of the troy or avoirdupois weight into the definition of our unit, will
throw that unit under the uncertainties now enveloping the troy and
avoirdupois weights.
When the House of Representatives were pleased to refer to me the subject
of weights and measures, I was uninformed as to the hypothesis on which I
was to take it up; to wit, whether on that, that our citizens would not
approve of any material change in the present system, or on the other,
that they were ripe for a complete reformation. I therefore proposed
plans for each alternative. In contemplating these, I had occasion to
examine well all the middle ground between the two, and among others
which presented themselves to my mind, was the plan of establishing one
of the known weights and measures as the unit in each class; to wit, in
the measures of lines, of surfaces, and of solids, and in weights, and
to compound and divide them decimally. In the measures of weights, I had
thought of the ounce as the best unit, because, calling it the thousandth
part of a cubic foot of water, it fell into the decimal series, formed a
happy link of connection with the system of measures on the one side, and
of coins on the other, by admitting an equality with the dollar, without
changing the value of that or its alloy materially. But on the whole, I
abandoned this middle proposition, on the supposition that if our fellow
citizens were ripe for advancing so great a length towards reformation,
as to retain only four known points of the very numerous series to which
they were habituated, to wit, the foot, the acre, the bushel, and the
ounce, abandoning all the multiples and subdivisions of them, or recurring
for their value to the tables which would be formed, they would probably
be ripe for taking the whole step, giving up these four points also, and
making the reformation complete; and the rather, as in the present series
and the one to be proposed, there would be so many points of very near
approximation, as aided in the same manner by tables, would not increase
their difficulties perhaps, indeed, would lessen them by the greater
simplicity of the links by which the several members of the system are
connected together. Perhaps, however, I was wrong in this supposition. The
representatives of the people in Congress are alone competent to judge
of the general disposition of the people, and to what precise point of
reformation they are ready to go. On this, therefore, I do not presume to
give an opinion, nor to pronounce between the comparative expediency of
the three propositions; but shall be ready to give whatever aid I can to
any of them which shall be adopted by the Legislature.
I have the honor to be, with perfect respect, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO MR. PINCKNEY.
Philadelphia, December 30, 1792.
Dear Sir,--My last letters to you have been of the 13th and 20th of
November, since which I have received yours of September 19. We are
anxious to hear that the person substituted in the place of the one
deceased is gone on that business. You do not mention your prospect of
finding for the mint the officers we were desirous of procuring. On this
subject, I will add to what was before mentioned to you, that if you can
get artists _really eminent_, and on the _salaries fixed by the law_, we
shall be glad of them; but that experience of the persons we have found
here, would induce us to be contented with them rather than to take those
who are _not eminent_, or who would expect _more than the legal salaries_.
A greater difficulty has been experienced in procuring copper for the
mint than we expected. Mr. Rittenhouse, the Director, having been advised
that it might be had on advantageous terms from Sweden, has written me a
letter on that subject, a copy of which I enclose you, with the bill of
exchange it covered. I should not have troubled you with them, had our
resident in Holland been in place. But on account of his absence, I am
obliged to ask the favor of you to take such measures as your situation
will admit, for procuring such a quantity of copper, to be brought us from
Sweden, as this bill will enable you. It is presumed that the commercial
relations of London with every part of Europe will furnish ready means
of executing this commission. We as yet get no answer from Mr. Hammond
on the general subject of the execution of the treaty. He says he is
waiting for instructions. It would be well to urge, in your conversations
with the minister, the necessity of giving Mr. Hammond such instructions
and latitude as will enable him to proceed of himself. If on every move
we are to await new instructions from the other side the Atlantic, it
will be a long business indeed. You express a wish in your letter to be
generally advised as to the tenor of your conduct, in consequence of the
late revolution in France, the questions relative to which, you observe,
incidentally present themselves to you. It is impossible to foresee
the particular circumstances which may require you to decide and act on
that question. But, principles being understood, their application will
be less embarrassing. We certainly cannot deny to other nations that
principle whereon our government is founded, that every nation has a right
to govern itself internally under what forms it pleases, and to change
these forms at its own will; and externally to transact business with
other nations through whatever organ it chooses, whether that be a King,
Convention, Assembly, Committee, President, or whatever it be. The only
thing essential is, the will of the nation. Taking this as your polar
star, you can hardly err. I shall send you by the first vessel which sails
(the packet excepted on account of postage) two dozen plans of the city of
Washington in the Federal Government, which you are desired to display,
not for sale, but for public inspection, wherever they may be most seen
by those descriptions of people worthy and likely to be attracted to it,
dividing the plans among the cities of London and Edinburgh chiefly, but
sending some also to Glasgow, Bristol, Dublin, &c. Mr. Taylor tells me he
sends you the public papers by every vessel going from hence to London.
They will keep you informed of the proceedings of Congress, and other
occurrences worthy your knowledge. I have the honor to be, with great and
sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
P. S. Though I have mentioned Sweden as the _most likely_ place to get
copper from, on the best terms, yet if you can be satisfied it may be
got on better terms elsewhere, it is left to your discretion to get it
elsewhere.
TO MR. SHORT.
Philadelphia, January 3, 1793.
Dear Sir,--My last private letter to you was of October 16, since which
I have received your Nos. 103, 107, 108, 109, 110, 112, 113 and 114 and
yesterday your private one of September 15, came to hand. The tone of
your letters had for some time given me pain, on account of the extreme
warmth with which they censured the proceedings of the Jacobins of France.
I considered that sect as the same with the Republican patriots, and the
Feuillants as the Monarchical patriots, well known in the early part
of the Revolution, and but little distant in their views, both having
in object the establishment of a free constitution, differing only on
the question whether their chief Executive should be hereditary or not.
The Jacobins (as since called) yielded to the Feuillants, and tried
the experiment of retaining their hereditary Executive. The experiment
failed completely, and would have brought on the re-establishment of
despotism had it been pursued. The Jacobins knew this, and that the
expunging that office was of absolute necessity. And the nation was
with them in opinion, for however they might have been formerly for
the constitution framed by the first assembly, they were come over from
their hope in it, and were now generally Jacobins. In the struggle which
was necessary, many guilty persons fell without the forms of trial,
and with them some innocent. These I deplore as much as any body, and
shall deplore some of them to the day of my death. But I deplore them
as I should have done had they fallen in battle. It was necessary to
use the arm of the people, a machine not quite so blind as balls and
bombs, but blind to a certain degree. A few of their cordial friends
met at their hands the fate of enemies. But time and truth will rescue
and embalm their memories, while their posterity will be enjoying that
very liberty for which they would never have hesitated to offer up their
lives. The liberty of the whole earth was depending on the issue of the
contest, and was ever such a prize won with so little innocent blood? My
own affections have been deeply wounded by some of the martyrs to this
cause, but rather than it should have failed I would have seen half the
earth desolated; were there but an Adam and an Eve left in every country,
and left free, it would be better than as it now is. I have expressed
to you my sentiments, because they are really those of ninety-nine in
an hundred of our citizens. The universal feasts, and rejoicings which
have lately been had on account of the successes of the French, showed
the genuine effusions of their hearts. You have been wounded by the
sufferings of your friends, and have by this circumstance been hurried
into a temper of mind which would be extremely disrelished if known to
your countrymen. The rescue of 224.68.1460.916.83. had never permitted me
to discover the light in which he viewed it, and as I was more anxious
that you should satisfy him than me, I had still avoided explanations
with you on the subject. But your 113. induced him to break silence, and
to notice the extreme acrimony of your expressions. He added that he had
been informed the sentiments you expressed _in your conversations_ were
equally offensive to our allies, and that you should consider yourself
as the representative of your country, and that what you say might be
imputed to your constituents. He desired me therefore to write to you
on this subject. He added that he considered 729.633.224.939.1243.
1210.741.1683.1460.216.1407.890.1416.1212.674.125.633.1450. 1559.182.
there are in the United States some characters of opposite principles;
some of them are high in office, others possessing great wealth, and all
of them hostile to France, and fondly looking to England as the staff of
their hope. These I named to you on a former occasion. Their prospects
have certainly not brightened. Excepting them, this country is entirely
republican, friends to the Constitution, anxious to preserve it, and
to have it administered according to its own republican principles. The
little party above mentioned have espoused it only as a stepping-stone
to monarchy, and have endeavored to approximate it to that in its
administration in order to render its final transition more easy. The
successes of republicanism in France have given the coup de grace to
their prospects, and I hope to their projects. I have developed to you
faithfully the sentiments of your country, that you may govern yourself
accordingly. I know your republicanism to be pure, and that it is no
decay of that which has embittered you against its votaries in France,
but too great a sensibility at the partial evil which its object has
been accomplished there. I have written to you in the style to which
I have been always accustomed with you, and which perhaps it is time
I should lay aside. But while old men are sensible enough of their own
advance in years, they do not sufficiently recollect it in those whom
they have seen young. In writing, too, the last private letter which
will probably be written under present circumstances, in contemplating
that your correspondence will shortly be turned over to I know not whom,
but certainly to some one not in the habit of considering your interests
with the same fostering anxieties I do, I have presented things without
reserve, satisfied you will ascribe what I have said to its true motive,
use it for your own best interest, and in that fulfil completely what I
had in view. With respect to the subject of your letter of Sept. 15, you
will be sensible that many considerations would prevent my undertaking
the reformation of a system with which I am so soon to take leave. It
is but common decency to leave to my successor the moulding of his own
business. Not knowing how otherwise to convey this letter to you with
certainty, I shall appeal to the friendship and honor of the Spanish
commissioners here, to give it the protection of their cover, as a letter
of private nature altogether. We have no remarkable event here lately but
the death of Dr. Lee, nor have I anything new to communicate to you of
your friends or affairs. I am, with unalterable affection and wishes for
your prosperity, my dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO MR. RANDOLPH.
Philadelphia, January 7, 1793.
Dear Sir,--Our news from France continues to be good, and to promise
a continuance; the event of the revolution there is now little doubted
of, even by its enemies, the sensations it has produced here, and the
indications of them in the public papers, have shown that the form our
own government was to take depended much more on the events of France
than anybody had before imagined. The tide which after our former relaxed
government, took a violent course towards the opposite extreme, and seemed
ready to hang everything round with the tassels and baubles of monarchy,
is now getting track as we hope to a just mean, a government of laws
addressed to the reason of the people and not to their weaknesses. The
daily papers show it more than those you receive. An attempt in the House
of Representatives to stop the recruiting service has been rejected.
Indeed, the conferences for peace, agreed to by the Indians, do not
promise much, as we have reason to believe they will insist on taking back
lands purchased at former treaties. Maria is well; we hope all are so at
Monticello. My best love to my dear Martha, and am, most affectionately,
dear Sir, yours, &c.
TO MR. GALLATIN.
Philadelphia, January 25, 1793.
Sir,--Mr. Segaux called on me this morning to ask a statement of the
experiment which was made in Virginia by a Mr. Mazzie, for the raising
vines and making wines, and desired I would address it to you. Mr.
Mazzie was an Italian, and brought over with him about a dozen laborers
of his own country, bound to serve him four or five years. We made up a
subscription for him of £2,000 sterling, and he began his experiment on a
piece of land adjoining to mine. His intention was, before the time of his
people should expire, to import more from Italy. He planted a considerable
vineyard, and attended to it with great diligence for three years. The war
then came on, the time of his people soon expired, some of them enlisted,
others chose to settle on other lands and labor for themselves; some were
taken away by the gentlemen of the country for gardeners, so that there
did not remain a single one with him, and the interruption of navigation
prevented his importing others. In this state of things he was himself
employed by the State of Virginia to go to Europe as their agent to do
some particular business. He rented his place to General Riedesel, whose
horses in one week destroyed the whole labor of three or four years; and
thus ended an experiment which, from every appearance, would in a year
or two more have established the practicability of that branch of culture
in America. This is the sum of the experiment as exactly as I am able to
state it from memory, after such an interval of time, and I consign it to
you in whose hands I know it will be applied with candor, if it contains
anything applicable to the case for which it has been asked.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most
obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MRS. RANDOLPH.
Philadelphia, January 26, 1793.
My Dear Martha,--
* * * * *
I have for some time past been under an agitation of mind which I
scarcely ever experienced before, produced by a check on my purpose of
returning home at the close of this session of Congress. My operations
at Monticello had been all made to bear upon that point of time, my mind
was fixed on it with a fondness which was extreme, the purpose firmly
declared to the President, when I became assailed from all quarters with a
variety of objections. Among these it was urged that my return just when
I had been attacked in the public papers, would injure me in the eyes
of the public, who would suppose I either withdrew from investigation,
or because I had not tone of mind sufficient to meet slander. The only
reward I ever wished on my retirement was to carry with me nothing like a
disapprobation of the public. These representations have, for some weeks
past, shaken a determination which I had thought the whole world could
not have shaken. I have not yet finally made up my mind on the subject,
nor changed my declaration to the President. But having perfect reliance
in the disinterested friendship of some of those who have counseled
and urged it strongly; believing that they can see and judge better a
question between the public and myself than I can, I feel a possibility
that I may be detained here into the summer. A few days will decide. In
the meantime I have permitted my house to be rented after the middle of
March, have sold such of my furniture as would not suit Monticello, and
am packing up the rest and storing it ready to be shipped off to Richmond
as soon as the season of good sea weather comes on. A circumstance which
weighs on me next to the weightiest is the trouble which, I foresee,
I shall be constrained to ask Mr. Randolph to undertake. Having taken
from other pursuits a number of hands to execute several purposes which
I had in view this year, I cannot abandon those purposes and lose their
labor altogether. I must, therefore, select the most important and least
troublesome of them, the execution of my canal, and (without embarrassing
him with any details which Clarkson and George are equal to) get him
to tell them always what is to be done and how, and to attend to the
levelling the bottom; but on this I shall write him particularly if I
defer my departure. I have not received the letter which Mr. Carr wrote to
me from Richmond, nor any other from him since I left Monticello. My best
affections to him, Mr. Randolph and your fireside, and am, with sincere
love, my dear Martha, yours.
TO DR. STEWART, OR TO ALL THE GENTLEMEN.
January 31, 1793.
I have had under consideration Mr. Hallet's plans for the capitol, which
undoubtedly have a great deal of merit. Doctor Thornton has also given
me a view of his. These last came forward under some very advantageous
circumstances. The grandeur, simplicity and beauty of the exterior, the
propriety with which the apartments are distributed, and economy in the
mass of the whole structure, will, I doubt not, give it a preference in
your eyes, as it has done in mine and those of several others whom I have
consulted. I have, therefore, thought it better to give the Doctor time
to finish his plan, and for this purpose to delay until your next meeting
a final decision. Some difficulty arises with respect to Mr. Hallet, who
you know was in some degree led into his plan by ideas we all expressed to
him. This ought not to induce us to prefer it to a better; but while he
is liberally rewarded for the time and labor he has expended on it, his
feelings should be saved and soothed as much as possible. I leave it to
yourselves how best to prepare him for the possibility that the Doctor's
plan may be preferred to his. Some ground for this will be furnished you
by the occasion you will have for recourse to him as to the interior of
the apartments, and the taking of him into service at a fixed allowance;
and I understand that his necessities render it material that he should
know what his allowance is to be.
TO MR. CARROLL.
Philadelphia, February 1, 1793.
Dear Sir,--Doctor Thornton's plan of a capitol has been produced, and has
so captivated the eyes and judgment of all as to leave no doubt you will
prefer it when it shall be exhibited to you; as no doubt exists here of
its preference over all which have been produced, and among its admirers
no one is more decided than him whose decision is most important. It is
simple, noble, beautiful, excellently distributed, and moderate in size.
The purpose of this letter is to apprize you of this sentiment. A just
respect for the right of approbation in the commissioners will prevent
any formal decision in the President till the plan shall be laid before
you and be approved by you. The Doctor will go with it to your meeting in
the beginning of March. In the meantime, the interval of _apparent_ doubt
may be improved for settling the mind of poor Hallet, whose merit and
distresses interest every one for his tranquillity and pecuniary relief.
I have taken the liberty of making these private estimates, thinking you
would wish to know the true state of the sentiments here on this subject,
and am with sincere respect and esteem for your colleagues and yourself,
dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
_Circular to the ministers of France, the United Netherlands, Great
Britain, &c._
Philadelphia, February 13, 1793.
Sir,--The House of Representatives having referred to me, to report to
them the nature and extent of the privileges and restrictions on the
commerce of the United States with foreign nations, I have accordingly
prepared a report on that subject. Being particularly anxious that it
may be exact in matters of fact, I take the liberty of putting into
your hands, _privately and informally_, an extract of such as relate to
our commerce with your nation, in hopes that if you can either enlarge
or correct them, you will do me that favor. It is safer to suppress an
error in its first conception, than to trust to any after-correction; and
a confidence in your sincere desire to communicate or to re-establish
any truths which may contribute to a perfect understanding between our
two nations, has induced me to make the present request. I wish it had
been in my power to have done this sooner, and thereby have obtained the
benefit of your having more time to contemplate it; but circumstances
have retarded the entire completion of the report till the Congress is
approaching its end, which will oblige me to give it in within three or
four days.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
P. S. The report having been prepared before the late diminution of the
duties on our tobacco, that circumstance will be noted in the letter which
will cover that report.
_France_ receives favorably our bread stuff, rice, wood, pot and pearl
ashes.
A duty of five sous the quintal, or nearly four and a half cents, is
paid on our tar, pitch and turpentine. Our whale oils pay six livres the
quintal, and are the only whale oils admitted. Our indigo pays five livres
the quintal, their own two and a half; but a difference of quality, still
more than a difference of duty, prevents its seeking that market.
Salted beef is received freely for re-exportation; but if for home
consumption, it pays five livres the quintal. Other salted provisions
pay that duty in all cases, and salted fish is made lately to pay the
prohibitory one, of twenty livres the quintal.
Our ships are free to carry thither all foreign goods, which may be
carried in their own or any other vessels, except tobaccos not of our own
growth; and they participate with theirs, the exclusive carriage of our
whale oils.
During their former government, our tobacco was under a monopoly, but paid
no duties; and our ships were freely sold in their ports and converted
into national bottoms. The first National Assembly took from our ships
this privilege. They emancipated tobacco from its monopoly, but subjected
it to duties of eighteen livres fifteen sous the quintal, carried in their
own vessels, and twenty five livres, carried in ours; a difference more
than equal to the freight of the article.
They and their colonies consume what they receive from us.
France, by a standing law, permits her West India possessions to receive
directly our vegetables, live provisions, horses, wood, tar, pitch,
and turpentine, rice and maize, and prohibits our other bread stuff;
but a suspension of this prohibition having been left to the colonial
legislature, in times of scarcity, it was formerly suspended occasionally,
but latterly without interruption.
Our fish and salted provisions (except pork) are received in their
islands, under a duty of three colonial livres the quintal, and our
vessels are as free as their own to carry our commodities thither, and to
bring away rum and molasses.
The _United Netherlands_ prohibit our pickled beef and pork, meals, and
bread of all sorts, and lay a prohibitory duty on spirits distilled from
grain.
All other of our productions are received on varied duties, which may be
reckoned, on a medium, at about three per cent.