Sir,--I enclose, you a statement of the case of Joseph St. Marie, a

citizen of the United States of America, whose clerk, Mr. Swimmer, was,

in the latter part of the year 1787, seized on the eastern side of the

Mississippi, in latitude 34° 40', together with his goods, of the value of

nineteen hundred and eighty dollars, by a party of Spanish soldiers. They

justified themselves under the order of a Mr. Valliere, their officer,

who avowed authority from the Governor of New Orleans, requiring him to

seize and confiscate all property _found on either side of the Mississippi

below the mouth of the Ohio_. The matter being then carried by St. Marie

before the Governor of New Orleans, instead of correcting the injury,

he avowed the act and its principle, and pretended orders from his court

for this and more. We have so much confidence, however, in the moderation

and friendship of the court of Madrid, that we are more ready to ascribe

this outrage to officers acting at a distance, than to orders from a

just sovereign. We have hitherto considered the delivery of the post of

the Natchez, on the part of Spain, as only awaiting the result of those

arrangements which have been under amicable discussion between us; but the

remaining in possession of a post which is so near our limit of thirty-one

degrees, as to admit some color of doubt whether it be on our side or

theirs, is one thing; while it is a very different one, to launch two

hundred and fifty miles further, and seize the persons and property of our

citizens; and that too, in the very moment that a friendly accommodation

of all differences, is under discussion. Our respect for their candor and

good faith does not permit us to doubt, that proper notice will be taken

of the presumption of their officer, who has thus put to hazard the peace

of both nations, and we particularly expect that indemnification will be

made to the individual injured. On this you are desired to insist in the

most friendly terms, but with that earnestness and perseverance which the

complexion of this wrong requires. The papers enclosed will explain the

reasons of the delay which has intervened. It is but lately they have been

put into the hands of our government.

We cannot omit this occasion of urging on the court of Madrid, the

necessity of hastening a final acknowledgment of our right to navigate

the Mississippi; a right which has been long suspended in exercise, with

extreme inconvenience on our part, merely with a desire of reconciling

Spain to what it is impossible for us to relinquish. An accident at

this day, like that now complained of, would put further parley beyond

our power; yet to such accidents we are every day exposed by the

irregularities of their officers, and the impatience of our citizens.

Should any spark kindle these dispositions of our borderers into a flame,

we are involved beyond recall by the eternal principles of justice to

our citizens, which we will never abandon. In such an event, Spain cannot

possibly gain, and what may she not lose?

The boldness of this act of the Governor of New Orleans, and of his avowal

of it, renders it essential to us to understand the court of Spain on this

subject. You will, therefore, avail yourself of the earliest occasion of

obtaining their sentiments, and of communicating them to us.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

Philadelphia, March 12, 1791.

Dear Sir,--The enclosed papers will explain to you a case which imminently

endangers the peace of the United States with Spain. It is not, indeed,

of recent date, but it has been recently laid before government, and

is of so bold a feature as to render dangerous to our rights a further

acquiescence in their suspension. The middle ground held by France between

us and Spain, both in friendship and interest, requires that we should

communicate with her with the fullest confidence on this occasion. I

therefore enclose you a copy of my letter to Mr. Carmichael, and of the

papers it refers to, to be communicated to Monsieur de Montmorin, whose

efficacious interference with the court of Madrid you are desired to ask.

We rely with great confidence on his friendship, justice and influence.

A cession of the navigation of the Mississippi, with such privileges

as to make it useful, and free from future chicane, can be no longer

dispensed with on our part; and perhaps while I am writing, something may

have already happened to cut off this appeal to friendly accommodation.

To what consequences such an event would lead, cannot be calculated. To

such, very possibly, as we should lament, without being able to control.

Your earnestness with Monsieur de Montmorin, and with the court of

Spain, cannot be more pressing than the present situation and temper of

this country requires. The case of St. Marie happens to be the incident

presenting itself in the moment, when the general question must otherwise

have been brought forward. We rely, on this occasion, on the good offices

of the Marquis de La Fayette, whom you are desired to interest in it.

I am, with sincere and great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO COLONEL INNES.

Philadelphia, March 13, 1791.

Dear Sir,--

* * * * *

What is said with you of the most prominent proceedings of the last

Congress? The disapprobation of the assumption with you leads us naturally

to attend to your reception of laws for carrying it into effect, which

have been thought to present themselves in an unfavorable view. What

will be thought of measures taken to force Great Britain by a navigation

act, to come forward in fair treaty, and let us substantially into her

islands, as a price for the advantages of navigation and commerce which

she now derives from us? This is interesting to our agriculture, provided

the means adopted be sufficiently gradual. I wish you would come forward

to the federal legislature and give your assistance on a larger scale

than that on which you are acting at present. I am satisfied you could

render essential service; and I have such confidence in the purity

of your republicanism, that I know your efforts would go in a right

direction. Zeal and talents added to the republican scale will do no

harm in Congress. It is fortunate that our first executive magistrate is

purely and zealously republican. We cannot expect all his successors to

be so, and therefore should avail ourselves the present day to establish

principles and examples which may fence us against future heresies

preached now, to be practised hereafter. I repeat my wish that I could see

you come into the federal councils; no man living joining more confidence

in your principles and talents to higher personal esteem than, dear Sir,

your most obedient humble servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

Philadelphia, March 15, 1791.

Dear Sir,--In mine of January the 23d, I acknowledged the receipt of your

letters from No. 29 to 48 inclusive, except 31, 44, 45, 46. Since that I

have received Nos. 45 and 50; the former in three months and seven days,

the latter in two months and seventeen days, by the English packet, which

had an uncommonly long passage. Nos. 31, 44, 46, 47, 48, 49, are still

missing. They have probably come through merchant vessels and merchants,

who will let them lie on their counters two or three months before they

will forward them. I wrote you on the 8th and 12th instant, by a private

hand, on particular subjects. I am not certain whether this will be in

time to go by the same conveyance. In yours of December 23d, you suppose

we receive regularly the journals of the National Assembly from your

secretary at Paris, but we have never received anything from him. Nothing

has been addressed to him, his name being unknown to us.

It gives great satisfaction that the _Arret du Conseil_ of December,

1787, stands a chance of being saved. It is, in truth, the sheet-anchor

of our connection with France, which will be much loosened when that

is lost. This _Arret_ saved, a free importation of salted meats into

France, and of provisions of all kinds into her colonies, will bind our

interests to that country more than to all the world besides. It has

been proposed in Congress to pass a navigation act, which will deeply

strike at that of Great Britain. I send you a copy of it. It is probable

the same proposition will be made at the next Congress, as a first step,

and for one more extensive at a later period. It is thought the first

will be carried; the latter will be more doubtful. Would it not be worth

while to have the bill now enclosed, translated, printed and circulated

among the members of the National Assembly? If you think so, have it done

at the public expense, with any little comment you may think necessary,

concealing the quarter from whence it is distributed; or take any other

method you think better, to see whether that Assembly will not pass a

similar act. I shall send copies of it to Mr. Carmichael, at Madrid, and

to Colonel Humphreys, appointed resident at Lisbon, with a desire for them

to suggest similar acts there. The measure is just, perfectly innocent as

to all other nations, and will effectually defeat the navigation act of

Great Britain, and reduce her power on the ocean within safer limits.

The time of the late Congress having expired on the 3d instant, they then

separated of necessity. Much important matter was necessarily laid over;

this navigation act among others. The land law was put off, and nothing

farther done with the mint than to direct workmen to be engaged. The new

Congress will meet on the 4th Monday in October. Their laws shall be sent

you by the first opportunity after they shall be printed. You will receive

herewith those of their second session. We know that Massachusetts has

agreed to the amendments to the Constitution, except (as is said) the

first, second, and twelfth articles. The others, therefore, are now in

force. The articles excepted will depend on the other legislatures. The

late expedition against the northern Indians having been ineffectual, more

serious operations against them will be undertaken as soon as the season

admits. The President is just now setting out on a tour to the southern

States, from whence he will not return till June. The British packet being

the quickest mode of conveyance, I shall avail myself of that, as well

as of the French packet, to write to you. Are the letters which now pass

through the French post offices opened, as they were under the former

government? This is important for me to know.

I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

P. S. I omitted to draw your attention to an additional duty of one cent

per gallon on rum, by name. This was intended as some discrimination

between England and France. It would have been higher, but for the fear

of affecting the revenues in a contrary direction.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

Philadelphia, March 19, 1791.

Dear Sir,--Your letter of November the 6th, No. 46, by Mr. Osmont, came

to hand yesterday, and I have just time, before the departure of Mr.

Terrasson, the bearer of my letter of the 15th instant, and despatches

accompanying it, to acknowledge the receipt, and inform you that it has

been laid before the President. On consideration of the circumstances

stated in the second page of your letter, he is of opinion, that it is

expedient to press at this moment a settlement of our difference with

Spain. You are therefore desired, instead of confining your application

for the interference of the court of France, to the simple case of St.

Marie, mentioned in my letter of the 12th, to ask it on the broad bottom

of general necessity, that our right of navigating the Mississippi be

at length ceded by the court of Madrid, and be ceded in such form, as to

render the exercise of it efficacious and free from chicane. This cannot

be without an entrepôt in some convenient port of the river, where the

river and sea craft may meet and exchange loads, without any control from

the laws of the Spanish government. This subject was so fully developed

to you in my letter of August the 10th, 1790, that I shall at present

only refer to that. We wish you to communicate this matter fully to the

Marquis de La Fayette, to ask his influence and assistance, assuring

him that a settlement of this matter is become indispensable to us; any

further delay exposing our peace, both at home and abroad, to accidents,

the result of which are incalculable, and must no longer be hazarded. His

friendly interposition on this occasion, as well as that of his nation,

will be most sensibly felt by us. To his discretion, therefore, and yours,

we confide this matter, trusting that you will so conduct it as to obtain

our right in an efficacious form; and at the same time to preserve to us

the friendship of France and Spain, the latter of which we value much,

and the former infinitely.

Mr. Carmichael is instructed to press this matter at Madrid: yet if the

Marquis and yourself think it could be better effected at Paris, with the

Count de Nunnez, it is left to you to endeavor to try it there. Indeed,

we believe it would be more likely to be settled there, than at Madrid

or here. Observe always, that to accept the navigation of the river

without an entrepôt would be perfectly useless, and that an entrepôt, if

tramelled, would be a certain instrument for bringing on war instead of

preventing it.

I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO DR. WISTAR.

Philadelphia, March 20, 1791.

Sir,--I am thankful for the trouble which yourself and Dr. Hutchinson

have taken, and are still willing to take, on the subject of Mr. Isaacs'

discovery. However his method may turn out, this advantage will certainly

result from it, that having drawn the public attention to the subject, it

may be made the occasion of disseminating among the masters of vessels a

knowledge of the fact, that fresh water may be obtained from salt water

by a common distillation, and in abundance. Though Lind's, Irvine's, and

McQueer's experiments should suffice to satisfy them of this, yet it may

fix their faith more firmly, if we can say to them that we have tried

these experiments ourselves, and can vouch for their effect. If Mr. Isaacs

can increase that effect, so much the better; it will be a new flower in

the American wreath. He is poor, and complains that his delay here is very

distressing to him. Therefore, I propose to-morrow for the experiment,

and will ask the favor of you to fix any hour that may best suit the

convenience of Dr. Hutchinson and yourself, from five in the morning to

twelve at night, all being equal to me. Only be good as to notify it in

time for me to give notice to Mr. Isaacs. Will it not save time, if the

great still can be set agoing at the same time with the small ones? He

protests against any unfavorable conclusions from a small experiment,

because never having tried his method in a small way, he does not know

how to proportion his mixture. I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most

obedient humble servant.

TO HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR MARTIN.

Philadelphia, March 26, 1791.

Sir,--Having in charge to lay before Congress a general statement of all

the lands subject to their disposal, it becomes necessary for me, so far

as respects the proceedings of North Carolina, to draw on a map the line

which forms the Eastern boundary of the cession of that State to Congress,

and then to specify all the private claims within the cession, which form

exceptions to their general right of granting the ceded territory. Three

classes of these exceptions have been stated to me. First, the returns

from Armstrong's office. Second, the claims of the officers of the North

Carolina line of the lands reserved for them on the Cumberland. Third,

a grant of twenty-five thousand acres to General Greene. I find myself

under the necessity of troubling your Excellency to enable me to lay down

with precision this dividing line, and then a precise specification and

location of the three classes of exceptions before mentioned, and also,

any other exceptions which you may know of. Besides that these things

can be known only from your offices, I am induced to ask you to take the

trouble from an assurance that you will be glad to assist in furnishing

any information which may prevent the citizens of your State from being

involved in litigations by a sale to others of lands to which they may

have a just claim, and which would not be so sold, if their claims could

be previously known. As I propose to set about this statement immediately,

I shall consider it as a great personal obligation, if the measures

which your Excellency may be pleased to take for my assistance, can be

immediately executed, and the result communicated to me. I have the honor

to be, with great esteem and respect, your Excellency's most obedient,

and most humble servant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Philadelphia, March 27, 1791.

Sir,--I have been again to see Mr. Barclay on the subject of his mission,

and to hasten him. I communicated to him the draught of his instructions,

and he made an observation which may render a small change expedient.

You know it has been concluded that he should go without any defined

character, in order to save expense. He observed that if his character

was undefined they would consider him as an Ambassador, and expect

proportional liberalities, and he thought it best to fix his character

to that of consul, which was the lowest that could be employed. Thinking

that there is weight in his opinion, I have the honor to enclose you a

blank commission for him as consul, and another letter to the Emperor,

no otherwise different from that you signed, but as having a clause of

credence in it. If you approve of this change, you will be so good as to

sign these papers and return them; otherwise, the letter before signed

will still suffice.

I enclose you a Massachusetts paper, whereby you will see that some acts

of force have taken place on our eastern boundary. Probably that State

will send us authentic information of them. The want of an accurate map

of the Bay of Passamaquoddy renders it difficult to form a satisfactory

opinion on the point in contest. I write to-day to Rufus Putnam to send me

his survey referred to in his letters. There is a report that some acts of

force have taken place on the northern boundary of New York, and are now

under the consideration of the government of that State. The impossibility

of bringing the court of London to an adjustment of any difference

whatever, renders our situation perplexing. Should any applications from

the States or their citizens be so urgent as to require something to be

said before your return, my opinion would be that they should be desired

to make no new settlements on our part, nor suffer any to be made on the

part of the British, within the disputed territory; and if any attempt

should be made to remove them from the settlements already made, that

they are to repel force by force, and ask aid of the neighboring militia

to do this and no more. I see no other safe way of forcing the British

government to come forward themselves and demand an amicable settlement.

If this idea meets your approbation, it may prevent a misconstruction by

the British, of what may happen, should I have this idea suggested in a

proper manner to Colonel Beckwith.

The experiments which have been tried of distilling sea-water with

Isaacs' mixture, and also without it, have been rather in favor of the

distillation without any mixture.

A bill was yesterday ordered to be brought into the House of

Representatives here, for granting a sum of money for building a Federal

Hall, house for the President, &c.

You knew of Mr. R. Morris' purchase of Gorham and Phelps of 1,300,000

acres of land of the State of Massachusetts, at 5_d._ an acre. It is said

that he has sold 1,200,000 acres of these in Europe, through the agency

of V. Franklin, who it seems went on this business conjointly with that

of printing his grandfather's works. Mr. Morris, under the name of Ogden,

and perhaps in partnership with him, has bought the residue of the lands

held in the same country by Massachusetts, for £100,000. The Indian title

of the former purchase has been extinguished by Gorham, but that of the

latter is not. Perhaps it cannot be. In that case a similarity of interest

will produce an alliance with the Yazoo companies. Perhaps a sale may be

made in Europe to purchasers ignorant of the Indian right.

I shall be happy to hear that no accident has happened to you in the bad

roads you have passed, and that you are better prepared for those to come

by lowering the hang of your carriage, and exchanging the coachman for two

postilions, circumstances which I confess to you appeared to me essential

for your safety, for which no one on earth more sincerely prays, both

from public and private regard, than he who has the honor to be, with

sentiments of the most profound respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO MR. LEWIS.

Philadelphia, March 31, 1791.

The recess of Congress permits me now to resume the subject of my letter

of August 12th, and to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of September

14th, November 25th, and January 1st. With respect to British debts and

property it was thought possible then that they might come forward and

discuss the interests and questions existing between the two nations,

and as we know they would assail us on the subject of the treaty, without

our previously knowing the particular State or States whose proceedings

they would make the ground of complaint, we wished to be in a state of

preparation on every point. I am therefore to thank you particularly for

having furnished us the justifications of this Commonwealth in your letter

of January 1st. With respect to the more general object of my letter, that

of making a very complete collection of all the laws in force, or which

were ever in force in the several States, we are now as to this State

possessed of those from 1776 to 1790. I must still avail myself of your

kind undertaking in your letters of September 14th and November 25th, to

continue your attention to this acquisition till we can have the whole.

Indeed, if you would order any bookseller to procure them according to

such list as you should give him, it might greatly lessen your trouble,

and he could deliver them himself at my office and receive there his pay.

Whenever you shall be so good as to notify me of the cost of those already

furnished, it shall be immediately reimbursed. I am sure you are sensible

of the necessity of possessing at the seat of the General Government,

a complete collection of all the laws of all the States, and hope you

will perceive there were no persons so likely to make the collection

judiciously as the Attorneys for the Districts, which must be the apology

for the trouble which has been given you on this subject by him who has

the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient,

and most humble servant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Philadelphia, April 2, 1791.

I had the honor of addressing you on the 27th ult., since which letters

are received of January 24th, from Mr. Carmichael, and of January 3d and

15th, Madrid, and February 6th, and 12th, Lisbon, from Colonel Humphreys.

As these are interesting, and may tend to settle suspense of mind to a

certain degree, I shall trouble you with quotations from some parts and

the substance of others.

Colonel H. says, "I learn from other good authority, as well as from

Mr. Carmichael, that all the representations of Gardoqui (when minister

in America), tended to excite a belief that the most respectable and

influential people throughout the United States did not wish to have

the navigation of the Mississippi opened for years to come, from an

apprehension such an event would weaken the government, and impoverish

the Atlantic States by emigrations. It was even pretended that none but

a handful of settlers on the Western waters, and a few inhabitants of the

Southern States would acquiesce in the measure." This is the state of mind

to which they have reverted since the crisis with England is passed, for

during that, the Count de Florida Blanca threw out general assertions that

we should have no reason to complain of their conduct with respect to the

Mississippi, which gave rise to the report its navigation was opened. The

following passages will be astonishing to you who recollect that there

was not a syllable in your letters to Mr. G. M., which looked in the

most distant manner to Spain. Mr. Carmichael says, "something, however,

might have been done in a moment of projects and apprehension, had not

a certain negotiation carried on, on our part, at London, transpired,

and which I think was known here rather from British policy, than from

the vigilance of the Marquis del Campo. Entirely unacquainted with this

manœuvre, although in correspondence with the person employed, I was

suspected to be in the secret. This suspicion banished confidence, which

returns by slow degrees. This circumstance induced me to drop entirely

my correspondence with G. M. To continue it would have done harm, and

certainly could do no good. I have seen extracts of the President's letter

communicated to the Duke of Leeds, perhaps mutilated or forged to serve

here the views of the British cabinet. I do not yet despair of obtaining

copies of those letters through the same channel that I procured the first

account of the demands of G. B. and the signature of the late convention."

Colonel Humphreys says, "the minister had intimations from del Campo of

the conferences between Mr. Morris and the Duke of Leeds, which occasioned

him to say with warmth to Mr. Carmichael, 'now is your time to make a

treaty with England.' Fitzherbert availed himself of these conferences to

create apprehensions that the Americans would aid his nation in case of

war." Your genuine letter could have made no impression. The British court

then must have forged one, to suit their purpose, and I think it will not

be amiss to send a genuine copy to Carmichael, to place our faith on its

just ground. The principal hope of doing anything now, is founded either

on an expected removal of the Count de F. B. from the ministry, in which

case persons will be employed who are more friendly to America, or to the

bursting out of that fire which both gentlemen think but superficially

covered. Mr. Carmichael justifies himself by the interception of his

letters. He has shown the originals to Colonel H. He concludes his present

letter with these words, "relying on the good opinion of me, that you have

been pleased to express on many occasions, I intreat you to engage the

President to permit me to return to my native country." Colonel Humphreys,

on the subjects of his justification and return says, (after speaking of

the persons likely to come into power,) "Mr. Carmichael being on terms

of intimacy with the characters here, is certainly capable of effecting

more at this court than any other American. He is heartily desirous of

accomplishing the object in view at all events, and fully determined

to return to America in twelve or eighteen months at farthest. He has

expressed that intention repeatedly. To be invested with full powers,

perhaps he would be able to do something before his departure from the

continent." In his letter of January 15th, he says, "Mr. Carmichael's

ideas are just: his exertions will be powerful and unremitting to

obtain the accomplishment of our desires before his departure from this

country. The task will now be difficult if not impracticable." In that

of February 6th, he says, "Mr. Carmichael is much mortified that so many

of his despatches have miscarried. By the original documents, which I

have seen in his hands, I am convinced he has been extremely assiduous

and successful in procuring early and authentic intelligence. It is

difficult for a person at a distance to form an adequate judgment of the

embarrassments to which a public man, situated as he was, is subjected,

in making written communications, from such an inland place, and under

such a jealous government. He appears disgusted with the country and the

mode of life he is compelled to lead. He desires ardently to return to

his native land; but he wishes to distinguish himself first by rendering

some essential service to it if possible."

Governor Quesada, by order of his court, is inviting foreigners to go and

settle in Florida. This is meant for our people. Debtors take advantage

of it, and go off with their property. Our citizens have a right to go

where they please. It is the business of the States to take measures to

stop them till their debts are paid. This done, I wish a hundred thousand

of our inhabitants would accept the invitation. It will be the means

of delivering to us peaceably what may otherwise cost us a war. In the

meantime, we may complain of this seduction of our inhabitants just enough

to make them believe we think it very wise policy for them, and confirm

them in it. This is my idea of it. I have the honor to be, with sentiments

of the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO MAJOR L'ENFANT.

Philadelphia, April 10, 1791.

Sir,--I am favored with your letter of the 4th instant, and in compliance

with your request, I have examined my papers, and found the plans of

Frankfort-on-the-Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Paris, Orleans,

Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, which I send

in a roll by the post. They are on large and accurate scales, having

been procured by me while in those respective cities myself. As they are

connected with the notes I made in my travels, and often necessary to

explain them to myself, I will beg your care of them, and to return them

when no longer useful to you, leaving you absolutely free to keep them

as long as useful. I am happy that the President has left the planning

of the town in such good hands, and have no doubt it will be done to

general satisfaction. Considering that the grounds to be reserved for the

public are to be paid for by the acre, I think very liberal reservations

should be made for them; and if this be about the Tyber and on the back

of the town, it will be of no injury to the commerce of the place, which

will undoubtedly establish itself on the deep waters towards the eastern

branch and mouth of Rock Creek; the water about the mouth of the Tyber

not being of any depth. Those connected with the government will prefer

fixing themselves near the public grounds in the centre, which will also

be convenient to be resorted to as walks from the lower and upper town.

Having communicated to the President, before he went away, such general

ideas on the subject of the town as occurred to me, I make no doubt that,

in explaining himself to you on the subject, he has interwoven with his

own ideas, such of mine as he approved. For fear of repeating therefore

what he did not approve, and having more confidence in the unbiassed

state of his mind, than in my own, I avoided interfering with what he

may have expressed to you. Whenever it is proposed to prepare plans for

the Capitol, I should prefer the adoption of some one of the models of

antiquity, which have had the approbation of thousands of years; and for

the President's house, I should prefer the celebrated fronts of modern

buildings, which have already received the approbation of all good judges.

Such are the Galerie du Louire, the Gardes meubles, and two fronts of

the Hotel de Salm. But of this it is yet time enough to consider. In the

meantime I am, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Philadelphia, April 10, 1791.

I had the honor of addressing you on the 2d instant, which I presume would

overtake you at Richmond. The present, I imagine, will not overtake you

till you get to Wilmington. Since my last, I have been honored with your

two letters of March 31st, and two others of April 4th, one of which was

circular. A copy of this, I sent to the Vice-President, and as Colonel

Hamilton has asked a consultation on a letter of Mr. Short's, we shall

have a meeting with the Vice-President to-morrow. I will then ask their

advice also on the communication to Colonel Beckwith, relative to the

supplies to the Indians. Finding, within a day or two after my letter

to you of March 27th, that Putnam was gone to the westward, I detained

my letter to him, and applied to General Knox, from whom I obtained some

information on the Eastern boundary. No official information of the affair

of Moose Island is received here. Perhaps it is on the road to you. Nor

do we hear anything more of the disturbance said to have arisen on the

borders of New York. I have asked the favor of my friend Mr. Madison to

think on the subject of the consular commission to Mr. Barclay, so far as

we have done so and conferred together as yet. We are both of opinion it

may be used; but we shall think and confer further. I presume your only

doubt arose on the constitutional powers to "supply vacancies" during

the recess of Congress. There was an omission also (which might strike

your mind), of the limitation of the commission "till the end of the next

session of Congress." As the Constitution limits them, this clause is

always useless; however, as it does no harm, it has been usually inserted

in the commissions. But in the case of Mr. Barclay, such a clause would

require a very awkward explanation to the Emperor of Morocco; and as

Mr. Barclay is acquainted with the constitutional determination of his

commission, it was thought better to omit the useless expression of it.

The acquisition of ground at Georgetown is really noble. Considering that

only £25 an acre is to be paid for any grounds taken for the public,

and the streets not to be counted, which will in fact reduce it to

about £19 an acre, I think very liberal reserves should be made for the

public. Your proclamation came to hand the night of the 5th. Dunlap's

and Bache's papers for the morning of the 6th being already filled, I

could only get it into Brown's evening paper of the 6th. On the 7th, the

bill for the federal buildings passed the Representatives here by 42 to

10, but it was rejected yesterday by 9 to 6 in the Senate, or to speak

more exactly, it was postponed till the next session. In the meantime,

spirited proceedings at Georgetown will probably, under the continuance

of your patronage, prevent the revival of the bill. I received last night

from Major L'Enfant a request to furnish him any plans of towns I could,

for his examination. I accordingly send him, by this post, plans of

Frankfort-on-the-Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam, Strasburg, Paris, Orleans,

Bordeaux, Lyons, Montpelier, Marseilles, Turin, and Milan, on large and

accurate scales, which I procured while in those towns respectively.

They are none of them, however, comparable to the old Babylon, revived

in Philadelphia, and exemplified. While in Europe, I selected about a

dozen or two of the handsomest fronts of private buildings, of which I

have the plates. Perhaps it might decide the taste of the new town, were

these to be engraved here, and distributed gratis among the inhabitants

of Georgetown. The expense would be trifling.

I enclose you extracts from a letter of Mr. Short's of January 24th.

One of January 28th has since come to hand, containing nothing but a

translation of the letter, said to have been written by the Emperor to

the King of France, but which he suspects to be a forgery, a forged bull

of the Pope having lately appeared in the same way. He says very serious

differences have arisen between the Minister of Prussia, at Liege, and

the imperial commanding officer there.

I also enclose the debates of the Pennsylvania assembly on the bill for

the federal buildings, and the bill itself; and have the honor to be,

with sentiments of the most perfect respect and attachment, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

_Extract of a letter from William Short to Thomas Jefferson, Secretary of

State, dated Amsterdam, January 24, 1791._

"No loan is yet opened; as far as I can judge it will be found proper

to postpone it two or three weeks longer, for reasons mentioned in my

former letters, which are of general application, and in this instance

particularly for the greater certainty of a success that may enhance the

credit of the United States.

"The Reporter of the Committee of Domaines has at length presented the

opinion of that committee respecting the Decree on the _Droit d'Aubaine_

to the assembly. He had unfortunately connected it with the business of

the Successions, so that an adjournment was insisted on in order that the

Report might be discussed. It was referred to four different committees.

I had put the Marquis de La Fayette fully in possession of this subject,

and wrote to him again respecting it, immediately on being informed of

the turn it had taken. The Secretary, whom I left in Paris, writes me

that they are now trying to get the Diplomatic Committee to ask for a

division of this report, and to obtain a decree explanatory merely as to

the _Droit d'Aubaine_. In the present ill-humor and jealousy which prevail

with respect to colonies, it is difficult to say what they will do--but we

may be sure that M. de Montmorin will use his exertions to effect what we

desire. I apprehend delay, however, which no application can prevent, and

I always had doubts myself with respect to the success of this business,

notwithstanding the opinion of the Reporter and Committee of Domaines. I

mentioned formerly on what those doubts were founded.

"Since the Report of the Committee of Impositions, made in the month of

December, of which you will have seen an extract in the Journals of the

Assembly, and of which I enclosed you a copy in my last, nothing more has

been said on tobacco, except by a member of the Committee of Finance. You

will have seen that the Committee of Imposition propose to abandon tobacco

as an article of revenue. The member of the Committee of Finance, on the

contrary, insisted on it; another member of the same committee, however,

insisted on his informing the assembly that what he said was his private

opinion, and not that of the Committee of Finance. Nobody, as I have

frequently repeated, can say with certainty, when the Assembly will take

up any subject, nor what they will decide on it. Their sentiments with

respect to tobacco, have experienced a manifest alteration since the first

report of the Committee of Imposition respecting it. It is probable now

that it will be made an article of free commerce, with a duty on entering

the kingdom. But should the Farm be continued, still some modification

may be expected at present in favor of their commercial connections with

the United States. I forgot to mention above, that I had received through

Mr. Donald your letter of November 25 respecting this article.

"The Commercial Committee have formed a new tariff, which is now under

press, as they write me, to be presented to the assembly. They not only

admit American oils in their plan, but put the duties lower than under the

_Arrêt du Conseil_. It is yet for the assembly to decide on it. I have

already informed you of the stages through which this business has been

carried, and the manner in which it has been done. I hope the means will

be approved of; and the United States will have reason to be satisfied

with the result. The delay is inevitable from the nature and proceedings

of the assembly. That is the cause, also, of the uncertainty and variation

in the opinions which I have communicated to you from time to time on

these subjects.

"The resistance of a considerable part of the clergy to a decree of the

assembly for their civil organization, and particularly for changing the

limits of the dioceses, and the violent measures adopted by the assembly

respecting this resistance, or rather non-compliance, has been matter of

uneasiness for some time. By a decree of the assembly all those of the

clergy who, by a given day, had not taken an oath to maintain the civil

organization of that body, were to be deprived of their ecclesiastical

functions, and their successors immediately appointed agreeably to the

new mode of election. That day rigorously has passed, and only two bishops

of the assembly have taken the oath. Of the curates of Paris a majority,

also, had refused; but among those subscribed were some of the principal,

and particularly the curate of St. Eustache, the King's confessor, who,

it is said, was converted by the King himself, who takes every possible

means of preventing what might occasion disorder, and who, from his

uniform conduct, merits better treatment than he sometimes receives. By a

construction of the decree some delay is obtained for its execution. In

the meantime two of the refusing bishops have entered into negotiation.

They desire to find some decent means of retracting their refusal;

hitherto they have waited for the consent of the Pope, to obtain which

they had sent an express to Rome. His answer has not yet been received,

but it is known by private letters that he is disposed to accommodate

at present, though he would not hear of it at first. I know not yet what

effect this will produce on the people in the provinces. In the capital,

their love of the Revolution so far surpasses every other passion, that

all the exertions of the _Garde Nationale_ have been necessary to prevent

their entering the churches and hanging the refusing curates. They will

manifest their dispositions less violently, perhaps, in the provinces, but

in general the spirit of the Revolution will certainly predominate, even

if the clergy succeed to convince them that it is contrary to the spirit

of religion.

"The funds have risen to an uncommon height owing to the considerable

reimbursements made by the emission of _assignats_. These do not

depreciate as might have been expected. On the whole, if there were any

probability of the assembly's confining themselves merely to the business

of organizing the government, so as to put an end to their session and

call a new legislature, the Revolution might be considered as really in a

successful state; but the Report of the Central Committee, which you will

have received, prescribes such a superabundance of matter as necessary

to be deliberated on and settled by the present assembly, that its end

as well as the term of the completion of the constitution can be reduced

to no calculation. All that seems to me certain is, that the Revolution

will in one way or another end by giving a free government to France. This

event might be hastened much by the assembly, if they would. My former

letters will have informed you how little I think it is to be hoped from

them, and for what reasons.

"The Russians, as has been expected for some time, have taken Ismailow.

They stormed it, and put the whole garrison to the sword on the 22d of

December. This was probably to strike terror into the Turks, in order

to aid the separate negotiation which it is known Prince Potemkin is

endeavoring to effect with the Grand Visier. The object is to engage

the Porte to accept peace without the mediation of other powers. On

the other hand, Prussia is active both in negotiation and military

demonstration to counteract this project. Preparations are making for

sending a large army into Livonia in the spring, which has induced the

Empress to call off some of the heavy troops from those employed against

the Turks. England, also, keeps an augmented navy in commission. It

seems not doubted that the design is to send a fleet into the Baltic

as soon as the season will permit it. It is said, also, that the three

mediating powers are negotiating with Denmark, to engage that country

to be at least indifferent as to the entrance of this fleet; and that

there are grounds for hopes of success. Some think, also, that there

are indications which render it probable that Spain will join in the

mediation for obtaining peace for the Turks. I have no reason to suppose

it other than that arising from the desire which Spain must naturally have

to see peace restored to that power. It is supposed if she joins in the

mediation it will be merely for that object, and not from any disposition

to favor generally the system of the mediating powers. Where so many

and such opposite principles enter into account, it would be temerity to

conjecture the particular results, without being behind the curtain; and

even there probably the schemes are not yet fully ascertained. Every day

must necessarily throw new lights on this complicated state of affairs,

in proportion as the state of negotiation is more advanced.

"I think it probable myself, that peace will be effected one way or

another in the course of the year. The present favorable situation of the

Russian army, the dispersed and disheartened situation of the Ottoman, the

succor promised by Prussia, so long deferred, the little hope of immediate

relief from the geographical position of that power, the ardent desire

of Russia to effect a peace without mediation, and the sacrifices she is

disposed to make to effect it; all induce me to believe that it will be

brought about in that way. If, however, the Porte, from a well-founded

confidence in the active interference of the mediating powers, should

decide still to hold out, then it seems that the Empress will be induced

to come to terms rather than enter the lists with new and powerful

enemies, from whom she would have much to fear, particularly by sea.

Still I find several who think, from the character of the Empress, that

she will resist, and try the event of a campaign rather than sacrifice

so much success and so much glory in having a peace dictated to her.

Her resources at home are without end from her mode of calling them into

action, and her credit, even here, stands high; certainly much higher than

it should do. It is supposed, also, that in this extremity she would be

seconded by the Emperor, notwithstanding his pacific turn. He would be

authorized by treaty to do this, and his present situation would enable

him; the disturbances in the various parts of his dominions having been

all settled. In Brabant, particularly, his authority is more firmly

settled than if he had come to it by inheritance only, since he enjoys it

also by a kind of conquest.

"It is the system of the English Cabinet which is considered here as the

most unaccountable. The commerce of that country is at present in the

most prosperous situation, since the balance is in their favor with every

part of Europe. They have more to gain by peace and more to apprehend

from war, than any other power, and yet they seem determined to risk it.

The advantages of their commerce in the Baltic, are certain: those in the

Levant, eventual; still they seem determined to sacrifice one, at least

for a time, in order to grasp at the other. On the whole, it is regarded

as one of those sacrifices of commerce to politics, which France has so

often given examples of. Time will show whether Mr. Pitt, or those who

condemn him, are in the right."

TO WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

Philadelphia, April 11, 1791.

Sir,--I wrote you on the 12th of March, and again on the 17th of the

same month; since which, I have received your favor of January the

24th, wherein you refer to copies of two letters, also to a paper No. 1,

supposed to be enclosed in that letter; but there was nothing enclosed.

You speak particularly of several other letters formerly forwarded, but

not a single one was ever received of later date than May the 6th, 1789;

and this of January 24th, is all we possess from you since that date.

I enclose you a list of letters addressed to you on various subjects,

and to which answers were and are naturally expected; and send you again

copies of the papers in the case of the Dover Cutter, which has been the

subject of so many of those letters, and is the subject of the constant

solicitation of the parties here. A final decision on that application,

therefore, is earnestly desired. When you consider the repeated references

of matters to you from hence, and the total suppression of whatever you

have written in answer, you will not be surprised if it had excited a

great degree of uneasiness. We had inquired whether private conveyances

did not occur, from time to time, from Madrid to Cadiz, where we have

vessels almost constantly, and we were assured that such conveyances were

frequent. On the whole, Sir, you will be sensible, that under the jealous

government with which you reside, the conveyance of intelligence requires

as much management as the obtaining it; and I am in hopes that in future,

you will be on your guard against those infidelities in that line, under

which you and we have so much suffered.

The President is absent on a journey through the southern States, from

which he will not return till the end of June; consequently, I could not

sooner notify him of your desire to return; but even then, I will take

the liberty of saying nothing to him on the subject till I hear further

from you. The suppression of your correspondence has, in a considerable

degree, withdrawn you from the public sight. I sincerely wish that before

your return, you could do something to attract their attention and favor,

and render your return pleasing to yourself and profitable to them, by

introducing you to new proofs of their confidence. My two last letters

to you furnish occasions; that of a co-operation against the British

navigation act and the arrangement of our affairs on the Mississippi.

The former, if it can be effected, will form a remarkable and memorable

epoch in the history and freedom of the ocean. Mr. Short will press it

at Paris, and Colonel Humphreys at Lisbon. The latter will show most at

first; and as to it, be so good as to observe always, that the right of

navigating the Mississippi is considered as so palpable, that the recovery

of it will produce no other sensation than that of a gross injustice

removed. The extent and freedom of the port for facilitating the use of

it, is what will excite the attention and gratification of the public.

Colonel Humphreys writes me, that all Mr. Gardoqui's communications,

while here, tended to impress the court of Madrid with the idea, that the

navigation of the Mississippi was only demanded on our part to quiet our

western settlers, and that it was not sincerely desired by the maritime

States. This is a most fatal error, and must be completely eradicated and

speedily, or Mr. Gardoqui will prove to have been a bad peacemaker. It is

true, there were characters whose stations entitled them to credit, and

who, from geographical prejudices, did not themselves wish the navigation

of the Mississippi to be restored to us, and who believe, perhaps, as is

common with mankind, that their opinion was the general opinion. But the

sentiments of the great mass of the Union were decidedly otherwise then,

and the very persons to whom Mr. Gardoqui alluded, have now come over to

the opinion heartily, that the navigation of the Mississippi, in full and

unrestrained freedom, is indispensably necessary, and must be obtained

by any means it may call for. It will be most unfortunate, indeed, if we

cannot convince Spain that we make this demand in earnest, but by acts

which will render that conviction too late to prevent evil.

Not knowing how better to convey to you the laws and the gazettes, than by

committing them to the patronage of Colonel Humphreys, I now send through

that channel the laws of the second and third sessions of Congress, and

the newspapers.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO C. CARROLL OF CARROLLTON.

Philadelphia, April 15, 1791.

Dear Sir,--I received last night your favor of the 10th, with Mr. Brown's

receipt, and thank you for the trouble you have been so kind as to take

in this business.

Our news from the westward is disagreeable. Constant murders committing

by the Indians, and their combination threatens to be more and more

extensive. I hope we shall give them a thorough drubbing this summer,

and then change our tomahawk into a golden chain of friendship. The most

economical as well as most humane conduct towards them is to bribe them

into peace, and to retain them in peace by eternal bribes. The expedition

this year would have served for presents on the most liberal scale for

one hundred years; nor shall we otherwise ever get rid of an army, or of

our debt. The least rag of Indian depredation will be an excuse to raise

troops for those who love to have troops, and for those who think that a

public debt is a good thing. Adieu, my dear Sir. Yours affectionately.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Philadelphia, April 17, 1791.

Sir,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 2d, which I supposed

would find you at Richmond, and again on the 10th, which I thought

would overtake you at Wilmington. The present will probably find you at

Charleston.

According to what I mentioned in my letter of the 10th, the

Vice-President, Secretaries of the Treasury and War, and myself, met on

the 11th. Colonel Hamilton presented a letter from Mr. Short, in which

he mentioned that the month of February being one of the periodical

months in Amsterdam, when, from the receipt of interest and refunding of

capitals, there is much money coming in there, and free to be disposed

of, he had put off the opening his loan till then, that it might fill

the more rapidly, a circumstance which would excite the presumption

of our credit;--that he had every reason to hope it would be filled

before it would be possible for him, after his then communication of the

conditions, to receive your approbation of them, and orders to open a

second; which, however, should be awaited, according to his instructions;

but he pressed the expediting the order, that the stoppage of the current

in our favor might be as short as possible. We saw that if, under present

circumstances, your orders should be awaited, it would add a month to

the delay, and we were satisfied, were you present, you would approve

the conditions, and order a second loan to be opened. We unanimously,

therefore, advised an immediate order, on condition the terms of the

second loan should not be worse than those of the first.

General Knox expressed an apprehension that the Six Nations might be

induced to join our enemies, there being some suspicious circumstances;

and he wished to send Colonel Pickering to confirm them in their

neutrality. This, he observed, would occasion an expense of about two

thousand dollars, as the Indians were never to be met empty handed. We

thought the mission advisable. As to myself, I hope we shall give the

Indians a thorough drubbing this summer, and I should think it better

afterwards to take up the plan of liberal and repeated presents to them.

This would be much the cheapest in the end, and would save all the blood

which is now spilt: in time, too, it would produce a spirit of peace and

friendship between us. The expense of a single expedition would last very

long for presents. I mentioned to the gentlemen, the idea of suggesting

through Colonel Beckwith our knowledge of the conduct of the British

officers in furnishing the Indians with arms and ammunition, and our

dissatisfaction. Colonel Hamilton said that Beckwith had been with him on

the subject, and had assured him they had given them nothing more than the

annual presents, and at the annual period. It was thought proper, however,

that he should be made sensible that this had attracted the notice of

government. I thought it the more material, lest, having been himself the

first to speak of it, he might suppose his excuses satisfactory, and that

therefore they might repeat the annual present this year. As Beckwith

lodges in the same house with Mr. Madison, I have desired the latter to

find some occasion of representing to Beckwith that, though an annual

present of arms and ammunition be an innocent thing in time of peace, it

is not so in time of war; that it is contrary to the laws of neutrality

for a neutral power to furnish military implements to either party at war,

and that if their subjects should do it on private account, such furniture

might be seized as contraband: to reason with him on the subject, as from

himself, but so as to let him see that government thought as himself did.

You knew, I think, before you left us, that the British Parliament had a

bill before them for allowing wheat, imported in _British_ bottoms, to

be warehoused rent free. In order further to circumscribe the carrying

business of the United States, they now refuse to consider as an American

bottom any vessel not built here. By this construction, they take from

us the right of defining, by our own laws, what vessels shall be deemed

ours and naturalized here; and in the event of a war, in which we should

be neutral, they put it out of our power to benefit ourselves of our

neutrality, by increasing suddenly by purchase and naturalization our

means of carriage. If we are permitted to do this by building only, the

war will be over before we can be prepared to take advantage of it. This

has been decided by the Lords Commissioners of the Treasury, in the case

of one Green, a merchant of New York; from whom I have received a regular

complaint on the subject. I enclose you the copy of a note from Mr.

King to Colonel Hamilton, on the subject of the appointment of a British

minister to come here. I suspect it, however, to be without foundation.

Colonel Eveleigh died yesterday. Supposing it possible you might desire to

appoint his successor as soon as you could decide on one, I enclose you a

blank commission; which, when you shall be pleased to fill it up and sign,

can be returned for the seal and counter-signature. I enclose you a letter

from Mr. Coxe to yourself, on the subject of this appointment, and so much

of one to me as related to the same, having torn off a leaf of compliment

to lighten and lessen my enclosures to you. Should distributive justice

give preference to a successor of the same state with the deceased, I take

the liberty of suggesting to you Mr. Hayward, of South Carolina, whom I

think you told me you did not know, and of whom you are now on the spot of

inquiry. I enclose you also a continuation of the Pennsylvania debates on

the bill for federal buildings. After the postponement by the Senate, it

was intended to bring on the reconsideration of that vote; but the hurry

at winding up their session prevented it. They have not chosen a federal

Senator.

I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect and sincere

attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Philadelphia, April 24, 1791.

Sir,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 17th. Since which I have

received yours of the 13th. I enclose you extracts from letters received

from Mr. Short. In one of the 7th of February, Mr. Short informs me that

he has received a letter from M. de Montmorin, announcing to him that the

King has named Ternant his minister here. The questions on our tobacco and

oil have taken unfavorable turns. The former will pay fifty livres the

thousand weight less, when carried in French than foreign bottoms. Oil

is to pay twelve livres a kental, which amounts to a prohibition of the

common oils, the only kind carried there. Tobacco will not feel the effect

of these measures till time will be given to bring it to rights. They had

only twenty thousand hogsheads in the kingdom in November last, and they

consume two thousand hogsheads a month, so that they must immediately

come forward and make great purchases, and not having as yet vessels of

their own to carry it, they must pay the extra duties on ours. I have been

puzzled about the delays required by Mr. Barclay's affairs. He gives me

reason to be tolerably assured, that he will go in the first vessel which

shall sail after the last day of May. There is no vessel at present whose

destination would suit. Believing that even with this, we shall get the

business done sooner than through any other channel, I have thought it

best not to change the plan. The last Leyden gazettes give us what would

have been the first object of the British arms, had the rupture with Spain

taken place.

You know that Admiral Cornish had sailed on an unknown destination before

the Convention was received in London. Immediately on its receipt, they

sent an express after him to Madeira, in hopes of finding him there.

He was gone, and had so short a passage, that in twenty-three days he

had arrived in Barbadoes, the general rendezvous. All the troops of the

islands were collecting there, and General Matthews was on his way from

Antigua to take command of the land operations, when he met with the

packet-boat which carried the counter-orders. Trinidad was the object of

the expedition. Matthews returned to Antigua, and Cornish is arrived in

England. This island, at the mouth of the Oronoko, is admirably suited for

a lodgment from which all the country up that river, and all the northern

coast of South America, Spanish, French, Dutch and Portuguese, may be

suddenly assailed.

Colonel Pickering is now here, and will set out in two or three days to

meet the Indians, as mentioned in my last. The intimation to Colonel

Beckwith has been given by Mr. Madison. He met it on very different

grounds from that on which he had placed it with Colonel Hamilton. He

pretended ignorance and even disbelief of the fact; when told that it was

out of doubt, he said he was positively sure the distribution of arms had

been without the knowledge and against the orders of Lord Dorchester,

and of the government. He endeavored to induce a formal communication

from me. When he found that could not be effected, he let Mr. Madison

perceive that he thought, however informal his character, he had not

been sufficiently noticed; said he was in New York before I came into

office, and that though he had not been regularly turned over to me, yet

I knew his character. In fine, he promised to write to Lord Dorchester

the general information we had received, and our sense of it; and he saw

that his former apologies to Colonel Hamilton had not been satisfactory

to the government. Nothing further from Moose Island, nor the posts on

the northern border of New York, nor anything of the last week from the

western country.

Arthur Campbell has been here. He is the enemy of P. Henry. He says the

Yazoo bargain is like to drop with the consent of the purchasers. He

explains it thus: They expected to pay for the lands in public paper at

par, which they had bought at half a crown a pound. Since the rise in

the value of the public paper, they have gained as much on that as they

would have done by investing it in the Yazoo lands; perhaps more, as it

puts a large sum of specie at their command, which they can turn to better

account. They are, therefore, likely to acquiesce under the determination

of the government of Georgia to consider the contract as forfeited by

non-payment.

I direct this letter to be forwarded from Charleston to Cambden. The next

will be from Petersburg to Taylor's Ferry; and after that, I shall direct

to you at Mount Vernon.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most affectionate respect

and attachment, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO WILLIAM SHORT.

Philadelphia, April 25, 1791.

Dear Sir,--My late letters to you have been of the 8th, 12th, 15th, and

19th of March, yours received and acknowledged are as follows.

* * * * *

I consider the consular convention as securing clearly our right to

appoint consuls in the French colonies. The words "Etats du roi,"

unquestionably extend to all his dominions. If they had been merely

synonymous with "la France," why was the alteration made? When I proposed

that alteration, I explained my reasons, and it cannot be supposed I would

suffer a change of language but for some matter of substance. Again,

in the translation, it is "dominions of France." This translation was

submitted to M. de Montmorin and M. de Reyneval, with a request that they

would note any deviation in it from the original, or otherwise it would

be considered as faithful. No part was objected to. M. de Reyneval says,

we must decide by the instrument itself, and not by the explanations

which took place. It is a rule, where expressions are susceptible of two

meanings, to recur to other explanations. Good faith is in favor of this

recurrence. However, in the present case, the expression does not admit

of two constructions; it is co-extensive with the dominions of the King.

I insist on this, only as a reservation of our right, and not with a

view to exercise it, if it shall be inconvenient and disagreeable to the

government of France. Only two appointments have as yet been made (Mr.

Skipwith at Martinique and Guadaloupe, and Mr. Bourne in St. Dominique),

and they shall be instructed not to ask a regular Exequatur. We certainly

wish to press nothing on our friends which shall be inconvenient. I

shall hope that M. de Montmorin will order such attentions to be shown to

those gentlemen as the patronage of commerce may call for, and may not

be inconvenient to the government. These gentlemen are most pointedly

instructed not to intermeddle, by word or deed, with political matters.

My letter of August, 1790, to Mr. Carmichael, was delivered to him by

Colonel Humphreys.

The report you mention of the prospect of our captives at Algiers

being liberated, has not taken its rise from any authoritative source.

Unfortunately for us, there have been so many persons, who (from friendly

or charitable motives, or to recommend themselves) have busied themselves

about this redemption, as to excite great expectations in the captors, and

render our countrymen in fact irredeemable. We have not a single operation

on foot for that purpose, but what you know of, and the more all voluntary

interpositions are discouraged the better for our unhappy friends whom

they are meant to serve.

You know how strongly we desire to pay off our whole debt to France,

and that for this purpose we will use our credit as far as it will hold

good. You know, also, what may be the probability of our being able to

borrow the whole sum. Under these dispositions and prospects, it would

grieve us extremely to see our debt pass into the hands of speculators,

and be subjected ourselves to the chicaneries and vexations of private

avarice. We desire you, therefore, to dissuade the government, as far as

you can prudently, from listening to any overtures of that kind, and as

to the speculators themselves, whether native or foreign, to inform them,

without reserve, that our government condemns their projects, and reserves

to itself the right of paying no where but into the treasury of France,

according to their contract.

I enclose you a copy of Mr. Grand's note to me, stating the conditions

on which Drost would come, and also a letter from the Secretary of the

Treasury, expressing his ideas as to those terms, with which I agree.

We leave to your agency the engaging and sending Mr. Drost as soon as

possible, and to your discretion to fix the terms, rendering the allowance

for expenses certain, which his first proposition leaves uncertain.

Subsistence here costs about one-third of what it does in Paris, to a

housekeeper. In a lodging house, the highest price for a room and board

is a dollar a day, for the master, and half that for the servant. These

facts may enable you to settle the article of expenses reasonably. If Mr.

Drost undertakes assaying, I should much rather confide it to him, than to

any other person who can be sent. It is the most confidential operation

in the whole business of coining. We should expect him to instruct a

native in it. I think, too, he should be obliged to continue longer than

a year, if it should be necessary for qualifying others to continue his

operations. It is not important that he be here till November or December,

but extremely desirable then. He may come as much sooner as he pleases.

We address to M. la Motte a small box for you, containing a complete set

of the journals of the ancient Congress, the acts of the last session of

the federal legislature, and a continuation of the newspapers. I am, with

great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and humble

servant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Philadelphia, May 1, 1791.

Sir,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 24th ult., which I presume

you will have received at Camden. The present is ordered to go from

Petersburg to Taylor's ferry. I think it better my letters should be even

some days ahead of you, knowing that if they ever get into your rear they

will never overtake you. I write to-day, indeed, merely as the watchman

cries, to prove himself awake, and that all is well, for the last week

has scarcely furnished anything foreign or domestic, worthy your notice.

Truxton is arrived from the East Indies, and confirms the check by Tippoo

Saib, on the detachment of Colonel Floyd, which consisted of between three

and four thousand men. The latter lost most of his baggage and artillery,

and retreated under the pursuit of the enemy. The loss of men is pretended

by their own papers to have been two or three hundred only. But the loss

and character of the officers killed, makes me suspect that the situation

has been such as to force the best officers to expose themselves the

most, and consequently that more men must have fallen. The main body

with General Meadows at their head are pretended to be going on boldly.

Yet, Lord Cornwallis is going to take the field in person. This shows

that affairs are in such a situation as to give anxiety. Upon the whole,

the account received through Paris papers proves true, notwithstanding

the minister had declared to the House of Commons, in his place, that

the public accounts were without foundation, and that nothing amiss had

happened.

Our loan in Amsterdam for two and a half million of florins filled in two

hours and a half after it was opened.

The Vice-President leaves us to-morrow. We are told that Mr. Morris gets

£70,000 sterling for the lands he has sold.

A Mr. Noble has been here, from the country where they are busied with the

sugar-maple tree. He thinks Mr. Cooper will bring three thousand pounds

worth to market this season, and gives the most flattering calculations of

what may be done in that way. He informs me of another most satisfactory

fact, that less profit is made by converting the juice into spirit than

into sugar. He gave me specimens of the spirit, which is exactly whiskey.

I have arrived at Baltimore from Marseilles forty olive trees of the best

kind from Marseilles, and a box of seed, the latter to raise stocks,

and the former, cuttings to engraft on the stocks. I am ordering them

on instantly to Charleston, where, if they arrive in the course of this

month, they will be in time. Another cargo is on its way from Bordeaux,

so that I hope to secure the commencement of this culture, and from the

best species. Sugar and oil will be no mean addition to the articles of

our culture. I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and esteem,

Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE ATTORNEY OF THE DISTRICT OF KENTUCKY.

Philadelphia, May 7, 1791.

Sir,--A certain James O'Fallon is, as we are informed, undertaking

to raise, organize and commission an army, of his own authority, and

independent of that of the government, the object of which is, to

go and possess themselves of lands which have never yet been granted

by any authority, which the government admits to be legal, and with

an avowed design to hold them by force against any power, foreign or

domestic. As this will inevitably commit our whole nation in war with

the Indian nations, and perhaps others, it cannot be permitted that all

the inhabitants of the United States shall be involved in the calamities

of war, and the blood of thousands of them be poured out, merely that a

few adventurers may possess themselves of lands; nor can a well ordered

government tolerate such an assumption of its sovereignty by unauthorized

individuals. I send you herein the Attorney General's opinion of what

may legally be done, with a desire that you proceed against the said

O'Fallon according to law. It is not the wish, to extend the prosecution

to other individuals, who may have given thoughtlessly into his unlawful

proceeding. I enclose you a proclamation to this effect. But they may be

assured, that if this undertaking be prosecuted, the whole force of the

United States will be displayed to punish the transgression. I enclose

you one of O'Fallon's commissions, signed, as is said, by himself.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient humble

servant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES.

Philadelphia, May 8, 1791.

Sir,--The last week does not furnish one single public event worthy

communicating to you; so that I have only to say "all is well." Paine's

answer to Burke's pamphlet begins to produce some squibs in our public

papers. In Fenno's paper they are Burkites, in the others, Painites. One

of Fenno's was evidently from the author of the discourses on Davila. I

am afraid the indiscretion of a printer has committed me with my friend,

Mr. Adams, for whom, as one of the most honest and disinterested men

alive, I have a cordial esteem, increased by long habits of concurrence in

opinion in the days of his republicanism; and even since his apostacy to

hereditary monarchy and nobility, though we differ, we differ as friends

should do. Beckley had the only copy of Paine's pamphlet, and lent it to

me, desiring when I should have read it, that I would send it to a Mr. J.

B. Smith, who had asked it for his brother to reprint it. Being an utter

stranger to J. B. Smith, both by sight and character, I wrote a note to

explain to him why I (a stranger to him) sent him a pamphlet, to wit,

that Mr. Beckley had desired it; and to take off a little of the dryness

of the note, I added that I was glad to find it was to be reprinted,

that something would, at length, be publicly said against the political

heresies which had lately sprung up among us, and that I did not doubt

our citizens would rally again round the standard of common sense. That

I had in my view the discourses on Davila, which have filled Fenno's

papers, for a twelvemonth, without contradiction, is certain, but nothing

was ever further from my thoughts than to become myself the contradictor

before the public. To my great astonishment, however, when the pamphlet

came out, the printer had prefixed my note to it, without having given

me the most distant hint of it. Mr. Adams will unquestionably take to

himself the charge of political heresy, as conscious of his own views of

drawing the present government to the form of the English constitution,

and, I fear, will consider me as meaning to injure him in the public eye.

I learn that some Anglo-men have censured it in another point of view,

as a sanction of Paine's principles tends to give offence to the British

government. Their real fear, however, is that this popular and republican

pamphlet, taking wonderfully, is likely at a single stroke, to wipe out

all the unconstitutional doctrines which their bell-weather Davila has

been preaching for a twelvemonth. I certainly never made a secret of

my being anti-monarchical, and anti-aristocratical; but I am sincerely

mortified to be thus brought forward on the public stage, where to remain,

to advance or to retire, will be equally against my love of silence and

quiet, and my abhorrence of dispute. I do not know whether you recollect

that the records of Virginia were destroyed by the British in the year

1781. Particularly the transactions of the revolution before that time. I

am collecting here all the letters I wrote to Congress while I was in the

administration there, and this being done, I shall then extend my views

to my predecessors, in order to replace the whole in the public offices

in Virginia. I think that during my administration, say between June 1,

1779, and June 1, 1781, I had the honor of writing frequent letters to

you on public affairs, which perhaps, may be among your papers at Mount

Vernon. Would it be consistent with any general resolution you have formed

as to your papers, to let my letters of the above period come here to be

copied, in order to make them a part of the records I am endeavoring to

restore for the State? or would their selection be too troublesome? if

not, I would beg the loan of them, under an assurance that they shall be

taken the utmost care of, and safely returned to their present deposit.

The quiet and regular movement of our political affairs leaves nothing to

add but constant prayers for your health and welfare, and assurances of

the sincere respect and attachment of, Sir, your most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO THE HONORABLE JEREMIAH WADSWORTH.

Philadelphia, May 11, 1791.

Sir,--I have duly received your favor of April 20. The exemption from the

Droit d'Aubaine in the French West Indies, has been for some time past

a subject of attention. As the National Assembly were abolishing it in

_France_ for all nations, I desired our Chargé des Affaires there to see

that the decree should be extended to all the _dominions_ of France. His

letters assure me that it will be done, so as to remove this grievance

hereafter. With respect to the past, I believe it has been judiciously

determined in France that the exemption given by our treaty did not

extend to their foreign possessions. Should Mr. Johnston, however, be

disposed to try this matter, it will be requisite for him to obtain from

Port-au-Prince an authenticated record of the proceedings in his case. It

would seem, also, that those in the case of the gentleman of Curraçoa,

might be useful. These should be transmitted to some person in Paris

to solicit the government for him. Though it is not permitted that our

Chargé des Affaires there, or anywhere, should act as the private agent

or solicitor for any individual, yet he will lend his aid and influence

wherever it may be just and useful, by official applications. I have the

honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO MR. DUMAS.

Philadelphia, May 13, 1791.

Sir,--You will readily conceive that the union of domestic with the

foreign affairs under the department of State, brings on the head of

this department such incessant calls, not admitting delay, as oblige

him to postpone whatever will bear postponing; hence, though it is

important that I should continue to receive, from time to time, regular

information from you of whatever occurs within your notice, interesting to

the United States, yet it is not in my power to acknowledge the receipt

of your letters regularly as they come. I mention this circumstance

that you may ascribe the delay of acknowledgment to the real cause, and

that it may not produce any relaxation on your part in making all those

communications which it is important should be received, and which govern

our proceedings, though it is not in my power to note it to you specially.

In general, our affairs are proceeding in a train of unparalleled

prosperity. This arises from the real improvements of our government,

from the unbounded confidence reposed in it by the people, their zeal to

support it, and their conviction that a solid Union is the best rock of

their safety, from the favorable seasons which for some years past have

co-operated with a fertile soil and a genial climate to increase the

productions of agriculture, and from the growth of industry, economy and

domestic manufactures; so that I believe I may say with truth, that there

is not a nation under the sun enjoying more present prosperity, nor with

more in prospect. The Indians on our frontier, indeed, still continue

to cut off straggling individuals or families falling in their way. An

expedition against them the last summer was less successful than there was

reason to expect. We lost in it about one hundred men. The operations of

the present summer will more probably bring them to peace, which is all we

desire of them, it having been a leading object of our present Government

to guaranty them in their present possessions, and to protect their

persons with the same fidelity which is extended to its own citizens. We

ask nothing of them but that they will accept our peace, friendship and

services; and we hope soon to make them sensible of this, in spite of the

incitements against us, which they have been so much the dupes of. This

is the general state of our affairs at present, as faithfully as I am able

to give it.

I am to acknowledge the receipt of your favors of April 2, May 8, 17,

26; July 10, 14; September 7, 30; October 19, November 23, December 6 and

11. I now receive the Leyden Gazette with great regularity by the British

Packet, and thank you for your attention to this, with a request that it

may be continued.

There is no doubt it would be desirable for us to receive our intelligence

from Europe through a channel of our own; but the expense of an

establishment of Packet-boats would be beyond the value of the object

for us, considering that our connection with Europe is less political

than commercial, and that information of the latter kind may come safely

through any channel. In fact, if we attend to the whole amount of our

civil list, we shall find that the expense of Packet-boats would make a

very sensible addition to it. The idea, therefore, though good, must be

suspended yet awhile.

Accept my thanks on the part of the Government for the copy of Rymer

you have been so good as to send us, and which is duly received, and be

assured of the sincere esteem and attachment with which I have the honor

to be, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

THOMAS BARCLAY.

Philadelphia, May 13, 1791.

Sir,--You are appointed by the President of the United States, to go to

the court of Morocco, for the purpose of obtaining from the new Emperor, a

recognition of our treaty with his father. As it is thought best that you

should go in some definite character, that of consul has been adopted, and

you consequently receive a commission as consul for the United States, in

the dominions of the Emperor of Morocco, which, having been issued during

the recess of the Senate, will, of course, expire at the end of their next

session. It has been thought best, however, not to insert this limitation

in the commission, as being unnecessary; and it might, perhaps, embarrass.

Before the end of the next session of the Senate, it is expected the

objects of your mission will be accomplished.

Lisbon being the most convenient port of correspondence between us and

Morocco, sufficient authority will be given to Colonel Humphreys, resident

of the United States at that place, over funds in Amsterdam, for the

objects of your mission. On him, therefore, you will draw for the sums

herein allowed, or such parts of them as shall be necessary. To that

port, too, you had better proceed in the first vessel which shall be

going there, as it is expected you will get a ready passage from thence

to Morocco.

On your arrival at Morocco, sound your ground, and know how things stand

at present. Your former voyage there, having put you in possession of

the characters through whom this may be done, who may best be used for

approaching the Emperor and effecting your purpose, you are left to use

your own knowledge to the best advantage.

The object being merely to obtain an acknowledgment of the treaty, we

rely that you will be able to do this, giving very moderate presents.

As the amount of these will be drawn into precedent, on future similar

repetitions of them, it becomes important. Our distance, our seclusion

from the ancient world, its politics and usages, our agricultural

occupations and habits, our poverty, and lastly, our determination to

prefer war in all cases, to tribute under any form, and to any people

whatever, will furnish you with topics for opposing and refusing high

or dishonoring pretensions; to which may be added, the advantages their

people will derive from our commerce, and their sovereign, from the duties

laid on whatever we extract from that country.

Keep us regularly informed of your proceedings and progress, by writing

by every possible occasion, detailing to us particularly your conferences,

either private or public, and the persons with whom they are held.

We think that Francisco Chiappe has merited well of the United States,

by his care of their peace and interests. He has sent an account of

disbursements for us, amounting to three hundred and ninety-four dollars.

Do not recognize the account, because we are unwilling, by doing that, to

give him a color for presenting larger ones hereafter, for expenses which

it is impossible for us to scrutinize or control. Let him understand, that

our laws oppose the application of public money so informally; but in your

presents, treat _him_ handsomely, so as not only to cover this demand, but

go beyond it with a liberality which may fix him deeply in our interests.

The place he holds near the Emperor, renders his friendship peculiarly

important. Let us have nothing further to do with his brothers, or any

other person. The money which would make one good friend, divided among

several, will produce no attachment.

The emperor has intimated that he expects an ambassador from us. Let him

understand, that this may be a custom of the old world, but it is not

ours; that we never sent an ambassador to any nation.

You are to be allowed, from the day of your departure till your return,

one hundred and sixty-six dollars and sixty-six cents and two-thirds, a

month, for your time and expenses, adding thereto your passage money and

sea stores going and coming.

Remain in your post till the 1st of April next, and as much longer as

shall be necessary to accomplish the objects of your mission, unless you

should receive instructions from hence to the contrary.

With your commission, you will receive a letter to the Emperor of Morocco,

a cypher, and a letter to Colonel Humphreys.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

_A private instruction which Mr. Barclay is to carry in his memory,

and not on paper, lest it should come into improper hands._

We rely that you will obtain the friendship of the new Emperor, and his

assurances that the treaty shall be faithfully observed, with as little

expense as possible. But the sum of ten thousand dollars is fixed as

the limit which all your donations together are not to exceed.

May 13, 1791.

[_Letter from the President to the Emperor of Morocco, referred to in

the letter to Mr. Barclay._]

Great and Magnanimous Friend,--Separated by an immense ocean from the more

ancient nations of the earth, and little connected with their politics

or proceedings, we are late in learning the events which take place among

them, and later in conveying to them our sentiments thereon.

The death of the late Emperor, your father and our friend, of glorious

memory, is one of those events which, though distant, attracts our

notice and concern. Receive, great and good friend, my sincere sympathy

with you on that loss; and permit me, at the same time, to express the

satisfaction with which I learn the accession of so worthy a successor to

the imperial throne of Morocco, and to offer you the homage of my sincere

congratulations. May the days of your Majesty's life be many and glorious,

and may they ever mark the era during which a great people shall have been

most prosperous and happy, under the best and happiest of sovereigns!

The late Emperor, very soon after the establishment of our infant nation,

manifested his royal regard and amity to us by many friendly and generous

acts, and, particularly, by the protection of our citizens in their

commerce with his subjects. And as a further instance of his desire to

promote our prosperity and intercourse with his realms, he entered into a

treaty of amity and commerce with us, for himself and his successors, to

continue fifty years. The justice and magnanimity of your Majesty, leave

us full confidence that the treaty will meet your royal patronage also;

and it will give me great satisfaction to be assured, that the citizens

of the United States of America may expect from your imperial Majesty, the

same protection and kindness, which the example of your illustrious father

has taught them to expect from those who occupy the throne of Morocco,

and to have your royal word, that they may count on a due observance of

the treaty which cements the two nations in friendship.

This will be delivered to your Majesty, by our faithful citizen, Thomas

Barclay, whom I name consul for these United States in the dominions

of your Majesty, and who, to the integrity and knowledge qualifying him

for that office, unites the peculiar advantage of having been the agent,

through whom our treaty with the late Emperor was received. I pray your

Majesty to protect him in the exercise of his functions for the patronage

of the commerce between our two countries, and of those who carry it on.

May that God, whom we both adore, bless your imperial Majesty with long

life, health and success, and have you always, great and magnanimous

friend, under his holy keeping.

Written at Philadelphia, the thirty-first day of March, in the fifteenth

year of our sovereignty and independence, from your good and faithful

friend.

TO ----.[4]

Bennington, in Vermont, June 5, 1791.

Dear Sir,--Mr. Madison and myself are so far on the tour we had projected.

We have visited, in the course of it, the principal scenes of General

Burgoyne's misfortunes, to wit, the grounds at Stillwater, where the

action of that name was fought, and particularly the breastworks, which

cost so much blood to both parties, the encampments at Saratoga and

ground where the British piled their arms, and the field of the battle

of Bennington, about nine miles from this place. We have also visited

Forts William, Henry and George, Ticonderoga, Crown Point, &c., which have

been scenes of blood from a very early part of our history. We were more

pleased, however, with the botanical objects which continually presented

themselves. Those either unknown or rare in Virginia, were the sugar maple

in vast abundance. The silver fir, white pine, pitch pine, spruce pine,

a shrub with decumbent stems, which they call juniper, an aralea, very

different from the nudiflora, with very large clusters of flowers, more

thickly set on the branches, of a deeper red, and high pink-fragrance.

It is the richest shrub I have seen. The honey-suckle of the gardens

growing wild on the banks of Lake George, the paper-birch, an aspen with

a velvet leaf, a shrub-willow with downy catkins, a wild gooseberry, the

wild cherry with single fruit, (not the bunch cherry,) strawberries in

abundance. From the highlands to the lakes it is a limestone country. It

is in vast quantities on the eastern sides of the lakes, but none on the

western sides. The Sandy Hill Falls and Wing's Falls, two very remarkable

cataracts of the Hudson, of about thirty-five feet or forty feet each,

between Fort Edward and Fort George, are of limestone, in horizontal

strata. Those of the Cohoes, on the west side of the Hudson, and of

seventy feet height, we thought not of limestone. We have met with a small

red squirrel, of the color of our fox-squirrel, with a black stripe on

each side, weighing about six ounces generally, and in such abundance on

Lake Champlain particularly, as that twenty odd were killed at the house

we lodged in, opposite Crown Point, the morning we arrived there, without

going ten yards from the door. We killed three crossing the lakes, one

of them just as he was getting ashore, where it was three miles wide, and

where, with the high wind then blowing, he must have made it five or six

miles.

I think I asked the favor of you to send for Anthony in the season for

inoculation, as well as to do what is necessary in the orchard, as to

pursue the object of inoculating all the spontaneous cherry trees in the

fields with good fruit.

We have now got over about four hundred miles of our tour, and have

still about four hundred and fifty more to go over. Arriving here on the

Saturday evening, and the laws of the State not permitting us to travel on

the Sunday, has given me time to write to you from hence. I expect to be

at Philadelphia by the 20th or 21st. I am, with great and sincere esteem,

dear Sir, yours affectionately.

FOOTNOTE:

[4] [No address.]

TO COLONEL MONROE.

Philadelphia, July 10, 1791.

Dear Sir,--Your favor of June 17, has been duly received. I am endeavoring

to get for you the lodgings Langdon had. But the landlord is doubtful

whether he will let them at all. If he will not, I will endeavor to do the

best I can. I can accommodate you myself with a stable and coach-house,

without any expense, as I happen to have two on hand; and indeed, in my

new one, I have had stalls enough prepared for six horses, which are two

more than I keep. Of my success in procuring rooms, I shall bring you news

myself, though as yet the time of my visit to Albemarle is unfixed. Mr.

Madison will both go and come with me. He is at present at New York. His

journey with me to the lakes placed him in better health than I have seen

him; but the late heats have brought on some bilious dispositions.

The papers which I send Mr. Randolph weekly, and which I presume you see,

will have shown you what a dust Paine's pamphlet has kicked up here. My

last to Mr. Randolph will have given an explanation as to myself, which

I had not time to give when I sent you the pamphlet. A writer, under the

name of Publicola, in attacking all Paine's principles, is very desirous

of involving me in the same censure with the author. I certainly merit

the same, for I profess the same principles; but it is equally certain I

never meant to have entered as a volunteer into the cause. My occupations

do not permit it. Some persons here are insinuating that I am Brutus, that

I am Agricola, that I am Philodemus, &c., &c. I am none of them, being

decided not to write a word on the subject, unless any printed imputation

should call for a printed disavowal, to which I should put my name. A

Boston paper has declared that Mr. Adams "has no more concern in the

publication of the writings of Publicola, than the author of the Rights

of Man himself." If the equivoque here were not intended, the disavowal

is not entirely credited, because not from Mr. Adams himself, and because

the style and sentiments raise so strong a presumption. Besides, to

produce any effect he must disavow Davila and the Defence of the American

Constitutions. A host of writers have risen in favor of Paine, and prove

that in this quarter, at least, the spirit of republicanism is sound.

The contrary spirit of the high officers of government is more understood

than I expected. Colonel Hamilton avowing that he never made a secret of

his principles, yet taxes the imprudence of Mr. Adams in having stirred

the question, and agrees that "his business is done." Jay, covering the

same principles under the veil of silence, is rising steadily on the

ruins of his friends. The bank filled and overflowed in the moment it

was opened. Instead of twenty thousand shares, twenty-four thousand were

offered, and a great many unpresented, who had not suspected that so

much haste was necessary. Thus it is that we shall be paying thirteen

per cent. per annum for eight millions of paper money, instead of having

that circulation of gold and silver for nothing. Experience has proved to

us that a dollar of silver disappears for every dollar of paper emitted;

and, for the paper emitted from the bank, seven per cent. profits will

be received by the subscribers for it as bank paper, (according to the

last division of profits by the Philadelphia bank,) and six per cent.

on the public paper of which it is the representative. Nor is there any

reason to believe, that either the six millions of paper, or the two

millions of specie deposited, will not be suffered to be withdrawn, and

the paper thrown into circulation. The cash deposited by strangers for

safe keeping will probably suffice for cash demands. Very few subscribers

have offered from Virginia or North Carolina, which gives uneasiness to

H. It is impossible to say where the appetite for gambling will stop.

The land office, the federal town, certain schemes of manufacture, are

all likely to be converted into aliment for that rage; but this subject

is too copious for a letter, and must be reserved for conversation. The

respite from occupation which my journey procured, has entirely removed

my headaches. Kiss and bless Mrs. Monroe and Eliza, for, dear Sir, yours

affectionately.

TO COLONEL HUMPHREYS.

Philadelphia, July 13, 1791.

Sir,--Mr. Barclay having been detained longer than was expected, you will

receive this as well as my letter of May the 13th from him. Since the date

of that, I have received your No. 15, March the 31st, No. 16, April the

8th, No 17, April the 30th, No. 18, May the 3d, and No. 20, May the 21st.

You are not unacquainted with the situation of our captives at Algiers.

Measures were taken, and were long depending, for their redemption. During

the time of their dependence, we thought it would forward our success

to take no notice of the captives. They were maintained by the Spanish

consul, from whom applications for reimbursement, through Mr. Carmichael,

often came: no answer of any kind was ever given. A certainty now that our

measures for their redemption will not succeed, renders it unnecessary

for us to be so reserved on the subject, and to continue to wear the

appearance of neglecting them. Though the government might have agreed

to ransom at the lowest price admitted with any nation (as, for instance,

that of the French order of Merci), they will not give anything like the

price which has been lately declared to be the lowest by the captors.

It remains, then, for us to see what other means are practicable for

their recovery. In the meantime, it is our desire that the disbursements

hitherto made for their subsistence, by the Spanish consul or others,

be paid off, and that their future comfortable subsistence be provided

for. As to past disbursements, I must beg the favor of you to write to

Mr. Carmichael, that you are authorized to pay them off, pray him to let

you know their amount, and to whom payments are due. With respect to

future provision for the captives, I must put it into your hands. The

impossibility of getting letters to or from Mr. Carmichael, renders it

improper for us to use that channel. As to the footing on which they are

to be subsisted, the ration and clothing of a soldier would have been

a good measure, were it possible to apply it to articles of food and

clothing so extremely different as those used at Algiers. The allowance

heretofore made them by the Spanish consul might perhaps furnish a better

rule, as we have it from themselves, that they were then comfortably

subsisted. Should you be led to correspond with them at all, it had better

be with Captain O'Bryan, who is a sensible man, and whose conduct since

he has been there, has been particularly meritorious. It will be better

for you to avoid saying anything which may either increase or lessen their

hopes of ransom. I write to our bankers, to answer your drafts for these

purposes, and enclose you a duplicate to be forwarded with your first

draft. The prisoners are fourteen in number; their names and qualities as

follows: Richard O'Bryan and Isaac Stephens, captains; Andrew Montgomery

and Alexander Forsyth, mates; Jacob Tessanier, a French passenger; William

Patterson, Philip Sloan, Peleg Lorin, John Robertson, James Hall, James

Cathcart, George Smith, John Gregory, James Hermel, seamen. They have been

twenty-one or twenty-two.

We are in hourly expectation of hearing the event of General Scott's

irruption into the Indian country, at the head of between seven and

eight hundred mounted infantry. Perhaps it may yet be known in time

to communicate to you by this opportunity. Our bank was filled with

subscriptions the moment it was opened. Eight millions of dollars were the

whole permitted to be subscribed, of which two millions were deposited

in cash, the residue to be public paper. Every other symptom is equally

favorable to our credit.

The President has returned from his southern tour in good health. You will

receive herewith the newspapers up to the present date. I have the honor

to be, with great esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble

servant.

TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, July 17, 1791.

Dear Sir,--I have a dozen times taken up my pen to write to you, and as

often laid it down again, suspended between opposing considerations. I

determine, however, to write from a conviction that truth, between candid

minds, can never do harm. The first of Paine's pamphlets on the rights of

man, which came to hand here, belonged to Mr. Beckley. He lent it to Mr.

Madison, who lent it to me; and while I was reading it, Mr. Beckley called

on me for it, and, as I had not finished it, he desired me, as soon as I

should have done so, to send it to Mr. Jonathan B. Smith, whose brother

meant to reprint it. I finished reading it, and, as I had no acquaintance

with Mr. Jonathan B. Smith, propriety required that I should explain

to him why I, a stranger to him, sent him the pamphlet. I accordingly

wrote a note of compliment, informing him that I did it at the desire

of Mr. Beckley, and, to take off a little of the dryness of the note,

I added that I was glad it was to be reprinted here, and that something

was to be publicly said against the political heresies which had sprung

up among us, &c. I thought so little of this note, that I did not even

keep a copy of it; nor ever heard a tittle more of it, till, the week

following, I was thunderstruck with seeing it come out at the head of the

pamphlet. I hoped, however, it would not attract notice. But I found, on

my return from a journey of a month, that a writer came forward, under the

signature of Publicola, attacking not only the author and principles of

the pamphlet, but myself as its sponsor, by name. Soon after came hosts

of other writers, defending the pamphlet, and attacking you, by name, as

the writer of Publicola. Thus were our names thrown on the public stage as

public antagonists. That you and I differ in our ideas of the best form

of government, is well known to us both; but we have differed as friends

should do, respecting the purity of each other's motives, and confining

our difference of opinion to private conversation. And I can declare with

truth, in the presence of the Almighty, that nothing was further from my

intention or expectation than to have either my own or your name brought

before the public on this occasion. The friendship and confidence which

has so long existed between us, required this explanation from me, and

I know you too well to fear any misconstruction of the motives of it.

Some people here, who would wish me to be, or to be thought, guilty of

improprieties, have suggested that I was Agricola, that I was Brutus,

&c., &c. I never did in my life, either by myself or by any other, have

a sentence of mine inserted in a newspaper without putting my name to it;

and I believe I never shall.