Dear Sir,--My last to you was of the 18th of June. Within a day or two

after, yours of May the 9th came to hand. In the rest of Europe nothing

remarkable has happened; but in France such events as will be forever

memorable in history. To begin where my last left them, the King took

on himself to decide the great question of voting by persons or orders,

by a declaration made at a _seance royale_ on the 23d of June. In the

same declaration he inserted many other things, some good, some bad. The

Tiers, undismayed, resolved the whole was a mere nullity, and proceeded

as if nothing had happened. The majority of the clergy joined them,

and a small part of the nobles. The uneasiness produced by the King's

declaration occasioned the people to collect about the palace in the

evening of the same day. The King and Queen were alarmed and sent for Mr.

Neckar. He was conducted to and from the palace amidst the acclamations

of the people. The French guards were observed to be mixed in great

numbers with the people and to participate of their passions. This made

so decisive an impression, that the King on the 27th wrote to the clergy

and nobles, who had not yet joined the Tiers, recommending to them to go

and join them. They did so, and it was imagined all was now settled. It

was soon observed, however, that troops, and those the foreign troops,

were marching towards Paris from different quarters. The States addressed

the King to forbid their approach. He declared it was only to preserve

the tranquillity of Paris and Versailles, and I believe he thought so.

The command of those troops was given to the Marshal Broglio, and it was

observed that the Baron de Breteuil was going daily to Versailles. On

the 11th, there being now thirty thousand foreign troops in and between

Paris and Versailles, Mr. Neckar was dismissed and ordered to retire

privately. The next day the whole ministry was changed except Villedeuil

and Barentin. Breteuil, Broglio and Vauguyon were the principal persons

named in the new. A body of cavalry were advanced into Paris to awe

them. The people attacked and routed them, killing one of the cavalry

and losing a French guard. The corps of French guards gathered stronger,

followed the cavalry, attacked them in the street, (_the rue basse des

ramparts_,) and killed four. (I did not know this fact with certainty

when I wrote to Mr. Jay, it is therefore not in my letter. I since have

it from an eye-witness.) The insurrection became now universal. The next

day (the 13th) the people forced a prison and took some arms. On the

14th a committee was framed by the city, with powers corresponding to our

committees of safety. They resolve to raise a city militia of forty-eight

thousand men. The people attack the invalids and get a great store of

arms. They then attack and carry the Bastile, cut off the Governor's and

Lieutenant-Governor's heads, and that also of the Prevost des Marchand's,

discovered in a treacherous correspondence. While these things were

doing here, the council is said to have been agitating at Versailles a

proposition to arrest a number of the members of the States, to march all

the foreign troops against Paris, and suppress the tumult by the sword.

But the decapitations being once known there, and that there were fifty

or sixty thousand men in arms, the King went to the States, referred

everything to them, and ordered away the troops. The City Committee named

the Marquis de La Fayette commander-in-chief. They went on organizing

their militia, the tumult continued, and a noise spread about Versailles

that they were coming to massacre the court, the ministry, &c. Every

minister hereupon resigned and fled, the Count d'Artois, Prince of Condé,

Duke de Bourbon, the family of Polignacs, the Count de Vaudreuil, Abbé

Vermont, confessor of the Queen, and key-stone of all the intrigues, all

fled out of the kingdom. The King agreed to recall Mr. Neckar, reappointed

Montmorin and St. Priest, friends of Neckar, and came with the States

General to Paris to satisfy the city of his dispositions. All the streets

through which he passed were lined with Bourgeoise, armed with guns,

pistols, pikes, pruning-hooks, scythes, and whatever they could lay

hold of, about sixty thousand. The States General on foot on each side

of his coach, the Marquis de La Fayette at their head, on horseback.

He returned to Versailles in the same order, to the great joy of the

remaining courtiers, who feared he would have been detained in Paris.

The tumults in the city had pretty well subsided, but to-day they have

been revived by a new incident. Foulon, one of the fugitive ministers,

was taken in the country, (it is said by his own tenants,) and brought

to Paris. Every possible effort of persuasion was exerted in vain to

save him. He was forced from the hands of the Gardes Bourgeoises by the

mob, was hung, and after severing his head, the body was dragged by the

enraged populace through the principal streets of Paris. The Intendant of

Paris (de Chauvigny), accused of having been in the plots with the late

ministry, and who had fled, was taken at Compiegne, and a party of two

hundred militia horse are now gone for him. If they bring him to Paris it

will be impossible to save him. Monsieur de La Luzerne was reappointed

minister of marine yesterday. Your last letter says nothing of my leave

of absence. The season is so far advanced towards the Equinox, that if

it comes to hand I shall not leave Europe till that be over. Indeed this

scene is too interesting to be left at present. But if the permission does

not come in time for my passage in the fall, the necessity of my going is

so imperious, that I shall be in a most distressing dilemma.

I am, with sincere esteem and respect, dear Sir, your affectionate friend

and servant.

P. S. _July 23._ I just learn that Bertier de Chauvigny was brought to

town in the night and massacred immediately.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, July 23, 1789.

Sir,--The bearer of my letters (a servant of Mr. Morris) not going off

till to-day, I am enabled to add to their contents. The spirit of tumult

seemed to have subsided, when, yesterday, it was excited again, by a

particular incident. Monsieur Foulon, one of the obnoxious ministry,

who, as well as his brethren, had absconded, was taken in the country,

and, as is said, by his own tenants, and brought to Paris. Great efforts

were exerted by popular characters, to save him. He was at length forced

out of the hands of the Garde Bourgeoise, hung immediately, his head

cut off, and his body drawn through the principal streets of the city.

The Intendant of Paris, Monsieur de Chauvigny, accused of having entered

into the designs of the said ministry, has been taken at Compiegne, and a

body of two hundred men on horseback have gone for him. If he be brought

here, it will be difficult to save him. Indeed, it is hard to say at what

distance of time the presence of one of those ministers, or of any of

the most obnoxious of the fugitive courtiers, will not rekindle the same

blood-thirsty spirit. I hope it is extinguished as to everybody else,

and yesterday's example will teach them to keep out of its way. I add two

other sheets of the Point du Jour, and am, with the most perfect esteem

and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. I just now learn that Bertier de Chauvigny was brought to town last

night, and massacred immediately.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, July 29, 1789.

Sir,--I have written you lately, on the 24th of June, with a postscript

of the 25th; on the 29th of the same month; the 19th of July, with a

postscript of the 21st; and again on the 23d. Yesterday I received yours

of the 9th of March, by the way of Holland.

Mr. Neckar has accepted his appointment, and will arrive to-day from

Switzerland, where he had taken refuge. No other ministers have been

named since my last. It is thought that Mr. Neckar will choose his own

associates. The tranquillity of Paris has not been disturbed since the

death of Foulon and Bertier mentioned in my last. Their militia is in a

course of organization. It is impossible to know the exact state of the

supplies of bread. We suppose them low and precarious, because, some days,

we are allowed to buy but half or three-fourths of the daily allowance

of our families. Yet as the wheat harvest must begin within ten days or

a fortnight, we are in hopes there will be subsistence found till that

time. This is the only source from which I should fear a renewal of the

late disorders; for I take for granted, the fugitives from the wrath of

their country are all safe in foreign countries. Among these, are numbered

seven Princes of the house of Bourbon, and six ministers; the seventh (the

Marshal de Broglio), being shut up in the fortified town of Metz, strongly

garrisoned with foreign soldiers. I observed to you, in a preceding

letter, that the storm which had begun in Paris, on the change of the

ministry, would have to pass over the whole country, and consequently

would, for a short time, occasion us terrible details from the different

parts of it. Among these, you will find a horrid one retailed from Vesoul,

in French Compté. The atrociousness of the fact would dispose us rather

to doubt the truth of the evidence on which it rests, however regular

that appears. There is no question, that a number of people were blown

up; but there are reasons for suspecting that it was by accident and not

design. It is said the owner of the chateau sold powder by the pound,

which was kept in the cellar of the house blown up; and it is possible,

some one of the guests may have taken this occasion to supply himself,

and been too careless in approaching the mass. Many idle stories have

also been propagated and believed here, against the English, as that they

have instigated the late tumults with money, that they had taken or were

preparing to take Cherbourg, Brest, &c.; and even reasonable men have

believed, or pretended to believe, all these. The British ambassador has

thought it necessary to disavow them in a public letter, which you will

find in one of the papers accompanying this.

I have lately had an opportunity of knowing with certainty, the present

state of the King of England. His recovery was slow; he passed through

a stage of profound melancholy; but this has at length dissipated, and

he is at present perfectly re-established. He talks now as much as ever,

on the same trifling subjects, and has recovered even his habitual

inquisitiveness into the small news of the families about him. His

health is also good, though he is not as fleshy as he used to be. I have

multiplied my letters to you lately, because the scene has been truly

interesting; so much so, that had I received my permission to pay my

projected visit to my own country, I should have thought, and should still

think it my duty to defer it awhile. I presume it cannot now be long,

before I receive your definitive answer to my request. I send herewith the

public papers, as usual; and have the honor to be, with the most perfect

esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. CARMICHAEL.

Paris, August 9, 1789.

Dear Sir,--Since your last of March the 27th, I have only written that of

May the 8th. The cause of this long silence, on both parts, has been the

expectation I communicated to you of embarking for America. In fact, I

have expected permission for this, every hour since the month of March,

and therefore always thought that by putting off writing to you a few

days, my letter, while it should communicate the occurrences of the day,

might be a letter of adieu. Should my permission now arrive, I should

put off my departure till after the equinox. They write me that my not

receiving it, has proceeded from the ceasing of the old government in

October last, and the organization of the higher departments in the new,

which had not yet taken place when my last letters came away. Bills had

been brought in for establishing departments of Foreign Affairs, Finance,

and War. The last would certainly be given to General Knox. Mr. Jay would

probably have his choice of the first and second; and it is supposed

Hamilton would have that which Mr. Jay declined. Some thought Mr. Jay

would prefer and obtain the head of the law department, for which Wilson

would be a competitor. In such a case; some have supposed C. Thompson

would ask the Foreign Affairs. The Senate and Representatives differed

about the title of the President. The former wanted to style him "His

Highness, George Washington, President of the United States, and Protector

of their liberties." The latter insisted and prevailed, to give no title

but that of office, to wit, "George Washington, President of the United

States." I hope the terms of Excellency, Honor, Worship, Esquire, forever

disappear from among us, from that moment: I wish that of Mr. would follow

them. In the impost bill, the Representatives had, by almost an unanimous

concurrence, made a difference between nations in treaty with us, and

those not in treaty. The Senate had struck out this difference and lowered

all the duties. Quære, whether the Representatives would yield? Congress

were to proceed about the 1st of June to propose amendments to the new

Constitution. The principal would be, the annexing a declaration of rights

to satisfy the mind of all, on the subject of their liberties. They waited

the arrival of Brown, delegate from Kentucky, to take up the receiving

that district as a fourteenth State. The only objections apprehended,

were from the partisans of Vermont, who might insist on both coming in

together. This would produce a delay, though probably not a long one.

To detail to you the events of this country, would require a volume. It

would be useless too; because those given in the Leyden gazette, though

not universally true, have so few and such unimportant errors mixed with

them, that you may have a general faith in them. I will rather give you,

therefore, what that paper cannot give, the views of the prevailing power,

as far as they can be collected from conversation and writings. They

will distribute the powers of government into three parts, legislative,

judiciary, and executive. The legislative will certainly have no

hereditary branch, and probably not even a select one (like our Senate).

If they divide it into two chambers at all, it will be by breaking the

representative body into two equal halves by lot. But very many are

for a single House, and particularly the Turgotists. The imperfection

of their legislative body, I think, will be, that not a member of it

will be chosen by the people directly. Their representation will be an

equal one, in which every man will elect and be elected as a citizen,

not as of a distinct order. Quære, whether they will elect placemen and

pensioners? Their legislature will meet periodically, and set at their

own will, with a power in the executive to call them extraordinarily,

in case of emergencies. There is a considerable division of sentiment

whether the executive shall have a negative on the laws. I think they will

determine to give such a negative, either absolute or qualified. In the

judiciary, the parliaments will be suppressed, less numerous judiciary

bodies instituted, and trial by jury established in criminal, if not

in civil cases. The executive power will be left entire in the hands of

the King. They will establish the responsibility of ministers, gifts and

appropriations of money by the National Assembly alone; consequently,

a civil list, freedom of the press, freedom of religion, freedom of

commerce and industry, freedom of person against arbitrary arrests, and

modifications, if not a total prohibition of military agency in civil

cases. I do not see how they can prohibit altogether the aid of the

military in cases of riot, and yet I doubt whether they can descend from

the sublimity of ancient military pride, to let a Marechal of France

with his troops, be commanded by a Magistrate. They cannot conceive, that

General Washington, at the head of his army, during the late war, could

have been commanded by a common Constable to go as his _posse comitatus_,

to suppress a mob, and that Count Rochambeau, when he was arrested at the

head of his army by a sheriff, must have gone to jail if he had not given

bail to appear in court. Though they have gone astonishing lengths, they

are not yet thus far. It is probable, therefore, that not knowing how to

use the military as a civil weapon, they will do too much or too little

with it.

I have said that things will be so and so. Understand by this, that these

are only my conjectures, the plan of the constitution not being proposed

yet, much less agreed to. Tranquillity is pretty well established in

the capital; though the appearance of any of the refugees here would

endanger it. The Baron de Besenval is kept away; so is M. de la Vauguyon.

The latter was so short a time a member of the obnoxious administration,

that probably he might not be touched were he here. Seven Princes of the

house of Bourbon, and seven ministers, fled into foreign countries, is a

wonderful event indeed.

I have the honor to be, with great respect and attachment, dear Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, August 27, 1789.

Sir,--I am honored with your favor of June the 19th, informing me that

permission is given me to make a short visit to my native country, for

which indulgence I beg leave to return my thanks to the President, and

to yourself, Sir, for the expedition with which you were so good as to

forward it, after it was obtained. Being advised that October is the

best month of the autumn for a passage to America, I shall wish to sail

about the first of that month; and as I have a family with me, and their

baggage is considerable, I must endeavor to find a vessel bound directly

for Virginia, if possible.

My last letters to you have been of the 5th and 12th instant. Since these,

I received information from our bankers in Holland, that they had money

in hand sufficient to answer the demands for the foreign officers, and for

the captives; and that moreover, the residue of the bonds of the last loan

were engaged. I hereupon wrote to Mr. Grand for an exact estimate of the

sum necessary for the officers. He had stated it to me as being forty-five

thousand six hundred and fifty-two livres eleven sous six deniers, a

year, when I was going to Holland to propose the loan to Mr. Adams, and

at that sum, you will see it was stated in the estimate we sent you from

Amsterdam. He now informed me it was sixty thousand three hundred and

ninety-three livres seventeen sous ten deniers, a year. I called on him

for an explanation. He showed me that his first information agreed with

the only list of the officers and sums then in his possession, and his

last with a new list lately sent from the treasury board in which other

officers were set down, who had been omitted in the first. I wrote to

our bankers an account of this error, and desired to know whether, after

reserving the money necessary for the captives, they were in condition to

furnish two hundred and fifty-four thousand livres for the officers. They

answered me by sending the money, and the additional sum of twenty-six

thousand livres, to complete the business of the medals. I delivered the

bills to Messrs. Grand and company, to negotiate and pay away; and the

arrears to the officers to the first day of the present year, are now in

a course of payment. While on this subject, I will ask that an order may

be forwarded to the bankers in Holland to furnish, and to Mr. Grand to

pay, the arrearages which may be due on the first of January next. The

money being in hand, it would be a pity that we should fail in payment

a single day, merely for want of an order. The bankers further give it

as their opinion, that our credit is so much advanced on the exchange of

Amsterdam, that we may probably execute any money arrangements we may have

occasion for, on this side the water. I have the honor to send you a copy

of their letter. They have communicated to me apprehensions, that another

house was endeavoring to obtain the business of our government. Knowing

of no such endeavors myself, I have assured them that I am a stranger to

any applications on the subject. At the same time, I cannot but suspect

that this jealousy has been one of the spurs, at least, to the prompt

completion of our loan. The spirited proceedings of the new Congress in

the business of revenue, has doubtless been the principal one.

An engagement has taken place between the Russian and Swedish fleets in

the Baltic, which has been not at all decisive, no ship having been lost

on either side. The Swedes claim a victory, because they remained in the

field till the Russians quitted it. The latter effected a junction soon

after with another part of their fleet, and being now about ten ships

strongest, the Swedes retired into port, and it is imagined they will

not appear again under so great disparity; so that the campaign by sea

is supposed to be finished. Their commerce will be at the mercy of their

enemies; but they have put it out of the power of the Russians to send

any fleet to the Mediterranean this year.

A revolution has been effected very suddenly in the bishopric of Liege.

Their constitution had been changed by force, by the reigning sovereign,

about one hundred years ago. This subject had been lately revived

and discussed in print. The people were at length excited to assemble

tumultuously. They sent for their Prince, who was at his country seat, and

required him to come to the town house to hear their grievances. Though

in the night, he came instantly and was obliged to sign a restitution of

their ancient constitution, which took place on the spot, and all became

quiet without a drop of blood spilt. This fact is worthy notice, only as

it shows the progress of the spirit of revolution.

No act of violence has taken place in Paris since my last, except on

account of the difference between the French and Swiss guards, which gave

rise to occasional single combats, in which five or six were killed.

The difference is made up. Some misunderstandings had arisen between

the committees of the different districts of Paris, as to the form of

the future municipal government. These gave uneasiness for awhile, but

have been also reconciled. Still there is such a leaven of fermentation

remaining in the body of the people, that acts of violence are always

possible, and are quite unpunishable; there being, as yet, no judicature

which can venture to act in any case, however small or great. The country

is becoming more calm. The embarrassments of the government, for want of

money, are extreme. The loan of thirty millions proposed by Mr. Neckar,

has not succeeded at all. No taxes are paid. A total stoppage of all

payment to the creditors of the State is possible every moment. These

form a great mass in the city as well as country, and among the lower

class of people too, who have been used to carry their little savings of

their service into the public funds upon life rents of five, ten, twenty

guineas a year, and many of whom have no other dependence for daily

subsistence. A prodigious number of servants are now also thrown out of

employ by domestic reforms, rendered necessary by the late events. Add

to this, the want of bread, which is extreme. For several days past, a

considerable proportion of the people have been without bread altogether;

for though the new harvest is begun, there is neither water nor wind to

grind the grain. For some days past the people have besieged the doors

of the bakers, scrambled with one another for bread, collected in squads

all over the city, and need only some slight incident to lead them to

excesses which may end in, nobody can tell what. The danger from the want

of bread, however, which is the most imminent, will certainly lessen in

a few days. What turn that may take which arises from the want of money,

is difficult to be foreseen. Mr. Neckar is totally without influence in

the National Assembly, and is, I believe, not satisfied with this want

of importance. That Assembly has just finished their bill of rights. The

question will then be, whether to take up first the constitution or the

business of finance.

No plan of a constitution has been yet given in. But I can state to

you the outlines of what the leading members have in contemplation.

The executive power in a hereditary King, with power of dissolving the

legislature, and a negative on their laws; his authority in forming

treaties to be greatly restrained. The legislative to be a single House

of representatives, chosen for two or three years. They propose a body

whom they call a Senate, to be chosen by the Provincial Assemblies, as our

federal Senate is, but with no power of negativing or amending laws; they

may only remonstrate on them to the representatives, who will decide by a

simple majority the ultimate event of the law. This body will therefore be

a mere council of revision. It is proposed that they shall be of a certain

age and property, and be for life. They may make them also their court of

impeachment. They will suppress the parliaments, and establish a system of

judicature somewhat like that of England, with trial by jury in criminal

cases, perhaps also in civil. Each province will have a subordinate

provincial government, and the great cities, a municipal one on a free

basis. These are the ideas and views of the most distinguished members.

But they may suffer great modifications from the Assembly, and the longer

the delay, the greater will be the modifications. Considerable interval

having taken place since any popular execution, the aristocratic party is

raising its head. They are strengthened by a considerable defection from

the patriots, in consequence of the general suppression of the abuses of

the 4th of August, in which many were interested. Another faction too, of

the most desperate views, has acquired strength in the Assembly, as well

as out of it. These wish to dethrone the reigning branch, and transfer

the crown to the Duke d'Orleans. The members of this faction are mostly

persons of wicked and desperate fortunes, who have nothing at heart

but to pillage from the wreck of their country. The Duke himself is as

unprincipled as his followers; sunk in debaucheries of the lowest kind,

and incapable of quitting them for business; not a fool, yet not head

enough to conduct anything. In fact, I suppose him used merely as a tool,

because of his immense wealth, and that he acquired a certain degree of

popularity by his first opposition to the government, then credited to

him as upon virtuous motives. He is certainly borrowing money on a large

scale. He is in understanding with the court of London, where he had been

long in habits of intimacy. The ministry here are apprehensive, that that

ministry will support his designs by war. I have no idea of this, but no

doubt, at the same time, that they will furnish him money liberally to

aliment a civil war, and prevent the regeneration of this country.

It was suggested to me, some days ago, that the court of Versailles

were treating with that of London, for a surrender of their West India

possessions, in consideration of a great sum of money to relieve their

present distress. Every principle of common sense was in opposition

to this fact; yet it was so affirmed as to merit inquiry. I became

satisfied the government had never such an idea; but that the story

was not without foundation altogether; that something like this was in

contemplation between the faction of Orleans and the court of London,

as a means of obtaining money from that court. In a conversation with

the Count de Montmorin, two days ago, he told me their colonies were

speaking a language which gave them uneasiness, and for which there

was no foundation. I asked him if he knew anything of what I have just

mentioned. He appeared unapprized of it, but to see at once that it would

be a probable speculation between two parties circumstanced and principled

as those two are. I apologized to him for the inquiries I had made into

this business, by observing that it would be much against our interest,

that any one power should monopolize all the West India islands. "Parde,

assurement," was his answer.

The _emancipation_ of their islands is an idea prevailing in the minds

of several members of the National Assembly, particularly those most

enlightened and most liberal in their views. Such a step by this country

would lead to other emancipations or revolutions in the same quarter. I

enclose you some papers received from Mr. Carmichael, relative to the

capture of one of our vessels by a Morocco cruiser, and restitution

by the Emperor. I shall immediately write to M. Chiappe, to express a

proper sense of the Emperor's friendly dispositions to us. I forward

also the public papers to the present date; and have the honor to be,

with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

Paris, August 28, 1789.

Dear Sir,--My last to you was of July the 22d. Since that, I have received

yours of May the 27th, June 13th and 30th. The tranquillity of the city

has not been disturbed since my last. Dissensions between the French and

Swiss guards occasioned some private combats, in which five or six were

killed. These dissensions are made up. The want of bread for some days

past, has greatly endangered the peace of the city. Some get a little,

some none at all. The poor are the best served, because they besiege

perpetually the doors of the bakers. Notwithstanding this distress, and

the palpable importance of the city administration to furnish bread to

the city, it was not till yesterday, that general leave was given to the

bakers to go into the country and buy flour for themselves as they can.

This will soon relieve us, because the wheat harvest is well advanced.

Never was there a country where the practice of governing too much, had

taken deeper root and done more mischief. Their declaration of rights

is finished. If printed in time, I will enclose a copy with this. It is

doubtful whether they will now take up the finance or the constitution

first. The distress for money endangers everything. No taxes are paid, and

no money can be borrowed. Mr. Neckar was yesterday to give in a memoir

to the Assembly, on this subject. I think they will give him leave to

put into execution any plan he pleases, so as to debarrass themselves

of this, and take up that of the constitution. No plan is yet reported;

but the leading members (with some small difference of opinion) have in

contemplation the following: The executive power in a hereditary King,

with a negative on laws, and power to dissolve the legislature; to be

considerably restrained in the making of treaties, and limited in his

expenses. The legislative is a House of representatives. They propose a

Senate also, chosen on the plan of our federal Senate by the Provincial

Assemblies, but to be for life, of a certain age (they talk of forty

years), and certain wealth (four or five hundred guineas a year), but

to have no other power against the laws but to remonstrate against them

to the representatives, who will then determine their fate by a simple

majority. This, you will readily perceive, is a mere council of revision,

like that of New York, which, in order to be something, must form an

alliance with the King, to avail themselves of his veto. The alliance will

be useful to both, and to the nation. The representatives to be chosen

every two or three years. The judiciary system is less prepared than any

other part of the plan; however, they will abolish the parliaments, and

establish an order of judges and justices, general and provincial, a good

deal like ours, with trial by jury in criminal cases certainly, perhaps

also in civil. The provinces will have Assemblies for their provincial

government, and the cities a municipal body for municipal government, all

founded on the basis of popular election. These subordinate governments,

though completely dependent on the general one, will be intrusted with

almost the whole of the details which our State governments exercise.

They will have their own judiciary, final in all but great cases, the

executive business will principally pass through their hands, and a

certain local legislature will be allowed them. In short, ours has been

professedly their model, in which such changes are made as a difference

of circumstances rendered necessary, and some others neither necessary nor

advantageous, but into which men will ever run, when versed in theory and

new in the practice of government, when acquainted with man only as they

see him in their books and not in the world. This plan will undoubtedly

undergo changes in the Assembly, and the longer it is delayed, the greater

will be the changes; for that Assembly, or rather the patriotic part of

it, hooped together heretofore by a common enemy, are less compact since

their victory. That enemy (the civil and ecclesiastical aristocracy)

begins to raise its head. The lees, too, of the patriotic party, of

wicked principles and desperate fortunes, hoping to pillage something

in the wreck of their country, are attaching themselves to the faction

of the Duke of Orleans; that faction is caballing with the populace, and

intriguing at London, the Hague, and Berlin, and have evidently in view

the transfer of the crown to the Duke of Orleans. He is a man of moderate

understanding, of no principle, absorbed in low vice, and incapable of

extracting himself from the filth of that, to direct anything else. His

name and his money, therefore, are mere tools in the hands of those who

are duping him.

* * * * *

They may produce a temporary confusion, and even a temporary civil war,

supported, as they will be, by the money of England; but they cannot have

success ultimately. The King, the mass of the substantial people of the

whole country, the army, and the influential part of the clergy, form a

firm phalanx which must prevail. Should those delays which necessarily

attend the deliberations of a body of one thousand two hundred men, give

time to this plot to ripen and burst, so as to break up the Assembly

before anything definite is done, a constitution, the principles of which

are pretty well settled in the minds of the Assembly, will be proposed by

the national militia (* * * * *), urged by the individual members of the

Assembly, signed by the King, and supported by the nation, to prevail till

circumstances shall permit its revision and more regular sanction. This I

suppose the _pis aller_ of their affairs, while their probable event is

a peaceable settlement of them. They fear a war from England, Holland,

and Prussia. I think England will give money, but not make war. Holland

would soon be a fire, internally, were she to be embroiled in external

difficulties. Prussia must know this, and act accordingly.

It is impossible to desire better dispositions towards us than prevail

in this Assembly. Our proceedings have been viewed as a model for them

on every occasion; and though in the heat of debate, men are generally

disposed to contradict every authority urged by their opponents, ours

has been treated like that of the Bible, open to explanation, but not to

question. I am sorry that in the moment of such a disposition, anything

should come from us to check it. The placing them on a mere footing with

the English, will have this effect. When of two nations, the one has

engaged herself in a ruinous war for us, has spent her blood and money to

save us, has opened her bosom to us in peace, and received us almost on

the footing of her own citizens, while the other has moved heaven, earth,

and hell to exterminate us in war, has insulted us in all her councils in

peace, shut her doors to us in every part where her interests would admit

it, libelled us in foreign nations, endeavored to poison them against the

reception of our most precious commodities; to place these two nations on

a footing, is to give a great deal more to one than to the other, if the

maxim be true, that to make unequal quantities equal, you must add more to

one than the other. To say, in excuse, that gratitude is never to enter

into the motives of national conduct, is to revive a principle which has

been buried for centuries with its kindred principles of the lawfulness

of assassination, poison, perjury, &c. All of these were legitimate

principles in the dark ages which intervened between ancient and modern

civilization, but exploded and held in just horror in the eighteenth

century. I know but one code of morality for men, whether acting singly

or collectively. He who says I will be a rogue when I act in company with

a hundred others, but an honest man when I act alone, will be believed in

the former assertion, but not in the latter. I would say with the poet,

"_hic niger est, hunc tu Romane cavato_." If the morality of one man

produces a just line of conduct in him, acting individually, why should

not the morality of one hundred men produce a just line of conduct in

them, acting together? But I indulge myself in these reflections, because

my own feelings run me into them; with you they were always acknowledged.

Let us hope that our new government will take some other occasions to

show, that they mean to proscribe no virtue from the canons of their

conduct with other nations. In every other instance, the new government

has ushered itself to the world as honest, masculine, and dignified. It

has shown genuine dignity, in my opinion, in exploding adulatory titles;

they are the offerings of abject baseness, and nourish that degrading vice

in the people.

I must now say a word on the declaration of rights, you have been so good

as to send me. I like it, as far as it goes; but I should have been for

going further. For instance, the following alterations and additions would

have pleased me. Article 4. "The people shall not be deprived of their

right to speak, to write, or _otherwise_ to publish anything but false

facts affecting injuriously the life, liberty, property or reputation of

others, or affecting the peace of the confederacy with foreign nations.

Article 7. All facts put in issue before any judicature, shall be tried by

jury, except, 1, in cases of admiralty jurisdiction, wherein a foreigner

shall be interested; 2, in cases cognizable before a court martial,

concerning only the regular officers and soldiers of the United States, or

members of the militia in actual service in time of war or insurrection;

and 3, in impeachments allowed by the constitution. Article 8. No person

shall be held in confinement more than ---- days after he shall have

demanded and been refused a writ of habeas corpus by the judge appointed

by law, nor more than ---- days after such a writ shall have been served

on the person holding him in confinement, and no order given on due

examination for his remandment or discharge, nor more than ---- hours in

any place at a greater distance than ---- miles from the usual residence

of some judge authorized to issue the writ of habeas corpus; nor shall

that writ be suspended for any term exceeding one year, nor in any place

more than ---- miles distant from the State or encampment of enemies or

of insurgents. Article 9. Monopolies may be allowed to persons for their

own productions in literature, and their own inventions in the arts, for

a term not exceeding ---- years, but for no longer term, and no other

purpose. Article 10. All troops of the United States shall stand _ipso

facto_ disbanded, at the expiration of the term for which their pay and

subsistence shall have been last voted by Congress, and all officers and

soldiers, not natives of the United States, shall be incapable of serving

in their armies by land, except during a foreign war." These restrictions

I think are so guarded, as to hinder evil only. However, if we do not have

them now, I have so much confidence in my countrymen, as to be satisfied

that we shall have them as soon as the degeneracy of our government shall

render them necessary.

I have no certain news of Paul Jones. I understand only, in a general

way, that some persecution on the part of his officers occasioned his

being called to St. Petersburg, and that though protected against them

by the Empress, he is not yet restored to his station. Silas Deane

is coming over to finish his days in America, not having one sous to

subsist on, elsewhere. He is a wretched monument of the consequences of

a departure from right. I will, before my departure, write Colonel Lee

fully the measures I have pursued to procure success in his business,

and which as yet offer little hope; and I shall leave it in the hands

of Mr. Short to be pursued, if any prospect opens on him. I propose to

sail from Havre as soon after the first of October as I can get a vessel;

and shall consequently leave this place a week earlier than that. As my

daughters will be with me, and their baggage somewhat more than that of

mere _voyageures_, I shall endeavor, if possible, to obtain a passage for

Virginia directly. Probably I shall be there by the last of November. If

my immediate attendance at New York should be requisite for any purpose,

I will leave them with a relation near Richmond, and proceed immediately

to New York. But as I do not foresee any pressing purpose for that

journey immediately on my arrival, and as it will be a great saving of

time, to finish at once in Virginia, so as to have no occasion to return

there after having once gone to the northward, I expect to proceed to

my own house directly. Staying there two months (which I believe will be

necessary), and allowing for the time I am on the road, I may expect to be

at New York in February, and to embark from thence or some eastern port.

You ask me if I would accept any appointment on that side of the water?

You know the circumstances which led me from retirement, step by step, and

from one nomination to another, up to the present. My object is a return

to the same retirement; whenever, therefore, I quit the present, it will

not be to engage in any other office, and most especially any one which

would require a constant residence from home. The books I have collected

for you will go off for Havre in three or four days, with my baggage. From

that port, I shall try to send them by a direct occasion to New York. I

am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and

servant.

P. S. I just now learn that Mr. Neckar proposed yesterday to the National

Assembly a loan of eighty millions, on terms more tempting to the lender

than the former, and that they approved it, leaving him to arrange the

details, in order that they might occupy themselves at once about to the

constitution.

TO JAMES MADISON.

Paris, September 6, 1789.

Dear Sir,--I sit down to write to you without knowing by what occasion I

shall send my letter. I do it, because a subject comes into my head, which

I would wish to develop a little more than is practicable in the hurry of

the moment of making up general despatches.

The question, whether one generation of men has a right to bind another,

seems never to have been started either on this or our side of the water.

Yet it is a question of such consequences as not only to merit decision,

but place also among the fundamental principles of every government. The

course of reflection in which we are immersed here, on the elementary

principles of society, has presented this question to my mind; and that no

such obligation can be transmitted, I think very capable of proof. I set

out on this ground, which I suppose to be self-evident, that the _earth

belongs in usufruct to the living_; that the dead have neither powers nor

rights over it. The portion occupied by any individual ceases to be his

when himself ceases to be, and reverts to the society. If the society

has formed no rules for the appropriation of its lands in severality,

it will be taken by the first occupants, and these will generally be

the wife and children of the decedent. If they have formed rules of

appropriation, those rules may give it to the wife and children, or to

some one of them, or to the legatee of the deceased. So they may give it

to its creditor. But the child, the legatee or creditor, takes it, not by

natural right, but by a law of the society of which he is a member, and

to which he is subject. Then, no man can, by _natural right_, oblige the

lands he occupied, or the persons who succeed him in that occupation, to

the payment of debts contracted by him. For if he could, he might during

his own life, eat up the usufruct of the lands for several generations to

come; and then the lands would belong to the dead, and not to the living,

which is the reverse of our principle.

What is true of every member of the society, individually, is true of

them all collectively; since the rights of the whole can be no more than

the sum of the rights of the individuals. To keep our ideas clear when

applying them to a multitude, let us suppose a whole generation of men

to be born on the same day, to attain mature age on the same day, and to

die on the same day, leaving a succeeding generation in the moment of

attaining their mature age, all together. Let the ripe age be supposed

of twenty-one years, and their period of life thirty-four years more,

that being the average term given by the bills of mortality to persons of

twenty-one years of age. Each successive generation would, in this way,

come and go off the stage at a fixed moment, as individuals do now. Then

I say, the earth belongs to each of these generations during its course,

fully and in its own right. The second generation receives it clear of

the debts and incumbrances of the first, the third of the second, and so

on. For if the first could charge it with a debt, then the earth would

belong to the dead and not to the living generation. Then, no generation

can contract debts greater than maybe paid during the course of its own

existence. At twenty-one years of age, they may bind themselves and their

lands for thirty-four years to come; at twenty-two, for thirty-three;

at twenty-three, for thirty-two; and at fifty-four, for one year only;

because these are the terms of life which remain to them at the respective

epochs. But a material difference must be noted, between the succession of

an individual and that of a whole generation. Individuals are parts only

of a society, subject to the laws of a whole. These laws may appropriate

the portion of land occupied by a decedent, to his creditor, rather than

to any other, or to his child, on condition he satisfies the creditor.

But when a whole generation, that is, the whole society, dies, as in the

case we have supposed, and another generation or society succeeds, this

forms a whole, and there is no superior who can give their territory to

a third society, who may have lent money to their predecessors, beyond

their faculties of paying.

What is true of generations succeeding one another at fixed epochs,

as has been supposed for clearer conception, is true for those renewed

daily, as in the actual course of nature. As a majority of the contracting

generation will continue in being thirty-four years, and a new majority

will then come into possession, the former may extend their engagement

to that term, and no longer. The conclusion then, is, that neither the

representatives of a nation, nor the whole nation itself assembled, can

validly engage debts beyond what they may pay in their own time, that is

to say, within thirty-four years of the date of the engagement.

To render this conclusion palpable, suppose that Louis the XIV. and XV.

had contracted debts in the name of the French nation, to the amount of

ten thousand milliards, and that the whole had been contracted in Holland.

The interest of this sum would be five hundred milliards, which is the

whole rent-roll or net proceeds of the territory of France. Must the

present generation of men have retired from the territory in which nature

produces them, and ceded it to the Dutch creditors? No; they have the

same rights over the soil on which they were produced, as the preceding

generations had. They derive these rights not from them, but from nature.

They, then, and their soil are, by nature, clear of the debts of their

predecessors. To present this in another point of view, suppose Louis XV.

and his cotemporary generation, had said to the money lenders of Holland,

give us money, that we may eat, drink, and be merry in our day; and on

condition you will demand no interest till the end of thirty-four years,

you shall then, forever after, receive an annual interest of fifteen per

cent. The money is lent on these conditions, is divided among the people,

eaten, drunk, and squandered. Would the present generation be obliged

to apply the produce of the earth and of their labor, to replace their

dissipations? Not at all.

I suppose that the received opinion, that the public debts of one

generation devolve on the next, has been suggested by our seeing,

habitually, in private life, that he who succeeds to lands is required

to pay the debts of his predecessor; without considering that this

requisition is municipal only, not moral, flowing from the will of the

society, which has found it convenient to appropriate the lands of a

decedent on the condition of a payment of his debts; but that between

society and society, or generation and generation, there is no municipal

obligation, no umpire but the law of nature.

The interest of the national debt of France being, in fact, but a two

thousandth part of its rent-roll, the payment of it is practicable enough;

and so becomes a question merely of honor or of expediency. But with

respect to future debts, would it not be wise and just for that nation to

declare in the constitution they are forming, that neither the legislature

nor the nation itself, can validly contract more debt than they may pay

within their own age, or within the term of thirty-four years? And that

all future contracts shall be deemed void, as to what shall remain unpaid

at the end of thirty-four years from their date? This would put the

lenders, and the borrowers also, on their guard. By reducing, too, the

faculty of borrowing within its natural limits, it would bridle the spirit

of war, to which too free a course has been procured by the inattention

of money lenders to this law of nature, that succeeding generations are

not responsible for the preceding.

On similar ground it may be proved, that no society can make a perpetual

constitution, or even a perpetual law. The earth belongs always to the

living generation: they may manage it, then, and what proceeds from it,

as they please, during their usufruct. They are masters, too, of their own

persons, and consequently may govern them as they please. But persons and

property make the sum of the objects of government. The constitution and

the laws of their predecessors are extinguished then, in their natural

course, with those whose will gave them being. This could preserve that

being, till it ceased to be itself, and no longer. Every constitution,

then, and every law, naturally expires at the end of thirty-four years.

If it be enforced longer, it is an act of force, and not of right. It may

be said, that the succeeding generation exercising, in fact, the power

of repeal, this leaves them as free as if the constitution or law had

been expressly limited to thirty-four years only. In the first place,

this objection admits the right, in proposing an equivalent. But the

power of repeal is not an equivalent. It might be, indeed, if every form

of government were so perfectly contrived, that the will of the majority

could always be obtained, fairly and without impediment. But this is true

of no form. The people cannot assemble themselves; their representation

is unequal and vicious. Various checks are opposed to every legislative

proposition. Factions get possession of the public councils, bribery

corrupts them, personal interests lead them astray from the general

interests of their constituents; and other impediments arise, so as to

prove to every practical man, that a law of limited duration is much more

manageable than one which needs a repeal.

This principle, that the earth belongs to the living and not to the dead,

is of very extensive application and consequences in every country, and

most especially in France. It enters into the resolution of the questions,

whether the nation may change the descent of lands holden in tail; whether

they may change the appropriation of lands given anciently to the church,

to hospitals, colleges, orders of chivalry, and otherwise in perpetuity;

whether they may abolish the charges and privileges attached on lands,

including the whole catalogue, ecclesiastical and feudal; it goes to

hereditary offices, authorities and jurisdictions, to hereditary orders,

distinctions and appellations, to perpetual monopolies in commerce, the

arts or sciences, with a long train of _et ceteras_; and it renders the

question of reimbursement, a question of generosity and not of right.

In all these cases, the legislature of the day could authorize such

appropriations and establishments for their own time, but no longer; and

the present holders, even where they or their ancestors have purchased,

are in the case of _bona fide_ purchasers of what the seller had no right

convey.

Turn this subject in your mind, my dear Sir, and particularly as to the

power of contracting debts, and develop it with that cogent logic which

is so peculiarly yours. Your station in the councils of our country gives

you an opportunity of producing it to public consideration, of forcing it

into discussion. At first blush it may be laughed at, as the dream of a

theorist; but examination will prove it to be solid and salutary. It would

furnish matter for a fine preamble to our first law for appropriating

the public revenue; and it will exclude, at the threshold of our new

government, the ruinous and contagious errors of this quarter of the

globe, which have armed despots with means which nature does not sanction,

for binding in chains their fellow-men. We have already given, in example,

one effectual check to the dog of war, by transferring the power of

declaring war from the executive to the legislative body, from those who

are to spend, to those who are to pay. I should be pleased to see this

second obstacle held out by us also, in the first instance. No nation

can make a declaration against the validity of long-contracted debts,

so disinterestedly as we, since we do not owe a shilling which will not

be paid, principal and interest, by the measures you have taken, within

the time of our own lives. I write you no news, because when an occasion

occurs, I shall write a separate letter for that.

I am always, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate

friend and servant.

TO DR. GEM.

The hurry in which I wrote my letter to Mr. Madison, which is in your

hands, occasioned an inattention to the difference between generations

succeeding each other at fixed epochs, and generations renewed daily

and hourly. It is true that in the former case, the generation when

at twenty-one years of age, may contract a debt for thirty-four years,

because a majority of them will live so long. But a generation consisting

of all ages, and which legislates by all its members above the age of

twenty-one years, cannot contract for so long a time, because their

majority will be dead much sooner. Buffon gives us a table of twenty-three

thousand nine hundred and ninety-four deaths, stating the ages at which

they happened. To draw from these the result I have occasion for,

I suppose a society in which twenty-three thousand nine hundred and

ninety-four persons are born every year, and live to the age stated

in Buffon's table. Then, the following inferences may be drawn. Such a

society will consist constantly of six hundred and seventeen thousand

seven hundred and three persons, of all ages. Of those living at any one

instant of time, one half will be dead in twenty-four years and eight

months. In such a society, ten thousand six hundred and seventy-five,

will arrive every year at the age of twenty-one years complete. It will

constantly have three hundred and forty-eight thousand four hundred and

seventeen persons of all ages above twenty-one years, and the half of

those of twenty-one years and upwards living at any one instant of time,

will be dead in eighteen years and eight months, or say nineteen years.

Then, the contracts, constitutions and laws of every such society become

void in nineteen years from their date.

TO E. RUTLEDGE.

Paris, September 18, 1789.

Dear Sir,--I have duly received your favor by Mr. Cutting, enclosing the

paper from Doctor Trumbull, for which I am very thankful. The conjecture

that inhabitants may have been carried from the coast of Africa to that of

America, by the trade winds, is possible enough; and its probability would

be greatly strengthened by ascertaining a similarity of language, which I

consider as the strongest of all proofs of consanguinity among nations.

Still a question would remain between the red men of the eastern and

western sides of the Atlantic, which is the stock, and which the shoot? If

a fact be true, which I suspect to be true, that there is a much greater

number of radical languages among those of America than among those of

the other hemisphere, it would be a proof of superior antiquity, which I

can conceive no arguments strong enough to overrule.

When I received your letter, the time of my departure was too near,

to permit me to obtain information from Constantinople, relative to

the demand and price of rice there. I therefore wrote to a merchant at

Versailles, concerned in the Levant trade, for the prices current of rice

at Constantinople and at Marseilles for several years past. He has sent

me only the present price at Marseilles, and that of a particular cargo

at Constantinople. I send you a copy of his letter. The Algerines form

an obstacle; but the object of our commerce in the Mediterranean is so

immense, that we ought to surmount that obstacle, and I believe it could

be done by means in our power, and which, instead of fouling us with the

dishonorable and criminal baseness of France and England, will place us

in the road to respect with all the world.

I have obtained, and enclose to you, a state of all the rice imported into

this country in the course of one year, which shows its annual consumption

to be between eighty-one and eighty-two thousand quintals. I think you may

supplant all the other furnishing States, except as to what is consumed

at Marseilles and its neighborhood. In fact, Paris is the place of main

consumption. Havre, therefore, is the port of deposit, where you ought to

have one or two honest, intelligent and active consignees. The ill success

of a first or second experiment should not damp the endeavors to open

this market fully, but the obstacles should be forced by perseverance. I

have obtained from different quarters seeds of the dry rice; but having

had time to try them, I find they will not vegetate, having been too long

kept. I have still several other expectations from the East Indies. If

this rice be as good, the object of health will render it worth experiment

with you. Cotton is a precious resource, and which cannot fail with you.

I wish the cargo of olive plants sent by the way of Baltimore, and that

which you will perceive my correspondent is preparing now to send, may

arrive to you in good order. This is the object for the patriots of your

country; for that tree once established there, will be the source of the

greatest wealth and happiness. But to insure success, perseverance may be

necessary. An essay or two may fail. I think, therefore, that an annual

sum should be subscribed, and it need not be a great one. A common country

laborer should be engaged to make it his sole occupation, to prepare

and pack plants and berries at Marseilles, and in the autumn to go with

them himself through the canal of Languedoc to Bordeaux, and there to

stay with them till he can put them on board a vessel bound directly for

Charleston; and this repeated annually, till you have a sufficient stock

insured, to propagate from without further importation. I should guess

that fifty guineas a year would do this, and if you think proper to set

such a subscription afoot, write me down for ten guineas of the money,

yearly, during my stay in France, and offer my superintendence of the

business on this side the water, if no better can be had.

Mr. Cutting does full justice to the honorable dispositions of the

legislature of South Carolina towards their foreign creditors. None have

yet come into the propositions sent to me, except the Van Staphorsts.

The danger of famine here, has not ceased with a plentiful harvest. A

new and unskilful administration has not yet got into the way of bringing

regular supplies to the Capital. We are in danger of hourly insurrection

for the want of bread; and an insurrection once begun for that cause,

may associate itself with those discontented for other causes, and

produce incalculable events. But if the want of bread does not produce a

commencement of disorder, I am of opinion the other discontents will be

stifled, and a good and free constitution established without opposition.

In fact, the mass of the people, the clergy and army (excepting the higher

orders of the three bodies), are in as compact an union as can be. The

National Assembly have decided that their executive shall be hereditary,

and shall have a suspensive negative on the laws; that the legislature

shall be of one House, annual in its sessions and biennial in its

elections. Their declaration of rights will give you their other general

views. I am just on my departure for Virginia, where the arrangement of my

affairs will detain me the winter; after which (say in February) I shall

go on to New York, to embark from some northern port for France. In the

meanwhile and always, I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your

friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, September 19, 1789.

Sir,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 30th of the last month.

Since that, I have taken the liberty of consigning to you a box of

officer's muskets, containing half a dozen, made by the person and on the

plan which I mentioned to you in a letter which I cannot turn to at this

moment, but I think it was of the year 1785. A more particular account of

them you will find in the enclosed copy of a letter which I have written

to General Knox. The box is marked T. J. No. 36, is gone to Havre, and

will be forwarded to you by the first vessel bound to New York, by Mr.

Nathaniel Cutting, an American gentleman establishing himself there.

Recalling to your mind the account I gave you of the number and size of

ships fitted out by the English last year, for the northern whale fishery,

and comparing with it what they have fitted out this year, for the same

fishery, the comparison will stand thus:

Years. Vessels. Tons. Men.

1788. 255 75,436 10,710

1789. 178 51,473 7,476

----- ------ ------

Difference. 77 23,963 3,234

By which you will perceive, that they have lost a third of that fishery in

one year, which I think almost entirely, if not quite, ascribable to the

shutting the French ports against their oil. I have no account of their

southern fishery of the present year.

As soon as I was informed that our bankers had the money ready for the

redemption of our captives, I went to the General of the order of the Holy

Trinity, who retained all his dispositions to aid us in that business.

Having a very confidential agent at Marseilles, better acquainted than

himself with the details, he wrote to him for his opinion and information

on the subject. I enclose you a copy of his answer, the original of which

was communicated to me. I thereupon have authorized the General to go

as far as three thousand livres a head, for our captives, and for this

purpose, to adopt the plan proposed, of sending one of his own religion at

our expense, (which will be small,) or any other plan he thinks best. The

honesty and goodness of his character places us in safety in his hands.

To leave him without any hesitation in engaging himself for such a sum

of money, it was necessary to deposit it in a banker's hands here. Mr.

Grand's were agreeable to him, and I have therefore desired our banker

at Amsterdam, to remit it here. I do not apprehend, in the progress of

the present revolution, anything like a general bankruptcy which should

pervade the whole class of bankers. Were such an event to appear imminent,

the excessive caution of the house of Grand and Company, establishes it

in the general opinion as the last that would give way, and consequently

would give time to withdraw this money from their hands. Mr. Short will

attend to this, and will withdraw the money on the first well-founded

appearance of danger. He has asked me what he shall do with it? Because

it is evident, that when Grand cannot be trusted, no other individual

at Paris can, and a general bankruptcy can only be the effect of such

disorders, as would render every private house an insecure deposit. I have

not hesitated to say to him, in such an event, "pay it to the government."

In this case, it becomes only a change of destination and no loss at all.

But this has passed between us for greater caution only, and on the worst

case supposable; for though a suspension of payment by government might

affect the bankers a little, I doubt if any of them have embarked so much

in the hands of government as to endanger failure, and especially as they

have had such long warning.

You will have known, that the ordinance passed by M. de Chillon in St.

Domingo, for opening ports to our importations in another part of the

island, was protested against by Marbois. He had always led the Count

de La Luzerne by the nose, while Governor of that island. Marbois'

representations, and Luzerne's prepossessions against our trade with

their colonies, occasioned him, as minister of that department, not only

to reverse the ordinance, but to recall Chillon and send out a successor.

Chillon has arrived here, and having rendered himself very popular in the

islands, their deputies in the National Assembly have brought the question

before them. The Assembly has done nothing more, as yet, than to appoint

a committee of inquiry. So much of Chillon's ordinance as admitted the

importation of our provisions, is continued for a time. M. de Marbois,

too, is recalled, I know not why or how. M. de La Luzerne's conduct will

probably come under view only incidentally to the general question urged

by the colony deputies, whether they shall not be free in future, to

procure provisions where they can procure them cheapest? But the deputies

are disposed to treat M. de La Luzerne roughly. This, with the disgrace

of his brother, the bishop de Langres, turned out of the presidentship

of the National Assembly, for partiality in office to the aristocratic

principles, and the disfavor of the Assembly towards M. de La Luzerne

himself, as having been formerly of the _plot_ (as they call it) with

Breteuil and Broglio, will probably occasion him to be out of office soon.

The Treasury board have no doubt attended to the necessity of giving

timely orders for the payment of the February interest at Amsterdam.

I am well informed that our credit is now the first at that exchange,

(England not borrowing at present.) Our five per cent. bonds have risen to

ninety-seven and ninety-nine. They have been heretofore at ninety-three.

There are, at this time, several companies and individuals here, in

England and Holland, negotiating to sell large parcels of our _liquidated

debt_. A bargain was concluded by one of these the other day, for six

hundred thousand dollars. In the present state of our credit, every dollar

of this debt will probably be transferred to Europe within a short time.

September the 20th. The combination of bankers and other ministerial

tools, had led me into the error (when I wrote my last letter) into which

they had led most people, that the loan lately opened here went on well.

The truth is, that very little has been borrowed, perhaps not more than

six or eight millions. The King and his ministers were yesterday to carry

their plate to the mint. The ladies are giving up their jewels to the

National Assembly. A contribution of plate in the time of Louis XV. is

said to have carried about eight millions to the treasury. Plate is much

more common now, and therefore, if the example prevail now in the same

degree it did then, it will produce more. The contribution of jewels will

hardly be general, and will be unproductive. Mr. Neckar is, on the 25th,

to go to the Assembly, to make some proposition. The hundredth penny is

talked of.

The Assembly proceeds slowly in the forming their constitution. The

original vice of their numbers causes this, as well as a tumultuous manner

of doing business. They have voted that the elections of the legislature

shall be biennial; that it shall be of a single body; but they have not

yet decided what shall be its number, or whether they shall be all in one

room, or in two, (which they call a division into sections). They have

determined that the King shall have a _suspensive and iterative veto_;

that is, that after negativing a law, it cannot be presented again till

after a new election. If he negatives it then, it cannot be presented a

third time till after another new election. If it be then presented, he

is obliged to pass it. This is perhaps justly considered as a more useful

negative than an absolute one, which a King would be afraid to use. Mr.

Neckar's influence with the Assembly is nothing at all. Having written

to them, by order of the King, on the subject of the veto, before it

was decided, they refused to let his letter be read. Again, lately, when

they desired the sanction of the King to their proceedings of the fourth

of August, he wrote in the King's name a letter to them, remonstrating

against an immediate sanction to the whole; but they persisted, and

the sanction was given. His disgust at this want of influence, together

with the great difficulties of his situation, make it believed that he

is desirous of resigning. The public stocks were extremely low the day

before yesterday. The _caisse d'escompte_ at three thousand six hundred

and forty, and the loan of one hundred and twenty-five millions, of 1784,

was at fifteen per cent. loss. Yesterday they rose a little.

The sloth of the Assembly (unavoidable from their number) has done the

most sensible injury to the public cause. The patience of a people who

have less of that quality than any other nation in the world, is worn

thread-bare. Time has been given to the aristocrats to recover from

their panic, to cabal, to sow dissensions in the Assembly, and distrust

out of it. It has been a misfortune, that the King and aristocracy

together have not been able to make a sufficient resistance, to hoop the

patriots in a compact body. Having no common enemy of such force as to

render their union necessary, they have suffered themselves to divide.

The assembly now consists of four distinct parties. 1. The aristocrats,

comprehending the higher members of the clergy, military, nobility, and

the parliaments of the whole kingdom. This forms a head without a body.

2. The moderate royalists, who wish for a constitution nearly similar

to that of England. 3. The republicans, who are willing to let their

first magistracy be hereditary, but to make it very subordinate to the

legislature, and to have that legislature consist of a single chamber.

4. The faction of Orleans. The second and third descriptions are composed

of honest, well-meaning men, differing in opinion only, but both wishing

the establishment of as great a degree of liberty as can be preserved.

They are considered together as constituting the patriotic part of the

Assembly, and they are supported by the soldiery of the army, the soldiery

of the clergy, that is to say, the Curés and monks, the dissenters, and

part of the nobility which is small, and the substantial Bourgeoise of

the whole nation. The part of these collected in the cities, have formed

themselves into municipal bodies, have chosen municipal representatives,

and have organized an armed corps, considerably more numerous in the

whole than the regular army. They have also the ministry, such as it

is, and as yet, the King. Were the second and third parties, or rather

these sections of the same party, to separate entirely, this great mass

of power and wealth would be split, nobody knows how. But I do not think

they will separate; because they have the same honest views; because,

each being confident of the rectitude of the other, there is no rancor

between them; because they retain the desire of coalescing. In order to

effect this, they not long ago proposed a conference, and desired it might

be at my house, which gave me an opportunity of judging of their views.

They discussed together their points of difference for six hours, and in

the course of discussion agreed on mutual sacrifices. The effect of this

agreement has been considerably defeated by the subsequent proceedings of

the Assembly, but I do not know that it has been through any infidelity

of the leaders to the compromise they had agreed on. Another powerful

bond of union between these two parties, is our friend the Marquis de

La Fayette. He left the Assembly while they as yet formed but one party.

His attachment to both is equal, and he labors incessantly to keep them

together. Should he be obliged to take part against either, it will be

against that which shall first pass the Rubicon of reconciliation with the

other. I should hope, in this event, that his weight would be sufficient

to turn the scale decidedly in favor of the other. His command of the

armed militia of Paris (thirty thousand in number, and comprehending the

French guards who are five thousand regulars), and his influence with the

municipality, would secure their city; and though the armed militia and

municipalities of the other cities are in nowise subordinate to those of

Paris, yet they look up to them with respect, and look particularly to

the Marquis de La Fayette, as leading always to the rights of the people.

This turn of things is so probable, that I do not think either section

of the patriots will venture on any act, which will place themselves in

opposition to him.

This being the face of things, troubled as you will perceive, civil war is

much talked of and expected; and this talk and expectation has a tendency

to beget it. What are the events which may produce it? 1. The want of

bread, were it to produce a commencement of disorder, might ally itself to

more permanent causes of discontent, and thus continue the effect beyond

its first cause. The scarcity of bread, which continues very great amidst

a plenty of corn, is an enigma which can be solved only by observing, that

the furnishing the city is in the new municipality, not yet masters of

their trade. 2. A public bankruptcy. Great numbers of the lower as well as

higher classes of the citizens, depend for subsistence on their property

in the public funds. 3. The absconding of the King from Versailles. This

has for some time been apprehended as possible. In consequence of this

apprehension, a person whose information would have weight, wrote to the

Count de Montmorin, adjuring him to prevent it by every possible means,

and assuring him that the flight of the King would be the signal of a

St. Barthelemi against the aristocrats in Paris, and perhaps through the

kingdom. M. de Montmorin showed the letter to the Queen, who assured him

solemnly that no such thing was in contemplation. His showing it to the

Queen, proves he entertained the same mistrust with the public. It may

be asked, what is the Queen disposed to do in the present situation of

things? Whatever rage, pride and fear can dictate in a breast which never

knew the presence of one moral restraint.

Upon the whole, I do not see it as yet probable that any actual commotion

will take place; and if it does take place, I have strong confidence that

the patriotic party will hold together, and their party in the nation be

what I have described it. In this case, there would be against them the

aristocracy and the faction of Orleans. This consists, at this time, of

only the Catalines of the Assembly, and some of the lowest description

of the mob. Its force, _within the kingdom_, must depend on how much of

this last kind of people it can debauch with money from its present bias

to the right cause. This bias is as strong as any one can be, in a class

which must accept its bread from him who will give it. Its resources _out

of the kingdom_ are not known. Without doubt, England will give money to

produce and to feed the fire which should consume this country; but it

is not probable she will engage in open war for that. If foreign troops

should be furnished, it would be most probably by the King of Prussia, who

seems to offer himself as the bull-dog of tyranny to all his neighbors. He

might, too, be disturbed by the contagion of the same principles gaining

his own subjects, as they have done those of the Austrian Netherlands,

Liege, Cologne, and Hesse Cassel. The army of the latter Prince, joining

with his subjects, are said to have possessed themselves of the treasures

he had amassed by hiring troops to conquer us, and by other iniquities.

Fifty-four millions of livres is the sum mentioned. But all these means,

external and internal, must prove inadequate to their ultimate object, if

the nation be united as it is at present. Expecting within a few days to

leave Paris, and that this is my last letter on public subjects, I have

indulged myself in giving you a general view of things, as they appear

to me at the time of my leaving them. Mr. Short will have the honor

of continuing the narration, and of correcting it, where circumstances

unknown or unforeseen may give a different turn to events.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and

respect, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. NECKAR.

Paris, September 26, 1789.

Sir,--I had the honor of waiting on you at Versailles the day before

yesterday, in order to present my respects on my departure to America. I

was unlucky in the moment, as it was one in which you were gone out.

I wished to have put into your hands, at the same time, the enclosed state

of the British northern fishery for the years 1788 and 1789, by which you

will see that they have lost in one year one-third of that fishery, the

effect, almost solely, of the _Arret_ which shut the ports of France to

their oils.

I wished also to know, whether, while in America, I could be useful

towards encouraging supplies of provision to be brought to this country

the ensuing year. I am persuaded a considerable relief to the city

of Paris might be obtained, by permitting the importation of salted

provisions from the United States. Our salted beef particularly (which,

since the war, we have learned to prepare in the Irish manner, so as to be

as good as the best of that country), could be sold out to the people of

Paris for the half of what they pay for fresh meat. It would seem then,

that the laborer paying but half the usual price for his meat, might pay

the full price of his bread, and so relieve government from its loss

on that article. The interest of the _gabelles_ has been an objection

hitherto, to the importation of salted provisions. But that objection is

lessened by the reduction of the price of salt, and done away entirely by

the desire of the present government to consider the ease and happiness

of the people as the first object. In every country as fully peopled as

France, it would seem good policy to encourage the employment of its lands

in the cultivation of corn, rather than in pasturage, and consequently to

encourage the use of all kinds of salted provisions, because they can be

imported from other countries. It may be apprehended, that the Parisian,

habituated to fresh provision, would not use salted. Then he would not buy

them, and of course they would not be brought, so that no harm can be done

by the permission. On the contrary, if the people of Paris should readily

adopt the use of salted provisions, the good would result which is before

mentioned. Salt meat is not as good as fresh for soups, but it gives a

higher flavor to the vegetables boiled with it. The experience of a great

part of America, which is fed almost entirely on it, proves it to be as

wholesome as fresh meat. The sea scurvy, ascribed by some to the use of

salt meat, is equally unknown in America as in Europe. It is the want of

vegetables at sea which produces the scurvy. I have thus hastily mentioned

reasons and objections, to save you the time and trouble of recollecting

them. To you, Sir, it suffices, barely to mention them. Mr. Short, Chargé

des Affaires for the United States, will have the honor of delivering you

this, and of giving you any further details which you may be pleased to

require.

I shall hope, on my return in the spring, to find your health

re-established, and your mind relieved, by a perfect settlement of the

affairs of the nation; and with my felicitations on those accounts, to

express to you those sentiments of profound respect and attachment with

which I have the honor to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most

humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

Havre, September 30, 1789.

Dear Sir,--No convenient ship having offered from any port of France, I

have engaged one from London to take me up at Cowes, and am so far on my

way thither. She will land me at Norfolk, and as I do not know any service

that would be rendered by my repairing immediately to New York, I propose,

in order to economise time, to go directly to my own house, get through

the business which calls me there, and then repair to New York, where I

shall be ready to re-embark for Europe. But should there be any occasion

for government to receive any information I can give, immediately on

my arrival, I will go to New York on receiving your orders at Richmond.

They may probably be there before me, as this goes by Mr. Trumbull, bound

directly for New York.

I enclose you herewith the proceedings of the National Assembly on

Saturday last, wherein you will perceive that the committee had approved

the plan of Mr. Neckar. I can add from other sure information received

here, that the Assembly adopted it the same evening. This plan may

possibly keep their payments alive till their new government gets into

motion; though I do not think it very certain. The public stocks lowered

so exceedingly the last days of my stay at Paris, that I wrote to our

bankers at Amsterdam, to desire they would retain till further orders the

thirty thousand guilders, or so much of it as had not yet come on. And as

to what might be already coming on, I recommended to Mr. Short to go and

take the acceptance himself, and keep the bill in his own hands till the

time of payment. He will by that time see what is best to be done with

the money.

In taking leave of Monsieur de Montmorin, I asked him whether their

West India ports would continue open to us awhile. He said they would be

immediately declared open till February, and we may be sure they will be

so till the next harvest. He agreed with me, that there would be two or

three months' provision for the whole kingdom wanting for the ensuing

year. The consumption of bread for the whole kingdom, is two millions

of livres tournois a day. The people pay the real price of their bread

everywhere, except at Paris and Versailles. There the price is suffered

to vary very little as to them, and government pays the difference. It

has been supposed that this difference for some time past, has cost a

million a week. I thought the occasion favorable to propose to Monsieur de

Montmorin the free admission of our salted provisions, observing to him

particularly that our salted beef from the Eastern States could be dealt

out to the people of Paris for five or six sols the pound, which is but

half the common price they pay for fresh beef; that the Parisian paying

less for his meat, might pay more for his bread, and so relieve government

from its enormous loss on that article. His idea of this resource seemed

unfavorable. We talked over the objections of the supposed unhealthiness

of that food, its tendency to produce scurvy, the chance of its taking

with a people habituated to fresh meat, their comparative qualities

of rendering vegetables eatable, and the interests of the gabelles. He

concluded with saying the experiment might be tried, and with desiring me

to speak with Mr. Neckar. I went to Mr. Neckar, but he had gone to the

National Assembly. On my return to Paris, therefore, I wrote to him on

the subject, going over the objections which Monsieur de Montmorin had

started. Mr. Short was to carry the letter himself, and to pursue the

subject.

Having observed that our commerce to Havre is considerably on the

increase, and that most of our vessels coming there, and especially those

from the eastward, are obliged to make a voyage round to the neighborhood

of the Loire and Garonne for salt, a voyage attended with expense, delay,

and more risk, I have obtained from the Farmers General, that they shall

be supplied from their magazines at Honfleur, opposite to Havre, at a

mercantile price. They fix it at present at sixty livres the _muid_,

which comes to about fifteen sous, or seven and a half pence sterling our

bushel; but it will vary as the price varies at the place from which they

bring it. As this will be a great relief to such of our vessels coming

to Havre, as might wish to take back salt, it may perhaps be proper to

notify it to our merchants. I enclose herewith Mr. Neckar's discourse to

the Assembly, which was not printed till I left Paris; and have the honor

to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your

most obedient, and most humble servant.