Dear Sir,--I am now to acknowledge the receipt of your several letters

of October 20th, November 20th, and January 2d, and to thank you for the

pamphlets you have been so kind as to send me. A conveyance by the way

of London enables me to write the present, for I never think of writing

_news_ by the circumnavigation of the Bordeaux packet. You know that

your States General are met, and you have seen the speeches of the King

and his ministers at the opening of it, for I take for granted, M. de

Montmorin has sent them to M. de Moustier, as I have done to Mr. Jay. I

was present at that august ceremony. Had it been enlightened with lamps

and chandeliers, it would have been almost as brilliant as the opera.

Till now your affairs have gone on with a smoothness and rapidity which

has been never before seen. At this moment, however, they are at a dead

stand. The great preliminary question, whether they shall vote by orders

or persons, seems to threaten a scission. They have not yet ventured to

present the question in form, but the votes which have been given by the

separate chambers on the outworks of that question, enables us to see

pretty clearly the strength of the two parties. For voting by persons are

1, the Tiers Etat, unanimous; 2, a good majority of the Clergy, consisting

of the curés; 3, fifty-four members of the Noblesse. For voting by orders

are 1, the residue of the Nobles being about 190; 2, a minority in the

Clergy, consisting of the bishops and archbishops, &c. All the world

is conjecturing how they are to get over the difficulty. Abundance are

affrighted, and think all is lost, and the nation in despair at this

unsuccessful effort, will consign itself to tenfold despotism. This is

rank cowardice. Others propose that the members shall go back to ask new

instructions from their constituents. This would be useless, because they

know that the same instructions would be repeated, and who can say what

new event, internal or external, might shuffle this glorious game out of

their hands? Another hypothesis, which I shall develop, because I like it,

and wish it, and hope it, is, that as soon as it shall be manifest that

the committees of conciliation, now appointed by the three chambers, shall

be able to agree in nothing, the Tiers will invite the other two orders to

come and take their seats in the common chamber. A majority of the Clergy

will come, and the minority of the Nobles. The chamber thus composed, will

declare that the States General are now constituted, will notify it to the

King, and propose to do business. It may be hoped he will accede to their

proposition, justifying it by the necessity of the moment, and negotiating

as they go along, the return of the other members of the Noblesse and

Clergy. If he should, on the contrary, refuse to receive them as the

States General, and adheres to the principles of the Noblesse, it may

possibly happen that the Tiers will declare all taxes discontinued, form a

declaration of rights, and do such other acts as circumstances will admit,

and return every man to his tent. The tax-gatherers might be resisted, and

the body of the army found to be disposed differently from their officers.

All this will be avoided by admitting this composition of the chamber to

be the States General, and pursuing modes of conciliation. These indeed

will be difficult for the orders, as the Tiers seem determined to break

down all the barriers of the separation of the several orders, and to

have in future but one. I would have put off writing to you a few days

longer, in hopes of informing you of the unravelling of this knot, but

I am in hourly expectation of receiving my leave of absence, and am so

prepared for my departure, that a very few days will enable me to set

out for America, where I shall have the pleasure of relating to you more

accurately the state of things here, of delivering you letters from your

sons, and of assuring you in person of those sentiments of esteem and

respect, with which I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient

humble servant.

P. S. I have sent to M. le Comte de Moustier a list of the Deputies of

the States.

TO MONSIEUR DE LA FAYETTE.

Paris, June 3, 1789.

Dear Sir,--Revolving further in my mind the idea started yesterday of

the King's coming forward in a _seance royale_, and offering a charter

containing all the good in which all the parties agree, I like it more

and more. I have ventured to sketch such a charter merely to convey my

idea, which I now enclose to you, as I do also to M. de St. Etienne. I

write him a letter of apology for my meddling in a business where I know

so little and you and he so much. I have thought it better to possess him

immediately of the paper, because he may at the conference of to-day sound

the minds of the conferees. Yours affectionately.

TO MONSIEUR DE ST. ETIENNE.

Paris, June 3, 1789.

Sir,--After you quitted us yesterday evening, we continued our

conversation (Monsieur de La Fayette, Mr. Short and myself) on the subject

of the difficulties which environ you. The desirable object being, to

secure the good which the King has offered, and to avoid the ill which

seems to threaten, an idea was suggested, which appearing to make an

impression on Monsieur de La Fayette, I was encouraged to pursue it on

my return to Paris, to put it into form, and now to send it to you and

him. It is this; that the King, in a _seance royale_ should come forward

with a Charter of Rights in his hand, to be signed by himself and by

every member of the three orders. This charter to contain the five great

points which the Resultat of December offered, on the part of the King,

the abolition of pecuniary privileges offered by the privileged orders,

and the adoption of the national debt, and a grant of the sum of money

asked from the nation. This last will be a cheap price for the preceding

articles; and let the same act declare your immediate separation till the

next anniversary meeting. You will carry back to your constituents more

good than ever was effected before without violence, and you will stop

exactly at the point where violence would otherwise begin. Time will be

gained, the public mind will continue to ripen and to be informed, a basis

of support may be prepared with the people themselves, and expedients

occur for gaining still something further at your next meeting, and

for stopping again at the point of force. I have ventured to send to

yourself and Monsieur de La Fayette a sketch of my ideas of what this

act might contain, without endangering any dispute. But it is offered

merely as a canvas for you to work on, if it be fit to work on at all. I

know too little of the subject, and you know too much of it, to justify

me in offering anything but a hint. I have done it, too, in a hurry;

insomuch, that since committing it to writing, it occurs to me that the

fifth article may give alarm; that it is in a good degree included in the

fourth, and is, therefore, useless. But after all, what excuse can I make,

Sir, for this presumption. I have none but an unmeasurable love for your

nation, and a painful anxiety lest despotism, after an unaccepted offer

to bind its own hands, should seize you again with tenfold fury. Permit

me to add to these, very sincere assurances of the sentiments of esteem

and respect, with which I have the honor to be, Sir, your most obedient,

and most humble servant.

[The annexed is the Charter accompanying the two preceding letters.]

_A Charter of Rights, solemnly established by the King and Nation_

1. The States General shall assemble, uncalled, on the first day of

November, annually, and shall remain together so long as they shall

see cause. They shall regulate their own elections and proceedings, and

until they shall ordain otherwise, their elections shall be in the forms

observed in the present year, and shall be triennial.

2. The States General alone shall levy money on the nation, and shall

appropriate it.

3. Laws shall be made by the States General only, with the consent of the

King.

4. No person shall be restrained of his liberty, but by regular process

from a court of justice, authorized by a general law. (Except that a Noble

may be imprisoned by order of a court of justice, on the prayer of twelve

of his nearest relations.) On complaint of an unlawful imprisonment, to

any judge whatever, he shall have the prisoner immediately brought before

him, and shall discharge him, if his imprisonment be unlawful. The officer

in whose custody the prisoner is, shall obey the orders of the judge; and

both judge and officer shall be responsible, civilly and criminally, for

a failure of duty herein.

5. The military shall be subordinate to the civil authority.

6. Printers shall be liable to legal prosecution for printing and

publishing false facts, injurious to the party prosecuting; but they shall

be under no other restraint.

7. All pecuniary privileges and exemptions, enjoyed by any description of

persons, are abolished.

8. All debts already contracted by the King, are hereby made the debts

of the nation; and the faith thereof is pledged for their payment in due

time.

9. Eighty millions of livres are now granted to the King, to be raised by

loan, and reimbursed by the nation; and the taxes heretofore paid, shall

continue to be paid to the end of the present year, and no longer.

10. The States General shall now separate, and meet again on the 1st day

of November next.

Done, on behalf of the whole nation, by the King and their representatives

in the States General, at Versailles, this ---- day of June, 1789.

Signed by the King, and by every member individually, and in his presence.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

Paris, June 12, 1789.

My Dear Sir,--As I may not be able to get at you, at Versailles, I write

this to deliver it myself at your door. With respect to the utility, or

inutility of your minority's joining the Commons, I am unable to form an

opinion for myself. I know too little of the subject to see what may be

its consequences.

I never knew an instance of the English parliament's undertaking to

relieve the poor, by a distribution of bread in time of scarcity. In fact,

the English commerce is so extensive and so active, that though bread may

be a little more or less plenty, there can never be an absolute failure.

This island is so narrow, that corn can be readily carried from the sea

ports to its interior parts. But were an absolute want to happen, and

were the parliament to undertake a distribution of corn, I think, that

according to the principles of their government, they would only vote a

sum of money, and address the King to employ it for the best. The business

is, in its nature, executive, and would require too great a variety of

detail to be managed by an act of parliament. However, I repeat it, that

I never heard or read of an instance of the parliament's interfering to

give bread. If I see you at Versailles to-day, I can be more particular.

I am with great sincerity, my dear Sir, your affectionate friend and

servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, June 17, 1789.

Sir,--I had the honor of addressing you on the 9th and 12th of May, by

the way of London. This goes through the same channel to the care of Mr.

Trumbull. Having received no letter from you of later date than the 25th

of November, I am apprehensive that there may have been miscarriages,

and the more so, as I learn, through another channel, that you have

particularly answered mine of November the 19th.

The death of the Grand Seignior, which has happened, renders the

continuance of the war more probable, as it has brought to the throne

a successor of a more active and ardent temper, and who means to put

himself at the head of his armies. He has declared the Captain Pacha

his Generalissimo. The prospects for Russia, on the other hand, are

less encouraging. Her principal ally, the Emperor, is at death's door,

blazing up a little indeed, from time to time, like an expiring taper, but

certainly to extinguish soon. Denmark too, is likely to be restrained by

the threats of England and Prussia, from contributing even her stipulated

naval succors. It is some time since I have been able to obtain any

account of the King of England, on which I can rely with confidence. His

melancholy continues, and to such a degree, as to render him absolutely

indifferent to everything that passes, so that he seems willing to let his

ministers do everything they please, provided they will let him alone.

When forced to speak, his comprehension seems better than it was in the

first moments after his phrensy went off. His health is bad; he does not

go into public at all, and very few are admitted to see him. This is his

present state, according to the best accounts I have been able to get

lately. His ministers dictate boldly in the north, because they know it

is impossible they should be engaged in the war, while this country is so

completely palsied.

You will have seen, by my former letters, that the question, whether the

States General should vote by persons or by orders, had stopped their

proceedings in the very first instances in which it could occur, that

is, as to the verification of their powers, and that they had appointed

committees to try if there were any means of accommodation. These could

do nothing. The King then proposed that they should appoint others, to

meet persons whom he should name, on the same subject. These conferences

also proved ineffectual. He then proposed a specific mode of verifying.

The Clergy accepted it unconditionally. The Noblesse, with such conditions

and modifications, as did away their acceptance altogether. The Commons,

considering this as a refusal, came to the resolution of the 10th instant,

(which I have the honor to send you,) inviting the two other orders

to come and take their places in the common room, and notifying that

they should proceed to the verification of powers, and to the affairs

of the nation, either with or without them. The Clergy have, as yet,

given no answer. A few of their members have accepted the invitation

of the Commons, and have presented themselves in their room, to have

their powers verified; but how many it will detach, in the whole, from

that body, cannot be known till an answer be decided on. The Noblesse

adhered to their former resolutions, and even the minority, well disposed

to the Commons, thought they could do more good in their own chamber,

by endeavoring to increase their numbers and fettering the measures of

the majority, than by joining the Commons. An intrigue was set on foot

between the loaders of the majority in that House, the Queen and Princes.

They persuaded the King to go for some time to Marly; he went. On the

same day, the leaders moved in the chamber of Nobles, that they should

address the King, to declare his own sentiments on the great question

between the orders. It was intended that this address should be delivered

to him at Marly, where, separated from his ministers, and surrounded by

the Queen and Princes, he might be surprised into a declaration for the

Nobles. The motion was lost, however, by a very great majority, that

chamber being not yet quite ripe for throwing themselves into the arms

of despotism. Neckar and Montmorin who had discovered this intrigue, had

warned some of the minority to defeat it, or they could not answer for

what would happen. These two and St. Priest, are the only members of the

Council in favor of the Commons. Luzerne, Puy-Segur and the others, are

high aristocrats. The Commons having verified their powers, a motion was

made the day before yesterday, to declare themselves constituted, and to

proceed to business. I left them at two o'clock yesterday; the debates not

then finished. They differed only about forms of expression, but agreed

in the substance, and probably decided yesterday, or will decide to-day.

Their next move, I fancy, will be to suppress all taxes, and instantly

re-establish them till the end of their session, in order to prevent a

premature dissolution; and then, they will go to work on a declaration

of rights and a constitution. The Noblesse, I suppose, will be employed

altogether in counter operations; the Clergy, that is to say, the higher

Clergy, and such of the Curés as they can bring over to their side, will

be waiting and watching, merely to keep themselves in their saddles. Their

deportment, hitherto, is that of meekness and cunning. The fate of the

nation depends on the conduct of the King and his ministers. Were they to

side openly with the Commons, the revolution would be completed without

a convulsion, by the establishment of a constitution, tolerably free,

and in which the distinction of Noble and Commoner would be suppressed.

But this is scarcely possible. The King is honest, and wishes the good

of his people; but the expediency of an hereditary aristocracy is too

difficult a question for him. On the contrary, his prejudices, his habits

and his connections, decide him in his heart to support it. Should they

decide openly for the Noblesse, the Commons, after suppressing taxes,

and finishing their declaration of rights, would probably go home;

a bankruptcy takes place in the instant. Mr. Neckar must go out, a

resistance to the tax-gatherers follows, and probably a civil war. These

consequences are too evident and violent, to render this issue likely.

Though the Queen and Princes are infatuated enough to hazard it, the party

in the ministry would not. Something, therefore, like what I hinted in my

letter of May the 12th, is still the most likely to take place. While the

Commons, either with or without their friends of the other two Houses,

shall be employed in framing a constitution, perhaps the government may

set the other two Houses to work on the same subject; and when the three

schemes shall be ready, joint committees may be negotiated, to compare

them together, to see in what parts they agree; and probably they will

agree in all, except the organization of the future States General. As to

this, it may be endeavored, by the aid of wheedling and intimidation, to

induce the two privileged chambers to melt themselves into one, and the

Commons, instead of one, to agree to two Houses of legislation. I see no

other middle ground to which they can be brought.

It is a tremendous cloud, indeed, which hovers over this nation, and he

at the helm has neither the courage nor the skill necessary to weather

it. Eloquence in a high degree, knowledge in matters of account and order,

are distinguishing traits in his character. Ambition is his first passion,

virtue his second. He has not discovered that sublime truth, that a bold,

unequivocal virtue is the best handmaid even to ambition, and would carry

him further, in the end, than the temporising, wavering policy he pursues.

His judgment is not of the first order, scarcely even of the second; his

resolution frail; and, upon the whole, it is rare to meet an instance of

a person so much below the reputation he has obtained. As this character,

by the post and times in which providence has placed it, is important

to be known, I send it to you as drawn by a person of my acquaintance,

who knows him well. He is not, indeed, his friend, and allowance must,

therefore, be made for the high coloring. But this being abated, the

facts and groundwork of the drawing are just. If the Tiers separate, he

goes at the same time; if they stay together, and succeed in establishing

a constitution to their mind, as soon as that is placed in safety, they

will abandon him to the mercy of the court, unless he can recover the

confidence which he has lost at present, and which, indeed, seems to be

irrecoverable.

The inhabitants of St. Domingo, without the permission of the Government,

have chosen and sent deputies to the States General. The question of

their admission is to be discussed by the States. In the meantime, the

Government had promised them an Assembly in their own island, in the

course of the present year. The death of the Dauphin, so long expected,

has at length happened. Montmorin told Ternant the other day, that de

Moustier had now asked a congé, which would be sent him immediately. So

that unless a change of ministry should happen, he will, probably, be

otherwise disposed of. The gazettes of France and Leyden accompany this.

I have the honor to be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir,

your most obedient humble servant.

P. S. June 18. The motion under debate with the Commons, for constituting

their Assembly, passed yesterday by a majority of four hundred and odd,

against eighty odd. The latter were for it in substance, but wished some

particular amendment. They proceeded instantly to the subject of taxation.

A member, who called on me this moment, gave me a state of the proceedings

of yesterday, from memory, which I enclose you. He left the House a little

before the question was put, because he saw there was no doubt of its

passing, and his brother, who remained till the decision, informed him of

it. So that we may expect, perhaps, in the course of to-morrow, to see

whether the government will interpose with a bold hand, or will begin a

negotiation. But in the meantime, this letter must go off. I will find

some other opportunity, however, of informing you of the issue.

[_Character of Mr. Neckar, accompanying the preceding letter._]

Nature bestowed on Mr. Neckar an ardent passion for glory, without, at the

same time, granting him those qualities required for its pursuit by direct

means. The union of a fruitful imagination, with a limited talent, with

which she has endowed him, is always incompatible with those faculties of

the mind which qualify their possessor to penetrate, to combine, and to

comprehend all the relations of objects.

He had probably learned in Geneva, his native country, the influence which

riches exercise on the success of ambition, without having recourse to

the school of Paris, where he arrived about the twenty-eighth year of

his age. A personal affair with his brother, in which the chiefs of the

republic conducted themselves unjustly towards him, the circumstances of

which, moreover, exposed him to ridicule, determined him to forsake his

country. On taking his leave, he assured his mother that he would make

a great fortune at Paris. On his arrival, he engaged himself as clerk,

at a salary of six hundred livres, with the banker Thelusson, a man of

extreme harshness in his intercourse with his dependents. The same cause

which obliged other clerks to abandon the service of Thelusson, determined

Neckar to continue in it. By submitting to the brutality of his master

with a servile resignation, whilst, at the same time, he devoted the

most unremitting attention to his business, he recommended himself to his

confidence, and was taken into partnership. Ordinary abilities only, were

requisite to avail him of the multitude of favorable circumstances, which,

before he entered into the administration, built up a fortune of six

millions of livres. He owed much of his good fortune to his connections

with the Abbé Terrai, of whose ignorance he did not scruple to profit.

His riches, his profession, his table, and a virtuous, reasonable and

well-informed wife, procured him the acquaintance of many persons of

distinction, among whom were many men of letters, who celebrated his

knowledge and wisdom.

The wise and just principles by which Turgot aimed to correct the

abuses of the administration, not having been received with favor, he

seized the occasion to flatter ignorance and malignity, by publishing

his work against the freedom of the corn trade. He had published, two

years before, an eulogy on Colbert. Both these productions exhibited the

limited capacity of a banker, and, in no degree, the enlarged views of a

statesman. Not at all delicate in the choice of his means, he succeeded

to his wish in his object, which was the establishing himself in public

opinion. Elevated by a secret cabal, to the direction of the finances,

he began by refusing the salaries of his office. He affected a spirit

of economy and austerity, which imposed even on foreign nations, and

showed the possibility of making war without laying new taxes. Such, at

least, was his boast; but, in reality, they have been increased under his

administration, about twenty millions, partly by a secret augmentation of

the _bailles_ and of the poll-tax, partly by some versifications of the

_twentieths_, and partly by the natural progression, which is tested by

the amount of taxes on consumption, the necessary result of the successive

increase of population, of riches, and of expensive tastes.

All these circumstances reared for him an astonishing reputation, which

his fall has consecrated. People will not reflect, that, in the short

period of his ministry, he had more than doubled his fortune. Not that he

had peculated on the public treasury; his good sense and pride forbade

a resort to this manœuvre of weak minds; but by resorting to loans and

the costly operations of the bank, to provide the funds of war, and being

still connected with the house to which he addressed himself for much the

greater part of his negotiations. They have not remarked that his great

principles of economy have nothing more than a false show, and that the

loans resorted to, in order to avoid the imposition of taxes, have been

the source of the mischief which has reduced the finances to their present

alarming condition.

As to his _compte rendu_; he has been forgiven the nauseous panegyric

which he has passed upon himself, and the affectation of introducing

his wife into it, for the purpose of praising her: and we are spared

the trouble of examining his false calculations. M. de Calonnes has

undertaken this investigation. Without being able to vindicate himself,

he has already begun to unmask his antagonist, and he promises to do it

effectually.

Necessity has recalled this man to the ministry; and it must be confessed

that he is beyond comparison a less mischievous minister than his

predecessors. I would compare him to a steward, who, by his management,

does not entirely ruin his master, but who enriches himself at his

expense. The desire of glory should inspire him as much as possible with

the energy requisite for the public business. There is every likelihood

that his ministry will not endure long enough to cause it to feel the

effects of his false principles of administration; and it is he alone

who is able, if any one can, to preserve order in the finances, until

the reform is effected which we hope from the assembling of the States

General. In the meantime the public estimation of his talents and virtue

is not so high as it has been. There are persons who pretend that he is

more firmly established in public opinion than he ever was. They deceive

themselves. The ambitious desire he has always manifested of getting again

into the administration, his work on the importance of religious opinions,

and the memoires of M. de Calonnes, have greatly impaired his reputation.

TO JAMES MADISON.

Paris, June 18, 1789.

Sir,--My last to you was of May the 11th. Yours of March the 29th, came to

hand ten days ago; and about two days ago I received a cover of your hand

writing, under which were a New York paper of May the 4th, and a letter

from Mr. Page to Mazzei. There being no letter from you, makes me hope

there is one on the way, which will inform me of my congé. I have never

received Mr. Jay's answer to my public letter, of November the 19th, which

you mention him to have written, and which I fear has been intercepted.

I know only from you, that my letter got safe to hand. My baggage has

been made up more than a month, so that I shall leave Paris almost in the

instant of receiving the permission.

The campaign begins under unfavorable auspices for Russia. The death of

the Grand Seignior, who was personally disposed for peace, has brought

a young and ardent successor to the throne, determined to push the war

to extremity. Her only ally, the Emperor, is in _articulo mortis_, and

the Grand Duke of Tuscany, should he succeed, loves peace and money.

Denmark is forbidden by England and Prussia to furnish even its stipulated

maritime aid. There is no appearance of any other power's engaging in the

war. As far as I can discover, the King of England is somewhat better

in his head, but under such a complete depression of spirits, that he

does not care how the world goes, and leaves his ministers to do as they

please. It is impossible for you to conceive how difficult it is to know

the truth relative to him, he is environed in such an atmosphere of lies.

Men who would not speak a falsehood on any other subject, lie on this,

from a principle of duty; so that even eye witnesses cannot be believed

without scanning their principles and connections; and few will stand

this, of the very few permitted to see him.

Committees of conciliation having failed in their endeavors to bring

together the three chambers of the States General, the King proposed a

specific mode of verifying their powers; for that having been the first

question which presented itself to them, was the one in which the question

of voting by persons or orders was first brought on. The Clergy accepted

unconditionally. The Noblesse accepted on conditions which reduced the

acceptance to nothing at all. The Commons considered this as a refusal on

the part of the Nobles, and thereupon took their definitive resolution,

to invite the other two orders to come and verify their powers in common,

and to notify them they should proceed with or without them to verify,

and to do the business of the nation. This was on the 10th. On the 15th,

they moved to declare themselves the National Assembly. The debates on

this were finished yesterday, when the proposition was agreed to, by four

hundred and odd, against eighty odd. The minority agreed in substance,

but wished some particular amendment. They then immediately made the

proposition relative to taxes, which I enclose you, as this moment stated

to me, by memory, by a member who left the Assembly a little before the

question, because there was no opposition to the matter, but only to the

form. He assures me, on the information of another member who was present,

that Target's motion passed. We shall know, I think, within a day or two,

whether the government will risk a bankruptcy and civil war, rather than

see all distinction of orders done away, which is what the Commons will

push for. If the fear of the former alternative prevails, they will spin

the matter into negotiation. The Commons have in their chamber almost all

the talents of the nation; they are firm and bold, yet moderate. There

is, indeed, among them, a number of very hot-headed members; but those of

most influence are cool, temperate and sagacious. Every step of this House

has been marked with caution and wisdom. The Noblesse, on the contrary,

are absolutely out of their senses. They are so furious, they can seldom

debate at all. They have few men of moderate talents, and not one of

great, in the majority. Their proceedings have been very injudicious.

The Clergy are waiting to profit by every incident to secure themselves,

and have no other object in view. Among the Commons there is an entire

unanimity on the great question of voting by persons. Among the Noblesse

there are about sixty for the Commons, and about three times that number

against them. Among the Clergy, about twenty have already come over and

joined the Commons, and in the course of a few days they will be joined

by many more, not indeed making the majority of that House, but very near

it. The Bishops and Archbishops have been very successful by bribes and

intrigues, in detaching the Curés from the Commons, to whom they were at

first attached to a man. The Commons are about five hundred and fifty-four

in number, of whom three hundred and forty-four are of the law. These

do not possess an influence founded in property; but in their habits of

business and acquaintance with the people, and in their means of exciting

them as they please. The Curés throughout the kingdom, form the mass of

the Clergy; they are the only part favorably known to the people, because

solely charged with the duties of baptism, burial, confession, visitation

of the sick, instruction of the children, and aiding the poor; they are

themselves of the people, and united with them. The carriages and equipage

only of the higher Clergy, not their persons, are known to the people, and

are in detestation with them. The soldiers will follow their officers,

that is to say, their captains, lieutenants and ensigns. These are of

the lower nobility, and therefore much divided. The colonels and higher

officers are of the higher nobility, are seldom with the soldiers, little

known to them, not possessing their attachment. These circumstances give

them little weight in the partition of the army.

I give you these miscellaneous observations, that knowing somewhat the

dispositions of the parties, you may be able to judge of the future for

yourself, as I shall not be here to continue its communication to you.

In hopes to see you soon, I conclude with assurances of the perfect esteem

and respect with which I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, June 24, 1789.

Sir,--My letter of the 17th and 18th instant, gave you the progress of the

States General to the 17th, when the Tiers had declared the illegality

of all the existing taxes, and their discontinuance from the end of

their present session. The next day being a jour de fête, could furnish

no indication of the impression that vote was likely to make on the

government. On the 19th, a Council was held at Marly, in the afternoon.

It was there proposed, that the King should interpose by a declaration

of his sentiments in a _seance royale_. The declaration prepared by

Mr. Neckar, while it censured in general the proceedings both of the

Nobles and Commons, announced the King's views, such as substantially to

coincide with the Commons. It was agreed to in Council, as also that the

_seance royale_ should be held on the 22d, and the meetings till then be

suspended. While the Council was engaged in this deliberation at Marly,

the chamber of the Clergy was in debate, whether they should accept the

invitation of the Tiers to unite with them in the common chamber. On the

first question, to unite simply and unconditionally, it was decided in

the negative by a very small majority. As it was known, however, that

some members who had voted in the negative, would be for the affirmative

with some modifications, the question was put with these modifications,

and it was determined by a majority of eleven members, that their body

should join the Tiers. These proceedings of the clergy were unknown to

the Council at Marly, and those of the Council were kept secret from

everybody. The next morning (the 20th), the members repaired to the

House as usual, found the doors shut and guarded, and a proclamation

posted up for holding a _seance royale_ on the 22d, and a suspension

of their meetings till then. They presumed, in the first moment, that

their dissolution was decided, and repaired to another place, where they

proceeded to business. They there bound themselves to each other by an

oath, never to separate of their own accord, till they had settled a

constitution for the nation on a solid basis, and if separated by force,

that they would re-assemble in some other place. It was intimated to them,

however, that day, privately, that the proceedings of the _seance royale_

would be favorable to them. The next day they met in a church, and were

joined by a majority of the Clergy. The heads of the aristocracy saw that

all was lost without some violent exertion. The King was still at Marly.

Nobody was permitted to approach him but their friends. He was assailed

by lies in all shapes. He was made to believe that the Commons were going

to absolve the army from their oath of fidelity to him, and to raise their

pay.

* * * * *

They procured a committee to be held, consisting of the King and his

ministers, to which Monsieur and the Count d'Artois should be admitted. At

this committee, the latter attacked Mr. Neckar personally, arraigned his

plans, and proposed one which some of his engines had put into his hands.

Mr. Neckar, whose characteristic is the want of firmness, was browbeaten

and intimidated, and the King shaken. He determined that the two plans

should be deliberated on the next day, and the _seance royale_ put off a

day longer. This encouraged a fiercer attack on Mr. Neckar the next day;

his plan was totally dislocated, and that of the Count d'Artois inserted

into it. Himself and Monsieur de Montmorin offered their resignation,

which was refused; the Count d'Artois saying to Mr. Neckar, "No, Sir,

you must be kept as the hostage; we hold you responsible for all the ill

which shall happen." This change of plan was immediately whispered without

doors. The nobility were in triumph, the people in consternation. When

the King passed the next day through the lane they formed from the Chateau

to the Hotel des Etats (about half a mile), there was a dead silence. He

was about an hour in the House, delivering his speech and declaration,

copies of which I enclose you. On his coming out, a feeble cry of "_vive

le roy_" was raised by some children, but the people remained silent and

sullen. When the Duke d'Orleans followed, however, their applauses were

excessive. This must have been sensible to the King. He had ordered, in

the close of his speech, that the members should follow him, and resume

their deliberations the next day. The Noblesse followed him, and so did

the Clergy, except about thirty, who, with the Tiers, remained in the

room, and entered into deliberation. They protested against what the

King had done, adhered to all their former proceedings, and resolved

the inviolability of their own persons. An officer came twice to order

them out of the room, in the King's name, but they refused to obey. In

the afternoon, the people, uneasy, began to assemble in great numbers in

the courts and vicinities of the palace. The Queen was alarmed, and sent

for Mr. Neckar. He was conducted amidst the shouts and acclamations of

the multitude, who filled all the apartments of the palace. He was a few

minutes only with the Queen, and about three-quarters of an hour with

the King. Not a word has transpired of what passed at these interviews.

The King was just going to ride out. He passed through the crowd to his

carriage, and into it, without being in the least noticed. As Mr. Neckar

followed him, universal acclamations were raised of "Vive Monsieur Neckar,

vive la sauveur de la France opprimée." He was conducted back to his

house with the same demonstrations of affection and anxiety. About two

hundred deputies of the Tiers, catching the enthusiasm of the moment, went

to his house, and extorted from him a promise that he would not resign.

These circumstances must wound the heart of the King, desirous as he is,

to possess the affections of his subjects. As soon as the proceedings at

Versailles were known at Paris, a run began on the _caisse d'escompte_,

which is the first symptom always of the public diffidence and alarm. It

is the less in condition to meet the run, as Mr. Neckar has been forced

to make free with its funds, for the daily support of the government. This

is the state of things, as late as I am able to give them with certainty,

at this moment. My letter not being to go off till to-morrow evening, I

shall go to Versailles to-morrow, and be able to add the transactions of

this day and to-morrow.

June 25. Just returned from Versailles, I am enabled to continue my

narration. On the 24th, nothing remarkable passed, except an attack by

the mob of Versailles on the Archbishop of Paris, who had been one of the

instigators of the court, to the proceedings of the _seance royale_. They

threw mud and stones at his carriage, broke the windows of it, and he in

a fright promised to join the Tiers.

This day (the 25th) forty-eight of the Nobles have joined the Tiers. Among

these, is the Duke d'Orleans. The Marquis de La Fayette could not be of

the number, being restrained by his instructions. He is writing to his

constituents, to change his instructions or to accept his resignation.

There are with the Tiers now, one hundred and sixty-four members of the

Clergy, so that the common chamber consists of upwards of eight hundred

members. The minority of the Clergy, however, call themselves the chamber

of the Clergy, and pretend to go on with business. I found the streets of

Versailles much embarrassed with soldiers. There was a body of about one

hundred horse drawn up in front of the Hotel of the States, and all the

avenues and doors guarded by soldiers. Nobody was permitted to enter but

the members, and this was by order of the King; for till now, the doors

of the common room have been open, and at least two thousand spectators

attending their debates constantly. They have named a deputation to

wait on the King, and desire a removal of the soldiery from their doors,

and seem determined, if this is not complied with, to remove themselves

elsewhere.

Instead of being dismayed with what has passed, they seem to rise in

their demands, and some of them to consider the erasing every vestige of a

difference of order as indispensable to the establishment and preservation

of a good constitution. I apprehend there is more courage than calculation

in this project. I did imagine, that seeing that Mr. Neckar and themselves

were involved as common enemies in the hatred of the aristocrats, they

would have been willing to make common cause with him, and to wish his

continuance in office; and that Mr. Neckar, seeing that all the trimming

he has used towards the court, and Nobles, has availed him nothing, would

engage himself heartily and solely on the popular side, and view his own

salvation in that alone. The confidence which the people place in him,

seems to merit some attention. However, the mass of the common chamber

are absolutely indifferent to his remaining in office. They consider his

head as unequal to the planning a good constitution, and his fortitude to

a co-operation in the effecting it. His dismission is more credited to-day

than it was yesterday. If it takes place, he will retain his popularity

with the nation, as the members of the States will not think it important

to set themselves against it, but on the contrary, will be willing that he

should continue on their side, on his retirement. The run on the _caisse

d'escompte_ continues. The members of the States admit, that Mr. Neckar's

departure out of office will occasion a stoppage of public payments.

But they expect to prevent any very ill effect, by assuring the public

against any loss, and by taking immediate measures for continuing payment.

They may, perhaps, connect these measures with their own existence, so

as to interest the public in whatever catastrophe may be aimed at them.

The gazettes of France and Leyden accompany this. During the continuance

of this crisis and my own stay, I shall avail myself of every private

conveyance to keep you informed of what passes. I have the honor to be,

with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient, and

most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, June 29, 1789.

Sir,--My letter of the 25th gave you the transactions of the States

General to the afternoon of that day. On the next, the Archbishop of

Paris joined the Tiers, as did some others of the Clergy and Noblesse. On

the 27th, the question of the St. Domingo deputation came on, and it was

decided that it should be received. I have before mentioned to you the

ferment into which the proceedings at the _seance royale_ of the 23d, had

thrown the people. The soldiery also were affected by it. It began in the

French guards, extended to those of every other denomination, (except the

Swiss) and even to the body guards of the King. They began to quit their

barracks, to assemble in squads, to declare they would defend the life of

the King, but would not cut the throats of their fellow-citizens. They

were treated and caressed by the people, carried in triumph through the

streets, called themselves the soldiers of the nation, and left no doubt

on which side they would be, in case of a rupture. Similar accounts came

in from the troops in other parts of the kingdom, as well those which

had not heard of the _seance royale_, as those which had, and gave good

reason to apprehend that the soldiery, in general, would side with their

fathers and brothers, rather than with their officers. The operation of

this medicine, at Versailles, was as sudden as it was powerful. The alarm

there was so complete, that in the afternoon of the 27th, the King wrote

a letter to the President of the Clergy, the Cardinal de La Rochefoucault,

in these words:[1]

"My Cousin,--Wholly engaged in promoting the general good of my kingdom,

and desirous, above all things, that the Assembly of the States General

should apply themselves to objects of general interest, after the

voluntary acceptance by your order of my declaration of the 23d of the

present month; I pass my word that my faithful Clergy will, without delay,

unite themselves with the other two orders, to hasten the accomplishment

of my paternal views. Those, whose powers are too limited, may decline

voting until new powers are procured. This will be a new mark of

attachment which my Clergy will give me. I pray God, my Cousin, to have

you in his holy keeping.

Louis."

A like letter was written to the Duke de Luxemburgh, President of the

Noblesse. The two chambers entered into debate on the question, whether

they should obey the letter of the King. There was a considerable

opposition; when notes written by the Count d'Artois to sundry members,

and handed about among the rest, decided the matter, and they went in a

body and took their seats with the Tiers, and thus rendered the union

of the orders in one chamber complete. As soon as this was known to

the people of Versailles, they assembled about the palace, demanded the

King and Queen, who came and showed themselves in a balcony. They rent

the skies with cries of "_vive le roy_," "_vive la reine_." They called

for the Dauphin, who was also produced, and was the subject of new

acclamations. After feasting themselves and the royal family with this

tumultuary reconciliation, they went to the house of Mr. Neckar and M. de

Montmorin, with shouts of thankfulness and affection. Similar emotions of

joy took place in Paris, and at this moment, the triumph of the Tiers is

considered as complete. To-morrow they will recommence business, voting

by persons on all questions; and whatever difficulties may be opposed in

debate by the malcontents of the Clergy and Nobility, everything must

be finally settled at the will of the Tiers. It remains to see whether

they will leave to the Nobility anything but their titulary appellations.

I suppose they will not. Mr. Neckar will probably remain in office. It

would seem natural that he should endeavor to have the hostile part of

the Council removed, but I question if he finds himself firm enough for

that. A perfect co-operation with the Tiers will be his wisest game. This

great crisis being now over, I shall not have matter interesting enough

to trouble you with, as often as I have done lately. There has nothing

remarkable taken place in any other part of Europe. I have the honor to

be, with the most perfect esteem and respect, Sir, your most obedient,

and most humble servant.

FOOTNOTE:

[1] [A translation is here given.]

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

Paris, July 6, 1789.

Dear Sir,--I never made an offer to anybody, to have corn or flour brought

here, from America; no such idea ever entered my head. Mr. Neckar desired

me to give information in America, that there would be a want of flour.

I did so in a letter to Mr. Jay, which he published with my name to

it, for the encouragement of the merchants. Those here, who have named

me on this subject, must have mistaken me for Mr. Parker. I have heard

him say, he offered Mr. Neckar to bring a large supply, yet I do not

think I ever repeated this; or if I did, it must have been in a company

I relied on. I will thank you to satisfy Mr. Neckar of the truth. It

would be disagreeable, and perhaps mischievous, were he to have an idea

that I encouraged censures on him. I will bring you the paper you desire

to-morrow; and shall dine at the Dutchess Danville's, where I shall be

happy to meet you. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

Paris, July 7, 1789.

Dear Sir,--Your letter of yesterday gave me the first information that

Monsieur de Mirabeau had suggested to the honorable the Assembly of the

Nation, that I had made an offer to Mr. Neckar, to obtain from America a

quantity of corn or flour, which had been refused. I know not how Monsieur

de Mirabeau has been led into this error. I never in my life made any

proposition to Mr. Neckar on the subject; I never said I had made such a

proposition. Some time last autumn, Mr. Neckar did me the honor to desire

I would have notified in the United States, that corn and flour would meet

with a good sale in France. I conveyed this notice, in a letter to Mr.

Jay, Secretary for Foreign Affairs, as you will see by the extract of my

letter published by him in an American gazette, which I have the honor to

send you. I must beg leave to avail myself of your friendship and of your

position, to have a communication of these facts made to the honorable

Assembly of the Nation, of which you are a member, and to repeat to you

those sentiments of respect and attachment, with which I have the honor

to be, my dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO MR. NECKAR.

Paris, July 8, 1789.

Sir,--I have the honor to enclose you a copy of my letter to Monsieur

de La Fayette. When I called on him yesterday, he had already spoken to

Monsieur de Mirabeau, who acknowledged he had been in an error in what he

had advanced in the Assembly of the Nation, as to the proposition supposed

to have been made by me to your Excellency, and undertook to declare his

error, when the subject should be resumed by the Assembly, to whom my

letter to the Marquis de La Fayette will be also read.

I have thought it a duty, Sir, thus to correct in the first moment,

an error, by which your name had been compromitted by an unfounded use

of mine, and shall be happy in every occasion of proving to you those

sentiments of profound respect and attachment with which I have the honor

to be, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE COUNT DE MONTMORIN.

Paris, July 8, 1789.

Sir,--My hotel having been lately robbed for the third time, I take the

liberty of uniting my wish with that of the inhabitants of this quarter,

that it might coincide with the arrangements of police, to extend to us

the protection of a guard. While the Douane remained here, no accident

of that kind happened, but since their removal, other houses in the

neighborhood have been robbed, as well as mine. Perhaps it may lessen the

difficulties of this request, that the house occupied by the people of

the Douane, will lodge abundantly a _corps de garde_. On the one side of

that house is Chaillot, on the other the Roule, on the third the Champs

Elysées, where accidents are said to happen very frequently, all of which

are very distant from any _corps de garde_.

I have the honor to be, with sentiments of the most perfect respect and

esteem, your Excellency's most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

Paris, July 9, 1789.

Dear Sir,--Having been curious to form some estimate of the quantity of

corn and flour, which have been supplied to France this year, I applied to

a person in the Farms, to know upon what quantities the premium had been

paid. He could not give me information, but as to the _Atlantic_ ports,

into which there have been imported from the United States, from March

to May inclusive, forty-four thousand one hundred and sixteen quintals

of corn, twelve thousand two hundred and twenty-one quintals of flour,

making fifty-six thousand three hundred and thirty-seven quintals, in

the whole. Add to this, what has been imported since May, suppose nearly

twenty thousand quintals a month, and what has been furnished to the

French islands, which has prevented an equal quantity being exported from

France, and you will have the proportion drawn from us. Observe, that we

have regular and constant markets for corn and flour, in Spain, Portugal,

and all the West India islands, except the French. These take nearly our

whole quantity. This year, France, the French West Indies and Canada were

added. But a regular course of trade is not quitted in an instant, nor

constant customers deserted for accidental ones. This is the reason that

so small a proportion has come here. I am, dear Sir, with great sincerity,

your affectionate friend and servant.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE.

Paris, July 10, 1789.

Dear Sir,--The acknowledgment by Monsieur de Mirabeau to the National

Assembly, that he had been in an error as to the offer he supposed me

to have made, and the reading to them my letter, seem to be all that was

requisite for any just purpose. As I was unwilling my name should be used

to injure the minister, I am also unwilling it should be used to injure

Monsieur de Mirabeau. I learn that his enemies in Paris are framing

scandalous versions of my letter. I think, therefore, with you, it may be

better to print it, and I send you a copy of it. I gave copies of it to

Monsieur de Montmorin and Monsieur Neckar, as was my duty.

I am, with sincere affection, my dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO THOMAS PAINE.

Paris, July 11, 1789.

Dear Sir,--Since my last, which was of May the 19th, I have received yours

of June the 17th and 18th. I am struck with the idea of the geometrical

wheelbarrow, and will beg of you a farther account, if it can be obtained.

I have no news yet of my congé.

Though you have doubtless heard most of the proceedings of the States

General since my last, I will take up the narration where that left it,

that you may be able to separate the true from the false accounts you have

heard. A good part of what was conjecture in that letter, is now become

true history.

* * * * *

The _National Assembly_ then (for that is the name they take), having

shown through every stage of these transactions a coolness, wisdom, and

resolution to set fire to the four corners of the kingdom and to perish

with it themselves, rather than to relinquish an iota from their plan of a

total change of government, are now in complete and undisputed possession

of the sovereignty. The executive and aristocracy are at their feet; the

mass of the nation, the mass of the clergy, and the army are with them;

they have prostrated the old government, and are now beginning to build

one from the foundation. A committee, charged with the arrangement of

their business, gave in, two days ago, the following order of proceedings.

"1. Every government should have for its only end, the preservation of the

rights of man; whence it follows, that to recall constantly the government

to the end proposed, the constitution should begin by a declaration of

the natural and imprescriptible rights of man.

"2. Monarchical government being proper to maintain those rights, it has

been chosen by the French nation. It suits especially a great society;

it is necessary for the happiness of France. The declaration of the

principles of this government, then, should follow immediately the

declaration of the rights of man.

"3. It results from the principles of monarchy, that the nation, to

assure its own rights, has yielded particular rights to the monarch; the

constitution, then, should declare, in a precise manner, the rights of

both. It should begin by declaring the rights of the French nation, and

then it should declare the rights of the King.

"4. The rights of the King and nation not existing but for the happiness

of the individuals who compose it, they lead to an examination of the

rights of citizens.

"5. The French nation not being capable of assembling individually, to

exercise all its rights, it ought to be represented. It is necessary,

then, to declare the form of its representation and the rights of its

representatives.

"6. From the union of the powers of the nation and King should result

the enacting and execution of the laws; thus, then it should first

be determined how the laws shall be established afterwards should be

considered, how they shall be executed.

"7. Laws have for their object the general administration of the kingdom,

the property and the actions of the citizens. The execution of the laws

which concern the general administration requires Provincial and Municipal

Assemblies. It is necessary to examine, therefore, what should be the

organization of the Provincial Assemblies, and what of the Municipal.

"8. The execution of the laws which concern the property and actions of

the citizens, call for the judiciary power. It should be determined how

that should be confided, and then its duties and limits.

"9. For the execution of the laws and the defence of the kingdom, there

exists a public force. It is necessary, then, to determine the principles

which should direct it, and how it should be employed.

"_Recapitulation._

"Declaration of the rights of man. Principles of the monarchy. Rights of

the nation. Rights of the King. Rights of the citizens.

"Organization and rights of the National Assembly. Forms necessary for

the enaction of laws. Organization and functions of the Provincial and

Municipal Assemblies. Duties and limits of the judiciary power. Functions

and duties of the military power."

You see that these are the materials of a superb edifice, and the hands

which have prepared them, are perfectly capable of putting them together,

and of filling up the work of which these are only the outlines. While

there are some men among them of very superior abilities, the mass possess

such a degree of good sense, as enables them to decide well. I have always

been afraid their numbers might lead to confusion. Twelve hundred men

in one room are too many. I have still that fear. Another apprehension

is, that a majority cannot be induced to adopt the trial by jury; and

I consider that as the only anchor ever yet imagined by man, by which a

government can be held to the principles of its constitution. Mr. Paradise

is the bearer of this letter. He can supply those details which it would

be too tedious to write.

I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO MR. MASON.

Paris, July 16, 1789.

Sir,--I am honored with your favor of the 11th, and sincerely thank you

for the offer of your ship, which I would certainly have embraced, had I

been at liberty to go. But I have not yet received permission, and must

await that. I beg you to remember me in the most friendly terms to your

father. I have put off answering his letter because I expected constantly

to make my voyage to America and to see him at his own house.

Great events have taken place here within these few days. The change of

the ministry and the tumult of Paris consequent on that, you will have

heard of. Yesterday the King went without any cortege but his two brothers

to the States General, and spoke to them in very honest and conciliatory

terms; such as in my opinion amounts to a surrender at discretion. The

temper of the city is too much heated at present to view them in that

light, and therefore they keep on the watch, and go on in organizing their

armed Bourgeoise. But I have not a single doubt of the sincerity of the

King, and there will not be another disagreeable act from him. He has

promised to send away the troops.

I am with great esteem, Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.

TO JOHN JAY.

Paris, July 19, 1789.

Dear Sir,--I am become very uneasy, lest you should have adopted some

channel for the conveyance of your letters to me, which is unfaithful.

I have none from you of later date than November the 25th, 1788, and

of consequence, no acknowledgment of the receipt of any of mine, since

that of August the 11th, 1788. Since that period, I have written to you

of the following dates. 1788. August the 20th, September the 3d, 5th,

24th, November the 14th, 19th, 29th. 1789. January the 11th, 14th, 21st,

February the 4th, March the 1st, 12th, 14th, 15th, May the 9th, 11th,

12th, June the 17th, 24th, 29th. I know, through another person, that

you have received mine of November the 29th, and that you have written

an answer; but I have never received the answer, and it is this which

suggests to me the fear of some general source of miscarriage.

The capture of three French merchant ships by the Algerines, under

different pretexts, has produced great sensation in the seaports of this

country, and some in its government. They have ordered some frigates

to be armed at Toulon to punish them. There is a possibility that this

circumstance, if not too soon set to rights by the Algerines, may furnish

occasion to the States General, when they shall have leisure to attend to

matters of this kind, to disavow any future tributary treaty with them.

These pirates respect still less their treaty with Spain, and treat the

Spaniards with an insolence greater than was usual before the treaty.

The scarcity of bread begins to lessen in the southern parts of France,

where the harvest has commenced. Here it is still threatening, because

we have yet three weeks to the beginning of harvest, and I think there

has not been three days' provision beforehand in Paris, for two or three

weeks past. Monsieur de Mirabeau, who is very hostile to Mr. Neckar,

wished to find a ground for censuring him, in a proposition to have

a great quantity of flour furnished from the United States, which he

supposed me to have made to Mr. Neckar, and to have been refused by him;

and he asked time of the States General to furnish proofs. The Marquis

de La Fayette immediately gave me notice of this matter, and I wrote him

a letter to disavow having ever made any such proposition to Mr. Neckar,

which I desired him to communicate to the States. I waited immediately on

Mr. Neckar and Monsieur de Montmorin, satisfied them that what had been

suggested was absolutely without foundation from me; and indeed they had

not needed this testimony. I gave them copies of my letter to the Marquis

de La Fayette, which was afterwards printed. The Marquis, on the receipt

of my letter, showed it to Mirabeau, who turned then to a paper from which

he had drawn his information, and found he had totally mistaken it. He

promised immediately that he would himself declare his error to the States

General, and read to them my letter, which he did. I state this matter to

you, though of little consequence in itself, because it might go to you

misstated in the English papers.

Our supplies to the Atlantic ports of France, during the months of March,

April and May, were only twelve thousand two hundred and twenty quintals,

thirty-three pounds of flour, and forty-four thousand one hundred and

fifteen quintals, forty pounds of wheat, in twenty-one vessels.

My letter of the 29th of June, brought down the proceedings of the

States and government to the re-union of the orders, which took place

on the 27th. Within the Assembly, matters went on well. But it was soon

observed, that troops, and particularly the foreign troops, were on their

march towards Paris from various quarters, and that this was against

the opinion of Mr. Neckar. The King was probably advised to this, under

pretext of preserving peace in Paris and Versailles, and saw nothing else

in the measure. That his advisers are supposed to have had in view, when

he should be secured and inspirited by the presence of the troops, to

take advantage of some favorable moment, and surprise him into an act of

authority for establishing the declaration of the 23d of June, and perhaps

dispersing the States General, is probable. The Marshal de Broglio was

appointed to command all the troops within the isle of France, a high

flying aristocrat, cool and capable of everything. Some of the French

guards were soon arrested under other pretexts, but in reality, on account

of their dispositions in favor of the national cause. The people of Paris

forced the prison, released them, and sent a deputation to the States

General, to solicit a pardon. The States, by a most moderate and prudent

Arreté, recommended these prisoners to the King, and peace to the people

of Paris. Addresses came in to them from several of the great cities,

expressing sincere allegiance to the King, but a determined resolution

to support the States General. On the 8th of July, they voted an address

to the King to remove the troops. This[2] piece of masculine eloquence,

written by Monsieur de Mirabeau, is worth attention on account of the bold

matter it expresses and discovers through the whole. The King refused to

remove the troops, and said they might remove themselves, if they pleased,

to Noyons or Soissons. They proceeded to fix the order in which they will

take up the several branches of their future constitution, from which it

appears, they mean to build it from the bottom, confining themselves to

nothing in their ancient form, but a King. A declaration of rights, which

forms the first chapter of their work, was then proposed by the Marquis de

La Fayette. This was on the 11th. In the meantime, troops, to the number

of about twenty-five or thirty thousand, had arrived, and were posted in

and between Paris and Versailles. The bridges and passes were guarded. At

three o'clock in the afternoon, the Count de La Luzerne was sent to notify

Mr. Neckar of his dismission, and to enjoin him to retire instantly,

without saying a word of it to anybody. He went home, dined, proposed

to his wife a visit to a friend, but went in fact to his country-house

at St. Ouen, and at midnight, set out from thence, as is supposed, for

Brussels. This was not known till the next day, when the whole ministry

was changed, except Villedeuil, of the domestic department, and Barentin,

Garde des Sceaux. These changes were as follows: the Baron de Breteuil,

President of the Council of Finance; and de La Galaisiere, Comptroller

General in the room of Mr. Neckar; the Marshal de Broglio, minister

of war, and Foulon under him, in the room of Puy-Segur; Monsieur de La

Vauguyon, minister of foreign affairs, instead of Monsieur de Montmorin;

de La Porte, minister of marine, in place of the Count de La Luzerne;

St. Priest was also removed from the Council. It is to be observed, that

Luzerne and Puy-Segur had been strongly of the aristocratical party in

Council; but they were not considered as equal to bear their shares in

the work now to be done. For this change, however sudden it may have been

in the mind of the King, was, in that of his advisers, only one chapter

of a great plan, of which the bringing together the foreign troops had

been the first. He was now completely in the hands of men, the principal

among whom, had been noted through their lives, for the Turkish despotism

of their characters, and who were associated about the King, as proper

instruments for what was to be executed. The news of this change began to

be known in Paris about one or two o'clock. In the afternoon, a body of

about one hundred German cavalry were advanced and drawn up in the Place

Louis XV. and about two hundred Swiss posted at a little distance in their

rear. This drew the people to that spot, who naturally formed themselves

in front of the troops, at first merely to look at them. But as their

numbers increased, their indignation arose; they retired a few steps,

posted themselves on and behind large piles of loose stone, collected

in that place for a bridge adjacent to it, and attacked the horse with

stones. The horse charged, but the advantageous position of the people,

and the showers of stones, obliged them to retire, and even to quit the

field altogether, leaving one of their number on the ground. The Swiss in

their rear were observed never to stir. This was the signal for universal

insurrection, and this body of cavalry, to avoid being massacred, retired

towards Versailles. The people now armed themselves with such weapons as

they could find in armorers' shops and private houses, and with bludgeons,

and were roaming all night through all parts of the city, without any

decided practicable object. The next day, the States pressed on the King

to send away the troops, to permit the Bourgeoise of Paris to arm for

the preservation of order in the city, and offered to send a deputation

from their body to tranquillize them. He refused all their propositions.

A committee of magistrates and electors of the city were appointed by

their bodies, to take upon them its government. The mob, now openly joined

by the French guards, forced the prison of St. Lazare, released all the

prisoners, and took a great store of corn, which they carried to the corn

market. Here they got some arms, and the French guards began to form

and train them. The committee determined to raise forty-eight thousand

Bourgeoise, or rather to restrain their numbers to forty-eight thousand.

On the 14th, they sent one of their members (Monsieur de Corny, whom

we knew in America) to the Hotel des Invalides, to ask arms for their

Garde Bourgeoise. He was followed by, or he found there, a great mob. The

Governor of the Invalides came out, and represented the impossibility of

his delivering arms, without the orders of those from whom he received

them. De Corny advised the people then to retire, and retired himself;

and the people took possession of the arms. It was remarkable, that not

only the Invalides themselves made no opposition, but that a body of

five thousand foreign troops, encamped within four hundred yards, never

stirred. Monsieur de Corny and five others were then sent to ask arms of

Monsieur de Launai, Governor of the Bastile. They found a great collection

of people already before the place, and they immediately planted a flag

of truce, which was answered by a like flag hoisted on the parapet.

The deputation prevailed on the people to fall back a little, advanced

themselves to make their demand of the Governor, and in that instant a

discharge from the Bastile killed four people of those nearest to the

deputies. The deputies retired; the people rushed against the place, and

almost in an instant were in possession of a fortification, defended by

one hundred men, of infinite strength, which in other times had stood

several regular sieges, and had never been taken. How they got in, has,

as yet, been impossible to discover. Those who pretend to have been of

the party tell so many different stories, as to destroy the credit of

them all. They took all the arms, discharged the prisoners, and such

of the garrison as were not killed in the first moment of fury, carried

the Governor and Lieutenant Governor to the Gréve, (the place of public

execution,) cut off their heads, and sent them through the city in triumph

to the Palais Royal. About the same instant, a treacherous correspondence

having been discovered in Monsieur de Flesselles, Prevost des Marchands,

they seized him in the Hotel de Ville, where he was in the exercise of

his office, and cut off his head. These events, carried imperfectly to

Versailles, were the subject of two successive deputations from the States

to the King, to both of which he gave dry and hard answers; for it has

transpired, that it had been proposed and agitated in Council, to seize

on the principal members of the States General, to march the whole army

down upon Paris, and to suppress its tumults by the sword. But at night,

the Duke de Liancourt forced his way into the King's bed chamber, and

obliged him to hear a full and animated detail of the disasters of the day

in Paris. He went to bed deeply impressed. The decapitation of de Launai

worked powerfully through the night on the whole aristocratical party,

insomuch, that in the morning, those of the greatest influence on the

Count d'Artois, represented to him the absolute necessity that the King

should give up everything to the States. This according well enough with

the dispositions of the King, he went about eleven o'clock, accompanied

only by his brothers, to the States General, and there read to them a

speech, in which he asked their interposition to re-establish order.

Though this be couched in terms of some caution, yet the manner in which

it was delivered, made it evident that it was meant as a surrender at

discretion. He returned to the chateau a foot, accompanied by the States.

They sent off a deputation, the Marquis de La Fayette at their head, to

quiet Paris. He had, the same morning, been named Commandant-in-Chief

of the Milice Bourgeoise, and Monsieur Bailly, former President of the

States General, was called for as Prevost des Marchands. The demolition

of the Bastile was now ordered, and begun. A body of the Swiss guards of

the regiment of Ventimille, and the city horse guards, joined the people.

The alarm at Versailles increased instead of abating. They believed that

the aristocrats of Paris were under pillage and carnage, that one hundred

and fifty thousand men were in arms, coming to Versailles to massacre the

royal family, the court, the ministers, and all connected with them, their

practices and principles. The aristocrats of the Nobles and Clergy in

the States General, vied with each other in declaring how sincerely they

were converted to the justice of voting by persons, and how determined to

go with the nation all its lengths. The foreign troops were ordered off

instantly. Every minister resigned. The King confirmed Bailly as Prevost

des Marchands, wrote to Mr. Neckar to recall him, sent his letter open

to the States General, to be forwarded by them, and invited them to go

with him to Paris the next day, to satisfy the city of his dispositions;

and that night and the next morning, the Count d'Artois and Monsieur

de Montisson (a deputy connected with him) Madame de Polignac, Madame

de Guiche, and the Count de Vaudreuil, favorites of the Queen, the Abbé

de Vermont, her confessor, the Prince of Condé and Duke de Bourbon, all

fled; we know not whither. The King came to Paris, leaving the Queen

in consternation for his return. Omitting the less important figures

of the procession, I will only observe, that the King's carriage was in

the centre, on each side of it the States General, in two ranks, a foot,

and at their head the Marquis de La Fayette, as Commander-in-Chief, on

horseback, and Bourgeoise guards before and behind. About sixty thousand

citizens of all forms and colors, armed with the muskets of the Bastile

and Invalides, as far as they would go, the rest with pistols, swords,

pikes, pruning hooks, scythes, &c., lined all the streets through which

the procession passed, and, with the crowds of people in the streets,

doors and windows, saluted them everywhere with cries of "_vive la

nation_;" but not a single "_vive le roy_" was heard. The King stopped

at the Hotel de Ville. There Monsieur Bailly presented and put into his

hat the popular cockade, and addressed him. The King being unprepared

and unable to answer, Bailly went to him, gathered from him some scraps

of sentences, and made out an answer, which he delivered to the audience

as from the King. On their return, the popular cries were "_vive le roy

et la nation_." He was conducted by a Garde Bourgeoise to his palace at

Versailles, and thus concluded such an _amende honorable_, as no sovereign

ever made, and no people ever received. Letters written with his own

hand to the Marquis de La Fayette, remove the scruples of his position.

Tranquillity is now restored to the capital: the shops are again opened;

the people resuming their labors, and if the want of bread does not

disturb our peace, we may hope a continuance of it. The demolition of the

Bastile is going on, and the Milice Bourgeoise organizing and training.

The ancient police of the city is abolished by the authority of the

people, the introduction of the King's troops will probably be proscribed,

and a watch or city guards substituted, which shall depend on the city

alone. But we cannot suppose this paroxysm confined to Paris alone. The

whole country must pass successively through it, and happy if they get

through it as soon and as well as Paris has done.

I went yesterday to Versailles, to satisfy myself what had passed

there; for nothing can be believed but what one sees, or has from an

eye witness. They believe there still, that three thousand people have

fallen victims to the tumults of Paris. Mr. Short and myself have been

every day among them, in order to be sure what was passing. We cannot

find, with certainty, that anybody has been killed but the three before

mentioned, and those who fell in the assault or defence of the Bastile.

How many of the garrison were killed, nobody pretends to have ever heard.

Of the assailants, accounts vary from six to six hundred. The most general

belief is, that there fell about thirty. There have been many reports

of instantaneous executions by the mob, on such of their body as they

caught in acts of theft or robbery. Some of these may perhaps be true.

There was a severity of honesty observed, of which no example has been

known. Bags of money offered on various occasions through fear or guilt,

have been uniformly refused by the mobs. The churches are now occupied in

singing "_De profundis_" and "_Requiems_" "for the repose of the souls

of the brave and valiant citizens who have sealed with their blood the

liberty of the nation." Monsieur de Montmorin is this day replaced in the

department of foreign affairs, and Monsieur de St. Priest is named to the

home department. The gazettes of France and Leyden accompany this. I send,

also, a paper (called the Point du Jour), which will give you some idea of

the proceedings of the National Assembly. It is but an indifferent thing;

however, it is the best.

I have the honor to be, with great esteem and respect, Sir, your most

obedient, and most humble servant.

P. S. _July 21._ Mr. Neckar had left Brussels for Frankfort, before the

courier got there. We expect, however, to hear of him in a day or two.

Monsieur le Comte de La Luzerne has resumed the department of the marine

this day. Either this is an office of friendship effected by Monsieur de

Montmorin, (for though they had taken different sides, their friendship

continued,) or he comes in as a stop-gap, till somebody else can be found.

Though very unequal to his office, all agree that he is an honest man.

The Count d'Artois was at Valenciennes. The Prince of Condé and Duke de

Bourbon had passed that place.

FOOTNOTE:

[2] See it in the paper called Point du Jour, No. 23.

TO M. L'ABBÉ ARNOLD.

Paris, July 19, 1789.

Dear Sir,--The annexed is a catalogue of all the books I recollect on the

subject of juries. With respect to the value of this institution, I must

make a general observation. We think, in America, that it is necessary to

introduce the people into every department of government, as far as they

are capable of exercising it; and that this is the only way to insure a

long-continued and honest administration of its powers.

1. They are not qualified to exercise themselves the executive department,

but they are qualified to name the person who shall exercise it. With

us, therefore, they choose this officer every four years. 2. They are

not qualified to legislate. With us, therefore, they only choose the

legislators. 3. They are not qualified to _judge_ questions of _law_,

but they are very capable of judging questions of _fact_. In the form of

juries, therefore, they determine all matters of fact, leaving to the

permanent judges, to decide the law resulting from those facts. But we

all know that permanent judges acquire an _Esprit de corps_; that being

known, they are liable to be tempted by bribery; that they are misled

by favor, by relationship, by a spirit of party, by a devotion to the

executive or legislative power; that it is better to leave a cause to the

decision of cross and pile, than to that of a judge biased to one side;

and that the opinion of twelve honest jurymen gives still a better hope

of right, than cross and pile does. It is in the power, therefore, of the

juries, if they think permanent judges are under any bias whatever, in any

cause, to take on themselves to judge the law as well as the fact. They

never exercise this power but when they suspect partiality in the judges;

and by the exercise of this power, they have been the firmest bulwarks

of English liberty. Were I called upon to decide, whether the people had

best be omitted in the legislative or judiciary department, I would say

it is better to leave them out of the legislative. The execution of the

laws is more important than the making them. However, it is best to have

the people in all the three departments, where that is possible.

I write in great haste, my dear Sir, and have, therefore, only time to add

wishes for the happiness of your country, to which a new order of things

is opening; and assurances of the sincere esteem with which I have the

honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and humble servant.

_Books on the subject of Juries._

Complete Juryman, or a compendium of the laws relating to jurors.

Guide to English juries.

Hawles' Englishman's right.

Juror's judges both of law and fact, by Jones.

Security of Englishmen's lives, or the duty of grand juries.

Walwin's juries justified.

TO MR. MADISON.

Paris, July 22, 1789.