its territory be ceded to her, she is offering peace on the perfect statu
quo to the Porte, if they will conclude it without a mediation. France has
struck a severe blow at our navigation, by a difference of duty on tobacco
carried in our and their ships, and by taking from foreign-built ships
the capability of naturalization. She has placed our whale oil on rather
a better footing than ever, by consolidating the duties into a single one
of six livres. They amounted before to some sous over that sum. I am told
(I know not how truly), that England has prohibited our spermaceti oil
altogether, and will prohibit our wheat till the price there is fifty-two
shillings the quarter, which it almost never is. We expect hourly to hear
the true event of General Scott's expedition. Reports give favorable hopes
of it. Be so good as to present my respectful compliments to Mrs. Adams,
and to accept assurances of the sentiments of sincere esteem and respect
with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, July 26, 1791.
Dear Sir,--Your favors of February the 26th, and March the 16th, have
been duly received. The conferences which you held last with the British
minister needed no apology. At the time of writing my letter desiring that
communications with them might cease, it was supposed possible that some
might take place before it would be received. They proved to be such as
not to vary the opinion formed, and, indeed, the result of the whole is
what was to have been expected from known circumstances. Yet the essay
was perhaps necessary to justify, as well as induce, the measures proper
for the protection of our commerce. The first remittance of a thousand
dollars to you, was made without the aid of any facts which could enable
the government to judge, what sum might be an indemnification for the
interference of the business referred to you, with your private pursuits.
Your letter of February the 26th furnishing grounds for correcting the
first judgment, I now enclose you a bill on our bankers in Holland for
another sum of a thousand dollars. In the original remittance, as in this
supplement to it, there has been no view but to do what is right between
the public and those who serve them.
Though no authentic account is yet received, we learn through private
channels that General Scott has returned from a successful expedition
against the Indians; having killed about thirty warriors, taken fifty odd
women and children prisoners, and destroyed two or three villages, without
the loss of a man, except three, drowned by accident. A similar expedition
was to follow immediately after the first, while preparations are making
for measures of more permanent effect; so that we hope this summer to
bring the Indians to accept of a just and general peace on which nothing
will be asked of them but their peace.
The crops of wheat in the United States are rather abundant, and the
quality good. Those of tobacco are not promising as yet. I have heard
nothing of the rice crops.
I am, with very great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most
humble servant.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
Philadelphia, July 28, 1791.
Dear Sir,--Since my last I have received letters from you as follows:
* * * * *
Mine to you, unacknowledged, were of March the 8th, 12th, 15th, 19th,
April the 25th, and May the 10th. Your two last letters mention the length
of time you have been without intelligence, having then received mine of
January the 23d only. You will perceive by the above, that six letters
of a later date were on their way to you. The receipt of these, with the
newspapers, journals, laws, and other printed papers accompanying them,
will have relieved your anxiety, by answering several articles of your
former letters, and opening to you some new and important matters. I
scarcely ever miss the opportunity of a private vessel going from hence
or New York to any port of France, without writing to you and sending you
the newspapers; &c. In the winter, occasions are very rare, this port,
particularly, being blocked up with ice. The reason of so long an interval
between the last and present letter, has been the journey of a month,
which that informed you I was about to take. This is the first vessel
which has offered since my return; she is bound to Havre, and will carry
the newspapers as usual.
The difference of sixty-two livres ten sols the hogshead, established
by the National Assembly on tobacco brought in their and our ships, is
such an act of hostility against our navigation, as was not to have been
expected from the friendship of that nation. It is as new in its nature
as extravagant in its degree; since it is unexampled, that any nation
has endeavored to wrest from another the carriage of its own produce,
except in the case of their colonies. The British navigation act, so
much and so justly complained of, leaves to all nations the carriage of
their own commodities free. This measure, too, is calculated expressly to
take our own carriage from us and give the equivalent to other nations:
for it is well known, that the shipping of France is not equal to the
carriage of their whole commerce; but the freight in other branches of
navigation being on an equal footing with only forty livres the hogshead,
in ours, and this new arrangement giving them sixty-two livres ten sols
the hogshead, in addition to their freight, that is to say, one hundred
and two livres ten sols, instead of forty livres, their vessels will leave
every other branch of business to fill up this. They will consequently
leave a void in those other branches, which will be occupied by English,
Dutch, and Swedes, on the spot. They complain of our tonnage duty; but it
is because it is not understood. In the ports of France, we pay fees for
anchorage, buoys and beacons, fees to measurers, weighers and gaugers, and
in some countries, for light-houses. We have thought it better that the
public here should pay all these, and reimburse itself by a consolidation
of them into one fee, proportioned to the tonnage of the vessel, and
therefore called by that name. They complain that the foreign tonnage is
higher than the domestic. If this complaint had come from the English,
it would not have been wonderful, because the foreign tonnage operates
really as a tax on their commerce, which, under this name, is found to
pay sixteen dollars and fifty cents for every dollar paid by France. It
was not conceived, that the latter would have complained of a measure
calculated to operate so unequally on her rival, and I still suppose she
would not complain, if the thing were well understood. The refusing to
our vessels the faculty of becoming national bottoms, on sale to their
citizens, was never before done by any nation but England. I cannot help
hoping that these were wanderings of a moment, founded in misinformation,
which reflection will have corrected before you receive this.
Whenever jealousies are expressed as to any supposed views of ours, on
the dominion of the West Indies, you cannot go farther than the truth,
in asserting we have none. If there be one principle more deeply rooted
than any other in the mind of every American, it is, that we should
have nothing to do with conquest. As to commerce, indeed, we have strong
sensations. In casting our eyes over the earth, we see no instance of a
nation forbidden, as we are, by foreign powers, to deal with neighbors,
and obliged, with them, to carry into another hemisphere, the mutual
supplies necessary to relieve mutual wants. This is not merely a
question between the foreign power and our neighbor. We are interested
in it equally with the latter, and nothing but moderation, at least
with respect to us, can render us indifferent to its continuance. An
exchange of surplusses and wants between neighbor nations, is both a
right and a duty under the moral law, and measures against right should
be mollified in their exercise, if it be wished to lengthen them to the
greatest term possible. Circumstances sometimes require, that rights
the most unquestionable should be advanced with delicacy. It would seem
that the one now spoken of, would need only a mention, to be assented
to by any unprejudiced mind: but with respect to America, Europeans
in general, have been too long in the habit of confounding force with
right. The Marquis de La Fayette stands in such a relation between the
two countries, that I should think him perfectly capable of seeing what
is just as to both. Perhaps on some occasion of free conversation, you
might find an opportunity of impressing these truths on his mind, and that
from him, they might be let out at a proper moment as matters meriting
consideration and weight, when they shall be engaged in the work of
forming a constitution for our neighbors. In policy, if not in justice,
they should be disposed to avoid oppression, which, falling on us, as well
as on their colonies, might tempt us to act together.[5]
The element of measure adopted by the National Assembly excludes, _ipso
facto_, every nation on earth from a communion of measure with them; for
they acknowledge themselves, that a due portion for admeasurement of a
meridian crossing the forty-fifth degree of latitude, and terminating at
both ends in the same level, can be found in no other country on earth
but theirs. It would follow then, that other nations must trust to their
admeasurement, or send persons into their country to make it themselves,
not only in the first instance, but whenever afterwards they may wish to
verify their measures. Instead of concurring, then, in a measure which,
like the pendulum, may be found in every point of the forty-fifth degree,
and through both hemispheres, and consequently in all the countries of the
earth lying under that parallel, either northern or southern, they adopt
one which can be found but in a single point of the northern parallel,
and consequently only in one country, and that country is theirs.
I left with you a statement of the case of Schweighauser and Dobrée,
with the original vouchers on which it depends. From these you will have
known, that being authorized by Congress to settle this matter, I began
by offering to them an arbitration before honest and judicious men of a
neutral nation. They declined this, and had the modesty to propose an
arbitration before _merchants of their own town_. I gave them warning
then, that as the offer on the part of a sovereign nation to submit to a
private arbitration was an unusual condescendence, if they did not accept
it then, it would not be repeated, and that the United States would judge
the case for themselves hereafter. They continued to decline it, and the
case now stands thus. The territorial judge of France has undertaken
to call the United States to his jurisdiction, and has arrested their
property, in order to enforce appearance, and possess himself of a matter
whereon to found a decree; but no court can have jurisdiction over a
sovereign nation. This position was agreed to; but it was urged, that some
act of Mr. Barclay's had admitted the jurisdiction. It was denied that
there had been any such act by Mr. Barclay, and disavowed, if there was
one, as without authority from the United States, the property on which
the arrest was made, having been purchased by Dr. Franklin, and remaining
in his possession till taken out of it by the arrest. On this disavowal,
it was agreed that there could be no further contest, and I received
assurance that the property should be withdrawn from the possession of the
court by an evocation of the cause before the King's Council, on which,
without other proceedings, it should be delivered to the United States.
Applications were repeated as often as dignity or even decency would
permit; but it was never done. Thus the matter rests, and thus it is meant
it should rest. No answer of any kind is to be given to Schweighauser and
Dobrée. If they think proper to apply to their sovereign, I presume there
will be a communication either through you or their representative here,
and we shall have no difficulty to show the character of the treatment we
have experienced.
I will observe for your information, that the sustenance of our captives
at Algiers is committed to Colonel Humphreys.
You will be so kind as to remember, that your public account from the 1st
day of July, 1790, to the last of June, 1791, inclusive, is desired before
the meeting of Congress, that I may be able to lay before them the general
account of the foreign fund for that year.
General Scott has returned from a successful expedition against the
northern Indians, having killed thirty-two warriors, taken fifty-eight
women and children prisoners, and destroyed three towns and villages,
with a great deal of corn in grain and growth. A similar expedition was
to follow immediately, while preparation is making for measures of more
permanent effect; so that we may reasonably hope the Indians will be
induced to accept of peace which is all we desire.
Our funds have risen nearly to par. The eight millions for the bank was
subscribed as fast as it could be written, and that stock is now above
par. Our crops of wheat have been rather abundant, and of excellent
quality. Those of tobacco are not very promising as yet. The census is not
yet completed, but from what we hear, we may expect our whole numbers will
be nearer four than three millions. I inclose a sketch of the numbers as
far as we yet know them.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your sincere friend and
servant.
FOOTNOTE:
[5] [This paragraph was in cypher, but an explication of it preserved
with the copy.]
TO MR. PAINE.
Philadelphia, July 29, 1791.
Dear Sir,--Your favor of Sept. 28th, 1790, did not come to my hands till
Feb. 11th, and I have not answered it sooner because it said you would
be here in the spring. That expectation being past, I now acknowledge the
receipt. Indeed I am glad you did not come away till you had written your
"Rights of Man." That has been much read here with avidity and pleasure.
A writer under the signature of Publicola has attacked it. A host of
champions entered the arena immediately in your defence. The discussion
excited the public attention, recalled it to the "Defence of the American
constitutions" and the "Discourses on Davila," which it had kindly passed
over without censure in the moment, and very general expressions of their
sense have been now drawn forth; and I thank God that they appear firm in
their republicanism, notwithstanding the contrary hopes and assertions
of a sect here, high in name but small in numbers. These had flattered
themselves that the silence of the people under the "Defence" and "Davila"
was a symptom of their conversion to the doctrine of king, lords, and
commons. They are checked at least by your pamphlet, and the people
confirmed in their good old faith.
Your observations on the subject of a copper coinage has satisfied my mind
on that subject, which I confess had wavered before between difficulties.
As a different plan is under consideration of Congress, and will be taken
up at their meeting, I think to watch the proper moment, and publish your
observations (except the notes which contain facts relative to particular
persons, which I presume you would dislike to see published, and which are
not necessary to establish the main object), adding your name, because it
will attract attention and give weight to the publication. As this cannot
take place under four months, there is time for you to forbid me, if it
should be disagreeable to you to have the observations published, which,
however, I hope it will not be.
General Scott has just returned from a successful expedition against the
Indians, having killed thirty-two warriors, and taken fifty-eight women
and children, and burnt several towns. I hope they will now consent to
peace, which is all we ask. Our funds are near par; the crops of wheat
remarkably fine; and a great degree of general prosperity arising from
four years successive of plentiful crops, a great diffusion of domestic
manufacture, a return to economy, and a reasonable faith in the new
government. I shall be happy to hear from you, and still more to see you,
being with great, and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Philadelphia, July 30, 1791.
Sir,--I have the honor to inclose for your perusal, a letter which I have
prepared for Mr. Short.
The ill humor into which the French colonies are getting, and the little
dependence on the troops sent thither, may produce a hesitation in
the National Assembly as to the conditions they will impose in their
constitution. In a moment of hesitation, small matters may influence their
decision. They may see the impolicy of insisting on particular conditions,
which, operating as grievances on us, as well as on their colonists, might
produce a concert of action. I have thought it would not be amiss to trust
to Mr. Short the sentiments in the cyphered part of the letter, leaving
him to govern himself by circumstances, whether to let them leak out at
all or not, and whether so as that it may be known or remain unknown that
they come from us. A perfect knowledge of his judgment and discretion
leaves me entirely satisfied, that they will be not used, or so used as
events shall render proper. But if you think that the possibility that
harm may be done, overweighs the chance of good, I would expunge them,
as, in cases of doubt, it is better to say too little than too much.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir,
your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO GENERAL KNOX.
Philadelphia, August 10, 1791.
Dear Sir,--I have now the honor to return you the petition of Mr. Moultrie
on behalf of the South Carolina Yazoo company. Without noticing that some
of the highest functions of sovereignty are assumed in the very papers
which he annexes as his justification, I am of opinion that government
should firmly maintain this ground; that the Indians have a right to
the occupation of their lands, independent of the States within whose
chartered lines they happen to be; that until they cede them by treaty
or other transaction equivalent to a treaty, no act of a State can give
a right to such lands; that neither under the present constitution, nor
the antient confederation, had any State or person a right to treat with
the Indians, without the consent of the General Government; that that
consent has never been given to any treaty for the cession of the lands
in question; that the government is determined to exert all its energy
for the patronage and protection of the rights of the Indians, and the
preservation of peace between the United States and them; and that if any
settlements are made on lands not ceded by them, _without the previous
consent of the United States_, the government will think itself bound,
not only to declare to the Indians that such settlements are without the
authority or protection of the United States, but to remove them also by
the public force.
It is in compliance with your request, my dear Sir, that I submit these
ideas to you, to whom it belongs to give place to them, or such others as
your better judgment shall prefer, in answer to Mr. Moultrie.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most sincere and respectful
esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant.
TO COLONEL HARVIE.
Philadelphia, August 14, 1791.
Dear Sir,--Being charged with the preparation of a statement to Congress
of all their lands north of the Ohio, it becomes necessary for me to know
what quantity of lands was assigned to the Virginia Continental line
on the south side of the Ohio, say on the Cumberland, in satisfaction
of their claims of bounty lands against the Continent. If I can by any
means come at this quantity, by deducting it from the sum total of bounty
lands given to all the lines, which sum total I know, the residue will
be exactly what the army is entitled to on the north side of the Ohio.
I am in hopes your office can furnish me with this information, and am
to ask the favor of you to have it inquired into. All I wish is the _sum
total_ in lots located by the Virginia _Continental line_ south of the
Ohio. I suppose your office cannot inform me what was located for the
same line north of the Ohio, and therefore I do not ask it. The fees
of office for these researches, be so good as to inform me of, and they
shall be remitted you. As your answer cannot be here before my departure
for Virginia, I shall be glad to receive it there. If your office cannot
furnish the information, and you know where it may be obtained, I shall
consider it as a singular favor, if you will be so good as to put it for
me at once into its right channel. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your
sincere friend and humble servant.
TO MR. CARMICHAEL.
Philadelphia, August 24, 1791.
Sir,--Your letter of January 24, is still the only one received from you
within the period so often mentioned. Mine to you of the present year have
been of March 12 and 17, April 11, May 16, and June 23. I have lately
preferred sending my letters for you to Colonel Humphreys, in hopes he
might find means of conveying them to you. The subjects of those of the
12th and 17th of March are still pressed on you, and especially the first,
the great object of which cannot be delayed without consequences which
both nations should deprecate.
Mr. Jaudenes arrived here some time ago, and has been received as joint
commissioner with Mr. Viar. The concurring interests of Spain and this
country certainly require the presence of able and discreet ministers.
The crop of wheat of the present year has surpassed all expectation as
to quantity, and is of fine quality. Other articles of agriculture will
differ more by an extraordinary drought.
I enclose you a copy of our census, which, so far as it is written
in black ink, is founded on actual returns, what is in red ink being
conjectured, but very near the truth. Making very small allowance for
omissions, which we know to have been very great, we may safely say we
are above four millions.
Our first expedition against the Indians, under General Scott, has been
completely successful; he having killed thirty odd, taken fifty odd, and
burnt their towns. A second expedition against them has commenced, and we
expect daily the result.
The public credit continues firm. The domestic debt funded at six per
cent., is twelve and a half per cent. above par. A spirit, however, of
gambling in our public paper has seized on too many of our citizens, and
we fear it will check our commerce, arts, manufactures, and agriculture,
unless stopped.
Newspapers for you accompany this, addressed to the care of Colonel
Humphreys.
I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO SIR JOHN SINCLAIR.
Philadelphia, August 24, 1791.
Dear Sir,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of your two favors of December
25 and May 14, with the pamphlets which accompanied them, and to return
you my thanks for them. The Corn Law, I perceive, has not passed in the
form you expected. My wishes on that subject were nearer yours than you
imagined. We both in fact desired the same thing for different reasons,
respecting the interests of our respective countries, and therefore
justifiable in both. You wished the bill so moulded as to encourage
strongly your national agriculture. The clause for warehousing foreign
corn tended to lessen the confidence of the farmer in the demand for
his corn. I wished the clause omitted, that our corn might pass directly
to the country of the consumer, and save us the loss of an intermediate
deposit, which it can illy bear. That no commercial arrangements between
Great Britain and the United States have taken place, as you wish should
be done, cannot be imputed to us. The proposition has surely been often
enough made, perhaps too often. It is a happy circumstance in human
affairs, that evils which are not cured in one way will cure themselves
in some other.
We are now under the first impression of the news of the King's flight
from Paris, and his re-capture. It would be unfortunate were it in the
power of any one man to defeat the issue of so beautiful a revolution.
I hope and trust it is not, and that, for the good of suffering humanity
all over the earth, that revolution will be established and spread through
the whole world.
I shall always be happy, my dear Sir, to hear of your health and
happiness, being with sentiments of the most cordial esteem and respect,
dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO E. RUTLEDGE, ESQ.
Philadelphia, August 25, 1791.
My Dear Sir,--I have received your favor of the 7th, by Mr. Harper, and
that also by Mr. Butler. I thank you for both, and shall duly respect
both. I find by the last that, not your letter on the subject of British
commerce, but mine in answer to it, has miscarried. Yours was dated June
20, 1790, was received July 2, and answered July 4. I send you a copy of
the answer, which will read now like an old almanac; but it will show you
I am incapable of neglecting anything which comes from you. The measures
therein spoken of as in contemplation, for the purpose of bringing Great
Britain to reason, vanished in a reference of the subject to me to report
on our commerce and navigation generally, to the next session of Congress.
I have little hope that the result will be anything more than to turn the
left cheek to him who has smitten the right. We have to encounter not
only the prejudices in favor of England, but those against the Eastern
States, whose ships, in the opinion of some, will overrun our land. I have
been sorry to see that your State has been over-jealous of the measures
proposed on this subject, and which really tend to relieve them from the
effects of British broils. I wish you may be able to convert Mr. Barnwell,
because you think him worth converting. Whether you do or not, your
opinion of him will make me solicitous for his acquaintance, because I
love the good, and respect freedom of opinion. What do you think of this
scrippomony? Ships are lying idle at the wharfs, buildings are stopped,
capitals withdrawn from commerce, manufactures, arts, and agriculture
to be employed in gambling, and the tide of public prosperity almost
unparalleled in any country is arrested in its course, and suppressed by
the rage of getting rich in a day. No mortal can tell where this will
stop; for the spirit of gaming, when once it has seized a subject, is
incurable. The tailor who has made thousands in one day, though he has
lost them the next, can never again be content with the slow and moderate
earnings of his needle. Nothing can exceed the public felicity, if our
papers are to be believed, because our papers are under the orders of our
scripmen. I imagine, however, we shall hear that all the cash has quitted
the extremities of the nation, and accumulated here. That produce and
property fall to half price there, and the same things rise to double
price here. That the cash accumulated and stagnated here, as soon as
the bank paper gets out, will find its vent into foreign countries, and
instead of this solid medium, which we might have kept for nothing, we
shall have a paper one, for the use of which we are to pay these gamesters
fifteen per cent. per annum, as they say.
Would to God yourself, General Pinckney and Major Pinckney, would come
forward and aid us with your efforts. You are all known, respected, wished
for; but you refuse yourselves to everything. What is to become of us, my
dear friend, if the vine and the fig tree withdraw, and leave us to the
bramble and thorn?
You will have heard before this reaches you, of the peril into which the
French revolution is brought by the flight of their King. Such are the
fruits of that form of government, which heaps importance on idiots,
and of which the Tories of the present day are trying to preach into
our favor. I still hope the French revolution will issue happily. I feel
that the permanence of our own, leans in some degree on that; and that
a failure there would be a powerful argument to prove there must be a
failure here. We have been told that a British minister would be sent
out to us this summer. I suspect this depends on the event of peace or
war. In the latter case, they will probably send one; but they have no
serious view of treating or fulfilling treaties. Adieu, my dear Sir. Yours
affectionately.
TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, STUART, AND CARROL.
Philadelphia, August 28, 1791.
Gentlemen,--Your joint letter of the 2d instant to the President, as
also Mr. Carrol's separate letters of the 5th and 15th, have been duly
received. Major L'Enfant also having arrived here and laid his plan of the
Federal City before the President, he was pleased to desire a conference
of certain persons, in his presence, on these several subjects. It is
the opinion of the President, in consequence thereof, that an immediate
meeting of the Commissioners at Georgetown is requisite; that certain
measures may be decided on, and put into a course of preparation for
a commencement of sale on the 17th of October, as advertised. As Mr.
Madison and myself, who were present at the conference, propose to pass
through Georgetown on our way to Virginia, the President supposes that
our attendance at the meeting of the Commissioners might be of service
to them, as we could communicate to them the sentiments developed at the
conferences here and approved by the President, under whatever point of
view they may have occasion to know them. The circumstances of time and
distance oblige me to take the liberty of proposing the day of meeting,
and to say that we will be in Georgetown on the evening of the 7th or
morning of the 8th of the next month, in time to attend any meeting of the
Commissioners on that day, and in hopes they may be able, in the course
of it, to make all the use of us they may think proper, so that we may
pursue our journey the next day. To that meeting, therefore, the answers
to the several letters before mentioned are referred.
This letter is addressed to Mr. Carrol only, with a requisition to the
Postmaster at Georgetown to send it to him by express, under the hope that
it will, by expresses to the other gentlemen, take timely measures for
the proposed meeting on the 8th.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem,
Gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
Philadelphia, August 29, 1791.
Dear Sir,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of your No. 67, June the 6th,
No. 68, June the 10th, No. 69, June the 22d, No. 70, June the 26th, No.
71, June the 29th; the three last by the British packet. My last to you
was of July the 28th, by a vessel bound to Havre. This goes to the same
port, because accompanied by newspapers. It will be the last I shall write
you these two months, as I am to set out for Virginia the next week. I
now enclose you a copy of my letter of March the 12th, to Mr. Carmichael,
which you say was not in that of the same date to you. There was no paper
to accompany it but St. Marie's, which you say you received. I enclose you
also a copy of our census, written in black ink, so far as we have actual
returns, and supplied by conjecture in red ink, where we have no returns;
but the conjectures are known to be very near the truth. Making very small
allowance for omissions, which we know to have been very great, we are
certainly above four millions, probably about four millions one hundred
thousand.
There is a vessel now lying at Philadelphia, advertising to receive
emigrants to Louisiana, gratis, on account of the Spanish government. Be
so good as to mention this to M. de Montmorin, who will be a judge what
we must feel under so impudent a transaction.
You observe, that if Drost does not come, you have not been authorized to
engage another coiner. If he does not come, there will probably be one
engaged here. If he comes, I should think him a safe hand to send the
diplomatic dye by, as also all the dyes of our medal, which may be used
here for striking off what shall be wanting hereafter. But I would not
have them trusted at sea, but from April to October inclusive. Should you
not send them by Drost, Havre will be the best route. I have not spoken
with the Secretary of the Treasury yet, on the subject of the presses,
but believe you may safely consider two presses as sufficient for us, and
agree for no more without a further request.
The decree of the National Assembly, relative to tobacco carried in
French or American ships, is likely to have such an effect in our ports,
as to render it impossible to conjecture what may or may not be done.
It is impossible to let it go on without a vigorous correction. If that
should be administered on our part, it will produce irritation on both
sides, and lessen that disposition which we feel cordially to concur in
a treaty, which shall melt the two nations as to commercial matters into
one, as nearly as possible. It is extremely desirable, that the National
Assembly should themselves correct the decree, by a repeal founded on the
expectation of an arrangement.
We have, as yet, no news of the event of our second expedition against
the Indians.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO M. LA MOTTE.
Philadelphia, August 30, 1791.
Sir,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of February the
9th, March the 25th, and April the 24th; as also of the several packages
of wine, carriages, &c., which came safe to hand, and for your care of
which be pleased to accept my thanks.
I am sensible of the difficulties to which our consuls are exposed by
the applications of sailors, calling themselves Americans. Though the
difference of dialect between the Irish and Scotch, and the Americans, is
sensible to the ear of a native, it is not to that of a foreigner, however
well he understands the language; and between the American and English
(unless of particular provinces) there is no difference sensible even to a
native. Among hundreds of applications to me, at Paris, nine-tenths were
Irish, whom I readily discovered. The residue, I think, were English;
and I believe not a single instance of a Scotchman or American. The
sobriety and order of the two last, preserve them from want. You will
find it necessary, therefore, to be extremely on your guard against
these applications. The bill of expenses for Huls is much beyond those
aids which I should think myself authorized to have advanced habitually,
until the law shall make express provision for that purpose. I must,
therefore, recommend to you, to hazard only small sums in future, until
our legislature shall lay down more precise rules for my government.
The difference of duty on tobacco carried to France in French and American
bottoms, has excited great uneasiness. We presume the National Assembly
must have been hurried into the measure, without being allowed time to
reflect on its consequences. A moment's consideration must convince
anybody, that no nation upon earth ever submitted to so enormous an
assault on the transportation of their own produce. Retaliation, to be
equal, will have the air of extreme severity and hostility. Such would be
an _additional tonnage_ of twelve livres ten sous the ton burthen, on all
_French_ ships entering our ports. Yet this would but exactly balance an
_additional duty_ of six livres five sous the hogshead of tobacco, brought
in _American ships_ entering in the ports of France. I hope, either that
the National Assembly will repeal the measure, or the proposed treaty
be so hastened, as to get this matter out of the way before it shall be
necessary for the ensuing legislature to act on it. Their measure, and
our retaliation on it, which is unavoidable, will very illy prepare the
minds of both parties for a liberal treaty. My confidence in the friendly
dispositions of the National Assembly, and in the sincerity of what
they have expressed on the subject, induce me to impute it to surprise
altogether, and to hope it will be repealed before time shall be given to
take it up here.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.
Philadelphia, August 30, 1791.
Dear Sir,--My letter of July the 26th covered my first of exchange for
a thousand dollars, and though that went by so sure an opportunity as to
leave little doubt of its receipt, yet, for greater security, I enclose
a second.
The tranquillity of our country leaves us nothing to relate, which may
interest a mind surrounded by such buoyant scenes as yours. No matter; I
will still tell you the charming though homespun news, that our crops of
wheat have been abundant and of superior quality; that very great though
partial drought has destroyed the crops of hay to the north, and corn to
the south; that the late rains may recover the tobacco to a middling crop,
and that the fields of rice are promising.
I informed you in my last, of the success of our first expedition against
the Indians. A second has gone against them, the result of which is not
yet known. Our public credit is good, but the abundance of paper has
produced a spirit of gambling in the funds, which has laid up our ships
at the wharves, as too slow instruments of profit, and has even disarmed
the hand of the tailor of his needle and thimble. They say the evil will
cure itself. I wish it may; but I have rarely seen a gamester cured, even
by the disasters of his vocation. Some new indications of the ideas with
which the British cabinet are coming into treaty, confirm your opinions,
which I know to be right, but the Anglomany of some would not permit them
to accede to.
Adieu, my dear Sir. Your affectionate humble servant.
TO BENJ. BANNEKER.
Philadelphia, August 30, 1791.
Sir,--I thank you sincerely for your letter of the 19th instant, and for
the Almanac it contained. Nobody wishes more than I do to see such proofs
as you exhibit, that nature has given to our black brethren, talents equal
to those of the others colors of men, and that the appearance of a want of
them is owing merely to the degraded condition of their existence, both
in Africa and America. I can add with truth, that nobody wishes more
ardently to see a good system commenced for raising the condition both
of their body and mind to what it ought to be, as fast as the imbecility
of their present existence, and other circumstances which cannot be
neglected, will admit. I have taken the liberty of sending your Almanac
to Monsieur de Condorcet, Secretary of the Academy of Sciences at Paris,
and member of the Philanthropic society, because I considered it as a
document to which your color had a right for their justification against
the doubts which have been entertained of them. I am, with great esteem,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO JOHN ADAMS.
Philadelphia, August 30, 1791.
My Dear Sir,--I received some time ago your favor of July 29, and was
happy to find that you saw in its true point of view the way in which I
had been drawn into the scene, which must have been so disagreeable to
you. The importance which you still seem to allow to my note, and the
effect you suppose it to have had, though unintentional in me, induces
me to show you that it really had no effect. Paine's pamphlet, with my
note, was published here about the second week in May. Not a word ever
appeared in the public papers here on the subject for more than a month;
and I am certain not a word on the subject would ever have been said, had
not a writer, under the name of Publicola, at length undertaken to attack
Mr. Paine's principles, which were the principles of the citizens of the
United States. Instantly a host of writers attacked Publicola in support
of those principles. He had thought proper to misconstrue a figurative
expression in my note; and these writers so far noticed me as to place the
expression in its true light. But this was only an incidental skirmish
preliminary to the general engagement, and they would not have thought
me worth naming, had not he thought proper to bring me on the scene. His
antagonists, very criminally, in my opinion, presumed you to be Publicola,
and on that presumption hazarded a personal attack on you. No person saw
with more uneasiness than I did, this unjustifiable assault; and the more
so, when I saw it continued after the printer had declared you were not
the author. But you will perceive from all this, my dear Sir, that my
note contributed nothing to the production of these disagreeable pieces.
As long as Paine's pamphlet stood on its own feet and on my note, it was
unnoticed. As soon as Publicola attacked Paine, swarms appeared in his
defence. To Publicola, then, and not in the least degree to my note, this
whole contest is to be ascribed and all its consequences.
You speak of the execrable paragraph in the Connecticut papers. This,
it is true, appeared before Publicola; but it had no more relation to
Paine's pamphlet and my note, than to the Alcoran. I am satisfied the
writer of it had never seen either; for when I passed through Connecticut
about the middle of June, not a copy had ever been seen by anybody,
either in Hartford or New Haven, nor probably in that whole State; and
that paragraph was so notoriously the reverse of the disinterestedness
of character which you are known to possess by everybody who knows your
name, that I never heard a person speak of the paragraph, but with an
indignation in your behalf which did you entire justice. This paragraph,
then, certainly did not flow from my note, any more than the publications
which Publicola produced. Indeed it was impossible that my note should
occasion your name to be brought into question; for so far from naming
you, I had not even in view any writing which I might suppose to be
yours, and the opinions I alluded to were principally those I had heard
in common conversation from a sect aiming at the subversion of the present
government to bring in their favorite form of a king, lords and commons.
Thus I hope, my dear Sir, that you will see me to have been as ignorant
_in effect_ as I was in intention. I was brought before the public without
my own consent, and from the first moment of seeing the effect of the real
aggression in this business to keep me before the public, I determined
that nothing should induce me to put pen to paper in the controversy.
The business is now over, and I hope its effects are over, and that our
friendship will never be suffered to be committed, whatever use others
may think proper to make of our names.
The event of the King's flight from Paris and his recapture, will have
struck you with its importance. It appears, I think, that the nation is
firm within, and it only remains to see whether there will be any movement
from without. I confess I have not changed my confidence in the favorable
issue of that revolution, because it has always rested on my own ocular
evidence of the unanimity of the nation, and wisdom of the patriotic party
in the National Assembly. The last advices render it probable that the
Emperor will recommence hostilities against the Porte. It remains to see
whether England and Prussia will take a part. Present me to Mrs. Adams
with all the affections I feel for her, and be assured of those devoted
to yourself by, my dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.
TO ADMIRAL PAUL JONES.
Philadelphia, August 31, 1791.
Dear Sir,--I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of March 20th,
with the several papers it enclosed, which were duly communicated to the
President. No proof was necessary to satisfy us here of your good conduct
everywhere. In answer to your request to obtain and transmit the proper
authority of the United States for your retaining the order of St. Anne,
conferred on you by the Empress, I can only say that the Executive of our
Government are not authorized either to grant or refuse the permission
you ask, and consequently cannot take on themselves to do it. Whether the
Legislature would undertake to do it or not, I cannot say. In general,
there is an aversion to meddle with anything of that kind here. And the
event would be so doubtful that the Executive would not commit themselves
by making the proposition to the Legislature.
Our new Constitution works well, and gives general satisfaction Public
credit is high. We have made a successful expedition against the Indians
this summer, and another is gone against them, and we hope will induce
them to peace. A census of our numbers, taken this summer, gives us reason
to believe we are about four millions of all ages and sexes. A state of
tranquil prosperity furnishing no particular and interesting events to
communicate to you, I have only to add assurances of the constant esteem
and attachment of, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO MONSIEUR DE TERNANT, _Minister Plenipotentiary of France_.
Philadelphia, September 1, 1791.
Sir,--I have communicated to the President what passed between us the
other day, on the subject of the payments made to France by the United
States in the _assignats_ of that country, since they have lost their par
with gold and silver; and after conferences, by his instruction, with
the Secretary of the Treasury, I am authorized to assure you, that the
government of the United States have no idea of paying their debt in a
depreciated medium, and that in the final liquidation of the payments
which shall have been made, due regard will be had to an equitable
allowance for the circumstance of depreciation.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and
respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO T. NEWTON.
Georgetown, September 8, 1791.
Dear Sir,--I was in the moment of my departure from Philadelphia, for
Virginia, when I received your favor, inquiring how far the law of nations
is to govern in proceedings respecting foreign consuls.
The law of nations does not of itself extend to consuls at all. They are
not of the diplomatic class of characters, to which alone that law extends
of right. Convention, indeed, may give it to them, and sometimes has done
so; but in that case, the convention can be produced. In ours with France,
it is expressly declared that consuls shall not have the privileges of
that law, and we have no convention with any other nation.
Congress have had before them a bill on the subject of consuls, but have
not as yet passed it. Their code then furnishes no law to govern these
cases.
Consequently, _they are to be decided by the State laws alone_. Some of
these, I know, have given certain privileges to consuls; and I think those
of Virginia did at one time. Of the extent and continuance of those laws,
you are a better judge than I am.
Independently of law, consuls are to be considered as distinguished
foreigners, dignified by a commission from their sovereign, and specially
recommended by him to the respect of the nation with whom they reside.
They are subject to the laws of the land, indeed, precisely as other
foreigners are, a convention, where there is one, making a part of the
laws of the land: but if at any time, their conduct should render it
necessary to assert the authority of the laws over them, the rigor of
those laws should be tempered by our respect for their sovereign, as far
as the case will admit. This moderate and respectful treatment towards
foreign consuls, it is my duty to recommend and press on our citizens,
because I ask it for their good towards our own consuls, from the people
with whom they reside.
In what I have said, I beg leave to be understood as laying down general
principles only, and not as applying them to the facts which may have
arisen. Before such application, those facts should be heard from all
whom they interest. You, who have so heard them, will be able to make the
application yourself, and that, not only in the present, but in future
cases.
I have the honor to be, with great esteem, your most obedient humble
servant.
TO MR. HAMMOND.
October 26, 1791.
Mr. Jefferson has the honor of presenting his compliments to Mr. Hammond,
of expressing his regrets that he happened to be from home when Mr.
Hammond did him the honor of calling on him, and was equally unlucky in
not finding him at home when he waited on him on Monday. Being informed
by Mr. Bond, that Mr. Hammond is charged with a public mission to
the government of the United States, relative to which some previous
explanations might be proper, Mr. Jefferson has the honor to assure
Mr. Hammond, he shall be ready to receive any communications and enter
into explanations, either formally or informally, as Mr. Hammond shall
choose, and at any time suitable to him. He recollects with pleasure
his acquaintance with Mr. Hammond in Paris, and shall be happy in every
opportunity of rendering him such offices and attentions as may be
acceptable to him.
TO J. MADISON.
November 1, 1791.
In my report on How's case, where I state that it should go to the
President, it will become a question with the House whether they shall
refer it to the President themselves, or give it back to the petitioner,
and let him so address it, as he ought to have done at first. I think
the latter proper, 1, because it is a case belonging purely to the
Executive; 2, the legislature should never show itself in a matter with
a foreign nation, but where the case is very serious and they mean to
commit the nation on its issue; 3, because if they indulge individuals in
handing through the legislature their applications to the Executive, all
applicants will be glad to avail themselves of the weight of so powerful
a solicitor. Similar attempts have been repeatedly made by individuals to
get the President to hand in their petitions to the legislature, which he
has constantly refused. It seems proper that every person should address
himself directly to the department to which the constitution has allotted
his case; and that the proper answer to such from any other department is,
"that it is not to us that the constitution has assigned the transaction
of this business." I suggest these things to you, that they may appear to
you to be right this kind of business may in the first instance be turned
into its proper channel.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
November 6, 1791.
Sir,--I have the honor to enclose you the draught of a letter to Governor
Pinckney, and to observe, that I suppose it to be proper that there
should, on fit occasions, be a direct correspondence between the President
of the United States and the Governors of the States; and that it will
probably be grateful to them to receive from the President, answers to
the letters they address to him. The correspondence with them on ordinary
business, may still be kept up by the Secretary of State, in his own name.
I enclose also a letter to Major Pinckney, with a blank to be filled up,
when you shall have made up your mind on it. I have conferred with Mr.
M. on the idea of the commissioners of the federal town proceeding to
make private sales of the lots, and he thinks it advisable. I cannot but
repeat, that if the surveyors will begin on the river, laying off the lots
from Rock Creek to the Eastern Branch, and go on abreast, in that way,
from the river towards the back part of the town, they may pass the avenue
from the President's house to the capitol, before the spring; and as
soon as they shall have passed it, a public sale may take place, without
injustice to either the Georgetown or Carrolsburg interest. Will not the
present afford you a proper occasion of assuring the commissioners, that
you leave everything respecting L'Enfant to them?
I have the honor to be, with the most sincere respect, Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.
TO MAJOR THOMAS PINCKNEY.
Philadelphia, November 6, 1791.
Sir,--The mission of a Minister Plenipotentiary to the court of London
being now to take place, the President of the United States is desirous of
availing the public of your services in that office. I have it in charge,
therefore, from him, to ask whether it will be agreeable that he should
nominate you for that purpose to the Senate. We know that higher motives
will alone influence your mind in the acceptance of this charge. Yet it
is proper, at the same time, to inform you, that as a provision for your
expenses in the exercise of it, an outfit of nine thousand dollars is
allowed, and an annual salary to the same amount, payable quarterly. On
receiving your permission, the necessary orders for these sums, together
with your credentials, shall be forwarded to you, and it would be expected
that you should proceed on the mission as soon as you can have made those
arrangements for your private affairs, which such an absence may render
indispensable. Let me only ask the favor of you to give me an immediate
answer, and by duplicate, by sea and post, that we may have the benefit of
both chances for receiving it as early as possible. Though I have not the
honor of a personal acquaintance with you, yet I beg you to be assured,
that I feel all that anxiety for your entrance on this important mission,
which a thorough conviction of your fitness for it can inspire; and that
in its relations with my office, I shall always endeavor to render it as
agreeable to you as possible.
I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem,
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Philadelphia, November 7, 1791.
Sir,--I have duly considered the letter you were pleased to refer to me,
of the 18th of August, from his Excellency Governor Pinckney to yourself,
together with the draught of one proposed to be written by him to the
Governor of Florida, claiming the re-delivery of certain fugitives from
justice, who have been received in that country. The inconveniences of
such a receptacle for debtors and malefactors in the neighborhood of the
southern States, are obvious and great, and I wish the remedy were as
certain and short as the latter seems to suppose.
The delivery of fugitives from one country to another, as practised by
several nations, is in consequence of conventions settled between them,
defining precisely the cases wherein such deliveries shall take place.
I know that such conventions exist between France and Spain, France and
Sardinia, France and Germany, France and the United Netherlands; between
the several sovereigns constituting the Germanic body, and, I believe,
very generally between co-terminous States on the continent of Europe.
England has no such convention with any nation, and their laws have given
no power to their executive to surrender fugitives of any description;
they are, accordingly, constantly refused, and hence England has been the
asylum of the Paolis, the La Mottes, the Calonnes, in short, of the most
atrocious offenders as well as the most innocent victims, who have been
able to get there.
The laws of the United States, like those of England, receive every
fugitive, and no authority has been given to our executives to deliver
them up. In the case of Longchamp, a subject of France, a formal demand
was made by the minister of France, and was refused. He had, indeed,
committed an offence within the United States; but he was not demanded as
a criminal but as a subject.
The French government has shown great anxiety to have such a convention
with the United States, as might authorize them to command their subjects
coming here; they got a clause in the consular convention signed by Dr.
Franklin and the Count de Vergennes, giving their consuls a right to take
and send back captains of vessels, mariners and _passengers_. Congress saw
the extent of the word _passengers_, and refused to ratify the convention;
a new one was therefore formed, omitting that word. In fact, however
desirable it be that the perpetrators of crimes, acknowledged to be such
by all mankind, should be delivered up to punishment, yet it is extremely
difficult to draw the line between those and acts rendered criminal
by tyrannical laws only; hence the first step always, is a convention
defining the cases where a surrender shall take place.
If, then, the United States could not deliver up to Governor Quesada,
a fugitive from the laws of his country, we cannot claim as a right the
delivery of fugitives from us; and it is worthy consideration, whether
the demand proposed to be made in Governor Pinckney's letter, should it
be complied with by the other party, might not commit us disagreeably,
perhaps dishonorably in event; for I do not think we can take for granted,
that the legislature of the United States will establish a convention for
the mutual delivery of fugitives; and without a reasonable certainty that
they will, I think we ought not to give Governor Quesada any grounds to
expect, that in a similar case, we would re-deliver fugitives from his
government.
I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect and attachment,
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MESSRS. JOHNSON, STEWART AND CARROL.
Philadelphia, November 21, 1791.
Gentlemen,--A Mr. Blodget has a scheme in contemplation for purchasing
and _building_ a whole street in the new city, and any one of them which
you may think best. The magnitude of the proposition occasioned it to
be little attended to in the beginning. However, great as it is, it is
believed by good judges to be practicable. It may not be amiss, therefore,
to be ready for it. The street most desirable to be built up at once,
we suppose to be a broad one, (the avenue,) leading from the President's
house to the Capitol. To prepare the squares adjoining to that, on both
sides, in the first place, can do no harm; because, if Mr. Blodget's
scheme does not take effect, still it is a part of a work done, which
was to be done; if his scheme takes effect, you will be in readiness for
him, which would be desirable. The President, therefore, desires me to
suggest to you the beginning at once on that avenue, and when all the
squares on that shall be laid off, they may go on laying off the rest of
the squares between that and the river, from Georgetown to the eastern
branch, according to an idea he has suggested to you in a letter not long
since. This, however, is but a suggestion for the good of the undertaking,
on which you will decide as you think proper. I have the honor to be,
gentlemen, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO MR. ELLICOTT.
Philadelphia, November 21, 1791.
Dear Sir,--It is excessively desirable that an extensive sale of lots in
Washington should take place as soon as possible. It has been recommitted
to the commissioners to have all the squares adjacent to the avenue from
the President's house to the Capitol, on both sides, and from thence to
the river, through the whole breadth of the ground between Rock Creek and
Eastern Branch, first laid off; the object of the present is to ask your
_private_ opinion of the earliest time at which this portion of the work
can be completed, which I will beg the favor of you to communicate to me
by letter. In order that the sale may not be delayed by the engraving,
it is hoped that by communicating what is executed from time to time, the
engraver may nearly keep pace with you.
I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.
TO WILLIAM SHORT.
Philadelphia, November 24, 1791.
Dear Sir,--My last to you was of August the 29th, acknowledging the
receipt of your Nos. 67, 68, 69, 70, 71, and informing you I was about
setting out to Virginia, and should not again write to you till my return.
Only one vessel has sailed from hence to Havre since my return, and my
notice of her departure was so short, that I could not avail myself of
it. Your Nos. 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, came here during my absence, and 79,
80, were received October the 28th. The Nos. 76 and 77 seem to be missing.
You mention that Drost wishes the devices of our money to be sent to him,
that he may engrave them there. This cannot be done, because not yet
decided on. The devices will be fixed by the law which shall establish
the mint. M. de Ternant tells me he has no instructions to propose to us
the negotiation of a commercial treaty, and that he does not expect any.
I wish it were possible to draw that negotiation to this place. In your
letter of July the 24th, is the following paragraph. "It is published
in the English newspapers, that war is inevitable between the United
States and Spain, and that preparations are making for it on both sides.
M. de Montmorin asked me how the business stood at present, and seemed
somewhat surprised at my telling him, that I knew nothing later than
what I had formerly mentioned to him. I have, in more than one instance,
experienced the inconvenience of being without information. In this, it is
disagreeable, as it may have the appearance with M. de Montmorin, of my
having something to conceal from him, which not being the case, it would
be wrong that he should be allowed to take up such an idea. I observed,
that I did not suppose there was any new circumstance, as you had not
informed me of it." Your observation was certainly just. It would be
an Augean task for me to go through the London newspapers, and formally
contradict all their lies, even those relating to America. On our side,
there having been certainly no preparations for war against Spain; nor
have I heard of any on their part, but _in the London newspapers_. As to
the progress of the negotiation, I know nothing of it but from you; having
never had a letter from Mr. Carmichael on the subject. Our best newspapers
are sent you from my office with scrupulous exactness, by every vessel
sailing to Havre or any other convenient port of France. On these I rely
for giving you information of all the facts possessed by the public; and
as to those not possessed by them, I think there has not been a single
instance of my leaving you uninformed of any of them which related to
the matters under your charge. In Freneau's paper of the 21st instant,
you will see a small essay on population and emigration, which I think it
would be well if the news writers of Paris would translate and insert in
their papers. The sentiments are too just not to make impression.
Some proceedings of the assembly of St. Domingo have lately taken place,
which it is necessary for me to state to you exactly, that you may be able
to do the same to M. de Montmorin. When the insurrection of their negroes
assumed a very threatening appearance, the Assembly sent a deputy here to
ask assistance of military stores and provisions. He addressed himself to
M. de Ternant, who (the President being then in Virginia, as I was also)
applied to the Secretaries of the Treasury and War. They furnished one
thousand stand of arms, other military stores, and placed forty thousand
dollars in the treasury, subject to the order of M. de Ternant, to be
laid out in provisions, or otherwise, as he should think best. He sent
the arms and other military stores; but the want of provisions did not
seem so instantaneous as to render it necessary, in his opinion, to send
any at that time. Before the vessel arrived in St. Domingo, the Assembly,
further urged by the appearance of danger, sent two deputies more, with
larger demands, viz., eight thousand fusils and bayonets, two thousand
mousquators, three thousand pistols, three thousand sabres, twenty-four
thousand barrels of flour, four hundred thousand livres worth of Indian
meal, rice, peas, and hay, and a large quantity of plank, &c. to repair
the buildings destroyed. They applied to M. de Ternant, and then with
his consent to me, he and I having previously had a conversation on the
subject. They proposed to me, first, that we should supply those wants
from the money we owed France; or secondly, from the bills of exchange
which they were authorized to draw on a particular fund in France; or
thirdly, that we would guarantee their bills, in which case they could
dispose of them to merchants, and buy the necessaries themselves. I
convinced them the two latter alternatives were beyond the powers of
the executive, and the first could only be done with the consent of the
minister of France. In the course of our conversation, I expressed to
them our sincere attachment to France and all its dominions, and most
especially to them who were our neighbors, and whose interests had some
common points of union with ours in matters of commerce; that we wished,
therefore, to render them every service they needed, but that we could
not do it in any way disagreeable to France; that they must be sensible,
that M. de Ternant might apprehend that jealousy would be excited by
their addressing themselves directly to foreign powers, and therefore,
that a concert with him in their applications to us, was essential. The
subject of independence, and their views towards it having been stated in
the public papers, this led our conversation to it; and I must say, they
appeared as far from these views as any persons on earth. I expressed
to them freely my opinion, that such an object was neither desirable on
their part, nor attainable; that, as to ourselves, there was one case
which would be peculiarly alarming to us, to wit, were there a danger of
their falling under any other power; that we conceived it to be strongly
our interests, that they should retain their connection with the mother
country; that we had a common interest with them, in furnishing them
the necessaries of life in exchange for sugar and coffee for our own
consumption, but that I thought we might rely on the justice of the
mother country towards them, for their obtaining this privilege; and on
the whole, let them see that nothing was to be done, but with the consent
of the minister of France. I am convinced myself that their views and
their application to us are perfectly innocent; however, M. de Ternant,
and still more, M. de La Forest, are jealous. The deputies, on the other
hand, think that M. de Ternant is not sensible enough of their wants. They
delivered me sealed letters to the President and to Congress. That to the
President contained only a picture of their distresses, and application
for relief. That to Congress, I know no otherwise than through the
public papers. The Senate read it, and sent it to the Representatives,
who read it, and have taken no other notice of it. The line of conduct I
pursue is, to persuade these gentlemen to be contented with such moderate
supplies, from time to time, as will keep them from real distress, and
to wait with patience for what would be a surplus, till M. de Ternant can
receive instructions from France, which he has reason to expect within a
few weeks; and I encourage the latter gentleman even to go beyond their
absolute wants of the moment, so far as to keep them in good humor. He
is accordingly proposing to lay out ten thousand dollars for them, for
the present. It would be ridiculous in the present case, to talk about
forms. There are situations when form must be dispensed with. A man
attacked by assassins will call for help to those nearest him, and will
not think himself bound to silence till a magistrate may come to his aid.
It would be unwise in the highest degree, that the colonists should be
disgusted with either France or us; for it might then be made to depend
on the moderation of another power, whether what appears a chimera might
not become a reality. I have thought it necessary to go thus fully into
this transaction, and particularly as to the sentiments I have expressed
to them, that you may be enabled to place our proceedings in their true
light.
Our Indian expeditions have proved successful. As yet, however, they
have not led to peace. Mr. Hammond has lately arrived here as Minister
Plenipotentiary from the court of London, and we propose to name one
to that court in return. Congress will probably establish the ratio of
representation by a bill now before them, at one representative for every
thirty thousand inhabitants. Besides the newspapers, as usual, you will
receive herewith the census lately taken, by towns and counties as well
as by States.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
TO MR. HUMPHREYS.
Philadelphia, November 29, 1791.
Dear Sir,--My last to you was of August 23, acknowledging the receipt
of your Nos. 19, 21, and 22. Since that, I have received from 23 to 33
inclusive. In mine, I informed you I was about setting out for Virginia,
and consequently should not write to you till my return. This opportunity,
by Captain Wicks, is the first since my return.
The party which had gone, at the date of my last, against the Indians
north of the Ohio, were commanded by General Wilkinson, and were as
successful as the first, having killed and taken about eighty persons,
burnt some towns, and lost, I believe, not a man. As yet, however, it
has not produced peace. A very formidable insurrection of the negroes
in French St. Domingo has taken place. From thirty to fifty thousand
are said to be in arms. They have sent here for aids of military stores
and provisions, which we furnish just as far as the French minister here
approves. Mr. Hammond is arrived here as Minister Plenipotentiary from
Great Britain, and we are about sending one to that court from hence.
The census, particularly as to each part of every State, is now in the
press; if done in time for this conveyance, it shall be forwarded. The
Legislature have before them a bill for allowing one representative for
every thirty thousand persons, which has passed the Representatives, and
is now with the Senate. Some late inquiries into the state of our domestic
manufactories give a very flattering result. Their extent is great and
growing through all the States. Some manufactories on a large scale are
under contemplation. As to the article of Etrennes inquired after in one
of your letters, it was under consideration in the first instance, when
it was submitted to the President, to decide on the articles of account
which should be allowed the foreign ministers in addition to their salary;
and this article was excluded, as everything was meant to be which was
not in the particular enumeration I gave you. With respect to foreign
newspapers, I receive those of Amsterdam, France, and London so regularly,
and so early, that I will not trouble you for any of them; but I will
thank you for those of Lisbon and Madrid, and in your letters to give
me all the information you can of Spanish affairs, as I have never yet
received but one letter from Mr. Carmichael, which you I believe brought
from Madrid. You will receive with this a pamphlet by Mr. Coxe in answer
to Lord Sheffield, Freneau and Fenn's papers. I am, with great and sincere
esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO DANIEL SMITH, ESQ.
Philadelphia, November 29, 1791.
Sir,--I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of September 1 and
October 4, together with the report of the Executive proceedings in the
South-Western government from March 1 to July 26.
In answer to that part of yours of September 1 on the subject of a seal
for the use of that government, I think it extremely proper and necessary,
and that one should be provided at public expense.
The opposition made by Governor Blount and yourself to all attempts by
citizens of the United States to settle within the Indian lines without
authority from the General Government, is approved, and should be
continued.
There being a prospect that Congress, who have now the Post office bill
before them, will establish a post from Richmond to Stanton, and continue
it thence towards the South-West government a good distance, if not nearly
to it, our future correspondence will be more easy, quick, and certain.
I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO THE ATTORNEY GENERAL.
Philadelphia, December 5, 1791.
Dear Sir,--The enclosed memorial from the British minister, on the case
of Thomas Pagan, containing a complaint of injustice in the dispensations
of law by the courts of Massachusetts, to a British subject, the President
approves of my referring it to you, to report thereon your opinion of the
proceedings, and whether anything, and what, can or ought to be done by
the government in consequence thereof.
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.
_The Memorial of the British Minister._
The undersigned, his Britannic Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary to the
United States of America, has the honor of laying before the Secretary
of State, the following brief abstract of the case of Thomas Pagan, a
subject of his Britannic Majesty, now confined in the prison of Boston,
under an execution issued against him out of the Supreme judicial court of
Massachusetts Bay. To this abstract, the undersigned has taken the liberty
of annexing some observations, which naturally arise out of the statement
of the transaction, and which may perhaps tend to throw some small degree
of light on the general merits of the case.
In the late war, Thomas Pagan was agent for, and part owner of a privateer
called the Industry, which, on the 25th of March, 1783, off Cape Ann,
captured a brigantine called the Thomas, belonging to Mr. Stephen Hooper,
of Newport. The brigantine and cargo were libelled in the court of
vice-admiralty in Nova Scotia, and that court ordered the prize to be
restored. An appeal was, however, moved for by the captors, and regularly
prosecuted in England before the Lords of Appeals for prize causes, who,
in February, 1790, reversed the decree of the vice-admiralty court of Nova
Scotia, and condemned the brigantine and cargo as good and lawful prize.
In December, 1788, a judgment was obtained by Stephen Hooper in the court
of common pleas for the county of Essex, in Massachusetts, against Thomas
Pagan, for three thousand five hundred pounds lawful money, for money had
and received to the plaintiff's use. An appeal was brought thereon in May,
1789, to the Supreme judicial court of the commonwealth of Massachusetts,
held at Ipswich, for the county of Essex, and on the 16th of June, 1789,
a verdict was found for Mr. Hooper, and damages were assessed at three
thousand and nine pounds two shillings and ten pence, which sum is "for
the vessel called the brigantine Thomas, her cargo and every article
found on board." After this verdict, and before entering the judgment,
Mr. Pagan moved for a new trial, suggesting that the verdict was against
law; because the merits of the case originated in a question, whether a
certain brigantine called the Thomas, with her cargo, taken on the high
seas by a private ship of war called the Industry, was prize or no prize,
and that the court had no authority to give judgment in a cause where the
point of a resulting or implied promise arose upon a question of this
sort. The supreme judicial court refused this motion for a new trial,
because it appeared to the court, that in order to a legal decision it is
not necessary to inquire whether this prize and her cargo were prize or no
prize, and because the case did not, in their opinion, involve a question
relative to any matter or thing necessarily consequent upon the capture
thereof: it was therefore considered by the court, that Hooper should
receive of Pagan three thousand and nine pounds two shillings and ten
pence lawful money, damages: and taxed costs, sixteen pounds two shillings
and ten pence. From this judgment, Pagan claimed an appeal to the supreme
judicial court of the United States of America, for these reasons: that
the judgment was given in an action brought by Hooper, who is, and at
the time of commencing the action was, a citizen of the commonwealth of
Massachusetts, one of the United States, against Pagan, who, at the time
when the action was commenced, was, and ever since has been, a subject
of the King of Great Britain, residing in and inhabiting his province of
New Brunswick. This claim of an appeal was not allowed, because it was
considered by the court, that this court was the supreme judicial court
of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, from whose judgment there is no
appeal; and further, because there does not exist any such court within
the United States of America as that to which Pagan has claimed an appeal
from the judgment of this court. Thereupon, execution issued against Pagan
on the 9th of October, 1789, and he has been confined in Boston prison
ever since.
It is to be observed, that in August, 1789, Mr. Pagan petitioned the
supreme judicial court of Massachusetts for a new trial, and after hearing
the arguments of counsel, a new trial was refused. On the 1st of January,
1791, his Britannic Majesty's consul at Boston applied for redress on
behalf of Mr. Pagan, to the Governor of Massachusetts Bay, who, in his
letter of the 28th of January, 1791, was pleased to recommend this matter
to the serious attention of the Senate and House of Representatives of
that State. On the 14th of February, 1791, the British consul memorialized
the Senate and House of Representatives on this subject. On the 22d of
February, a committee of both Houses reported a resolution, that the
memorial of the consul and message from the Governor, with all the papers,
be referred to the consideration of the justices of the supreme judicial
court, who were directed, as far as may be, to examine into and consider
the circumstances of the case, and if they found that by the force and
effect allowed by the law of nations to foreign admiralty jurisdictions,
&c., Hooper ought not to have recovered judgment against Pagan, the
court was authorized to grant a review of the action. On the 13th of
June, 1791, the British consul again represented to the Senate and House
of Representatives, that the justices of the supreme judicial court had
not been pleased to signify their decision on this subject, referred
to them by the resolution of the 22d of February. This representation
was considered by a committee of the Senate and of the House of
Representatives, who concluded that one of them should make inquiry of
some of the judges to know their determination, and upon being informed
that the judges intended to give their opinion, with their reasons, _in
writing_, the committee would not proceed any further in the business.
On the 27th of June, 1791, Mr. Pagan's counsel moved the justices of the
supreme judicial court for their opinion in the case of Hooper and Pagan,
referred to their consideration by the resolve of the General Court,
founded on the British consul's memorial. Chief Justice and Justice Dana
being absent, Justice Paine delivered it as the unanimous opinion of the
judges absent as well as present, that Pagan was not entitled to a new
trial for any of the causes mentioned in the said resolve, and added,
"that the court intended to put their opinions upon paper, and to file
them in the cause: that the sickness of two of the court had hitherto
prevented it, but that it would soon be done."
It is somewhat remarkable, that the supreme judicial court of
Massachusetts Bay, should allege that this case did not necessarily
involve a question relative to prize or no prize, when the very jury to
whom the court referred the decision of the case established the fact;
their verdict was for three thousand and nine pounds two shillings and ten
pence, damages, which sum is for the vessel called the brigantine Thomas,
her cargo, and everything found on board. Hence it is evident, that the
case _did_ involve a question of prize or no prize, and having received
a formal decision by the only court competent to take cognizance thereof,
(viz. the high court of appeals for prize causes in England,) everything
that at all related to the property in question, or to the legality of the
capture, was thereby finally determined. The legality of the capture being
confirmed by the high court of appeals in England, cannot consistently
with the principles of the law of nations be discussed in a foreign
court of law, or at least, if a foreign court of common law is, by any
local regulations, deemed competent to interfere in matters relating to
captures, the decisions of admiralty courts or courts of appeal, should be
received and taken as conclusive evidence of the legality or illegality of
captures. By such decisions, property is either adjudged to the captors
or restored to the owners; if adjudged to the captors, they obtain a
permanent property in the captured goods acquired by the rights of war,
and this principle originates in the wisdom of nations, and is calculated
to prevent endless litigation.
The proceedings of the supreme judicial court of Massachusetts Bay, are
in direct violation of the rules and usages that have been universally
practised among nations in the determination of the validity of captures,
and of all collateral questions that may have reference thereto. The
General Court of Massachusetts Bay, among other things, kept this point
in view, when they referred the case of Mr. Pagan to the consideration of
the justices of the supreme judicial court, and authorized the court to
grant a review of the action, if it should be found that by the force and
effect allowed by the law of nations to foreign admiralty jurisdictions,
Mr. Hooper ought not to have recovered judgment against Mr. Pagan. But the
supreme judicial court have not only evaded this material consideration,
upon which the whole question incontestibly turns, but have assumed a fact
in direct contradiction to the truth of the case, viz. that the case did
not involve a question of prize or no prize. Moreover, they have denied
Mr. Pagan the benefit of appeal to that court which is competent to decide
on the force of treaties, and which court, by the constitution of the
United States, is declared to possess _appellate_ jurisdiction both as to
law and fact, in all cases of controversy between citizens of the United
States and subjects of foreign countries, to which class this case is
peculiarly and strictly to be referred.
From the foregoing abstract of the case of Thomas Pagan, it appears that
he is now detained in prison, in Boston, in consequence of a judgment
given by a court which is not competent to decide upon his case, or which,
if competent, refused to admit the only evidence that ought to have given
jurisdiction, and that he is denied the means of appealing to the highest
court of judicature known in these States, which exists in the very
organization of the constitution of the United States, and is declared to
possess appellate jurisdiction in all cases of a nature similar to this.
For these reasons, the undersigned begs leave respectfully to submit
the whole matter to the consideration of the Secretary of State, and to
request him to take such measures as may appear to him the best adapted
for the purpose of obtaining for the said Thomas Pagan, such speedy and
effectual redress as his case may seem to require.
George Hammond.
Philadelphia, November 26, 1791.
TO MR. MCALISTER.
Philadelphia, December 22, 1791.
Sir,--I am favored with yours of the 1st of November, and recollect with
pleasure our acquaintance in Virginia. With respect to the schools of
Europe, my mind is perfectly made up, and on full enquiry. The best in the
world is Edinburgh. Latterly, too, the spirit of republicanism has become
that of the students in general, and of the younger professors; so on that
account also it is eligible for an American. On the continent of Europe,
no place is comparable to Geneva. The sciences are there more modernized
than anywhere else. There, too, the spirit of republicanism is strong with
the body of the inhabitants: but that of aristocracy is strong also with
a particular class; so that it is of some consequence to attend to the
class of society in which a youth is made to move. It is a cheap place.
Of all these particulars Mr. Kinloch and Mr. Huger, of South Carolina, can
give you the best account, as they were educated there, and the latter is
lately from thence. I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your
most obedient humble servant.
TO MR. STUART.
Philadelphia, December 23, 1791.
Dear Sir,--I received duly your favor of October 22, and should have
answered it by the gentleman who delivered it, but that he left town
before I knew of it.
That it is really important to provide a constitution for our State cannot
be doubted: as little can it be doubted that the ordinance called by that
name has important defects. But before we attempt it, we should endeavor
to be as certain as is practicable that in the attempt we should not make
bad worse. I have understood that Mr. Henry has always been opposed to
this undertaking; and I confess that I consider his talents and influence
such as that, were it decided that we should call a convention for the
purpose of amending, I should fear he might induce that convention either
to fix the thing as at present, or change it for the worse. Would it not
therefore be well that means should be adopted for coming at his ideas of
the changes he would agree to, and for communicating to him those which
we should propose? Perhaps he might find ours not so distant from his,
but that some mutual sacrifices might bring them together.
I shall hazard my own ideas to you as hastily as my business obliges me.
I wish to preserve the line drawn by the federal constitution between the
general and particular governments as it stands at present, and to take
every prudent means of preventing either from stepping over it. Though
the experiment has not yet had a long enough course to show us from which
quarter encroachments are most to be feared, yet it is easy to foresee,
from the nature of things, that the encroachments of the State governments
will tend to an excess of liberty which will correct itself, (as in
the late instance,) while those of the general government will tend to
monarchy, which will fortify itself from day to day, instead of working
its own cure, as all experience shows. I would rather be exposed to the
inconveniences attending too much liberty, than those attending too small
a degree of it. Then it is important to strengthen the State governments;
and as this cannot be done by any change in the federal constitution, (for
the preservation of that is all we need contend for,) it must be done by
the States themselves, erecting such barriers at the constitutional line
as cannot be surmounted either by themselves or by the general government.
The only barrier in their power is a wise government. A weak one will
lose ground in every contest. To obtain a wise and an able government,
I consider the following changes as important. Render the legislature a
desirable station by lessening the number of representatives (say to 100)
and lengthening somewhat their term, and proportion them equally among
the electors. Adopt also a better mode of appointing senators. Render
the Executive a more desirable post to men of abilities by making it
more independent of the legislature. To wit, let him be chosen by other
electors, for a longer time, and ineligible forever after. Responsibility
is a tremendous engine in a free government. Let him feel the whole
weight of it then, by taking away the shelter of his executive council.
Experience both ways has already established the superiority of this
measure. Render the judiciary respectable by every possible means, to wit,
firm tenure in office, competent salaries, and reduction of their numbers.
Men of high learning and abilities are few in every country; and by taking
in those who are not so, the able part of the body have their hands tied
by the unable. This branch of the government will have the weight of the
conflict on their hands, because they will be the last appeal of reason.
These are my general ideas of amendments; but, preserving the ends, I
should be flexible and conciliatory as to the means. You ask whether Mr.
Madison and myself could attend on a convention which should be called?
Mr. Madison's engagements as a member of Congress will probably be from
October to March or April in every year. Mine are constant while I hold
my office, and my attendance would be very unimportant. Were it otherwise,
my office should not stand in the way of it. I am, with great and sincere
esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.
TO THE PRESIDENT.
Philadelphia, December 23, 1791.
Sir,--As the conditions of our commerce with the French and British
dominions are important, and a moment seems to be approaching when it
may be useful that both should be accurately understood, I have thrown
a representation of them into the form of a table, showing at one view
how the principal articles interesting to our agriculture and navigation,
stand in the European and American dominions of these two powers. As to so
much of it as respects France, I have cited under every article the law on
which it depends; which laws, from 1784 downwards, are in my possession.
Port charges are so different, according to the size of the vessel and the
dexterity of the captain, that an examination of a greater number of port
bills might, perhaps, produce a different result. I can only say, that
that expressed in the table is fairly drawn from such bills as I could
readily get access to, and that I have no reason to suppose it varies much
from the truth, nor on which side the variation would lie. Still, I cannot
make myself responsible for this article. The authorities cited will vouch
the rest.
I have the honor to be, with the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir,
your most obedient, and most humble servant.
_Footing of the Commerce of the United States with France and England,
and with the French and English American Colonies._
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| France. |Great Britain and Ireland.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
Wheat | (_a_) | Prohibited till it is
flour, &c. | Free. | 6s. 4d. the bushel.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_a_) | 7s. 4d. sterling
Rice. | Free. | the kental.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_b_) |
Salted fish. | 8 livres the kental. | Prohibited.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Salted beef. | 5 livres the kental. | Prohibited.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_d_) |
Salted pork. | 5 livres the kental |
| in some ports. | 44s. 9d. the kental.
| Prohibited in others. |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_a_) |
Furs. | Free. | 15 to 20 per cent.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Indigo. | 5 livres the kental. | Free.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_a_) |
Whale oil. | 7 livres and 10 sous |
| the barrel of 520 lbs. | £18 3s. the ton.
-------------+------------------------------+-------------------
| (_a_) |
| 2½ per cent. |
Tar, pitch, | 5 sous the kental, | 11d. 11s. 2s. 3d. B.
turpentine. | by new tariff. |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_a_) | Prohibited
Ships. | Free for naturalization. | naturalization.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| | average.
| | London, 76}
(_b_) | cents. average. | Liverpool, 61}
Port charges.| Bordeaux, 23 the ton} 18 | Bristol, 1.43} 1.09 dols.
| Havre, 14 the ton} | Hull, 1.57}
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
(_f_) | | (_k_)
Exports to. | 1,384,246 D. | 6,888,970 D.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
(_f_) | |
Imports from.| 155,136 D. | 13,965,464 D.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
(_f_) | |
Freighted | |
in _their_ | 9,842 tons. | 119,194 tons.
vessels. | |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
(_f_) | |
Freighted | |
in _our_ | 19,173 tons. | 39,171 tons.
vessels. | |
=============+==============================+==========================
| French America. | English America.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_g_) |
Wheat, | Prohibited by a general law. | Free, by proclamation.
flour, &c. | Free, by suspensions from |
| time to time. |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Rice. | 1 per cent. | Free, by proclamation.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_h_) |
Salted fish. | 1 per cent. x3 livres kental.| Prohibited.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_e_) |
Salted beef. | 1 per cent. x3 livres kental.| Prohibited.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| | Jamaica, .76 }
| | Antigua, .22 }
Port charges.| Cape Franc, .96} | Barbados, .42 } average.
| Port au Prince, .40} average.| St. Kitts, .43 } .44
| Martinique, .18} .55 | Dominique, .21 }
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
Exports to. | 3,284,656 D. | 2,357,583 D.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
Imports from.| 1,913,212 D. | 1,319,964 D.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
Freighted | |
in _their_ | 3,959 tons. | 107,759 tons.
vessels. | |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
Freighted | 97,236 tons. | Prohibited.
in _our_ | |
vessels. | |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
_The following articles being on an equal footing in both countries, are
thrown together._
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| France. |Great Britain and Ireland.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
Tobacco. | Free of duty, | 1s. 3d. the lb.
| but under monopoly. |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_a_) |
Wood. | Free. | Free.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_a_) |
Pot and | Free. | Free.
pearl ash. | |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_a_) |
Flax seed. | Free. | Free.
=============+==============================+==========================
| French America. | English America.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Corn, Indian.| 1 per cent. | Free, by proclamation.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Wood. | 1 per cent. | Free, by proclamation.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Salted Pork. | Prohibited. | Prohibited.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Horses | Free. | Free, by proclamation.
and mules. | |
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Live | 1 per cent. | Free, by proclamation.
provisions. | |
+------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
| (_c_) |
Tar, pitch, | 1 per cent. | Free, by proclamation.
turpentine. | |
+------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
Imports |Rum, molasses generally, | Rum, molasses, sugar,
allowed. | sugar, and all other | coffee, cocoa nuts,
| commodities till August 1, | ginger,pimento, by
| 1794. | proclamation.
-------------+------------------------------+--------------------------
NOTES.
(_a_) By _Arret_ of December the 29th, 1787.
(_b_) By _Arret_ of 1763.