MISSION HOUSE AT BARAKA, GABOON.

The roof is of palm thatch, upon which poles of bamboo are placed.

]

The house, as one approaches it, appears through a screen of palms and

orange-trees, of the strong-scented frangipani, the scarlet hibiscus,

and oleander growing as high as the house. There is an abundance of

roses everywhere. There are also a few coffee-trees in the yard, and one

exquisite cinnamon.

The view from the veranda of the mission house at Baraka is a scene of

magic beauty. The joyous lavishness of colour excludes from the mind the

thought of the deadly serpent and the relentless fever-fiend that

stealthily glide within the shadows. The long hillside sloping to the

beach is half covered with mangoes and palms, oleander and orange-trees,

and the graceful plumes of the bamboo that wave to and fro and tumble in

the breeze like children at play. In front is the open sea. On the left,

looking up the estuary, one sees in the bright morning light a fairy

island of deep emerald set in a silver sea, and beyond it a distant

shore in dim purple and gold. And even while one is looking, the island,

the silver sea and the golden-purple shore gradually dissolve and

disappear in the haze that gathers and deepens as the day advances. But

again, and always, it appears in the clear evening light, more beautiful

than ever.

I found it impossible to persuade my friends that Gaboon is not the

hottest place in the world, since it is not only in Africa, but at the

equator. This was also my own idea of Gaboon until it was corrected by

experience. It is not as hot at the equator as it is several hundred

miles north or south of it. The thermometer ranges between 72° and 86°,

seldom going above or below this range. But the humidity is extreme (not

surpassed, I believe, in the world) and this makes it seem hotter than

these figures would indicate. The atmosphere feels as if it were about

fifty per cent. hot water. At the coast there is the delightful

sea-breeze—but as soon as one says it is “delightful” he is reminded

that it is very dangerous.

One hears from the natives of the coast more complaints of cold than of

heat and in the hottest weather their black skin is always cool. The hot

months are December and January; and the coolest are June and July.

The wet and dry seasons of Gaboon are very distinct. The dry season

begins in May and lasts for four months, during all which time there is

not a shower. Then the wet season begins in September and lasts four

months, during which it rains almost incessantly. This is followed by a

short dry season of two months and a short wet season of two months,

thus completing the year. This succession of the seasons is as regular

and distinct as our winter and summer. The effect of the long dry season

corresponds in some respects to our winter, giving vegetation a rest.

Europeans delight in the dry season, although towards the last they long

for the rain. But the natives dislike the dry season, which is too cool

for their comfort; and since the land-breeze is very strong, and their

bodies but slightly protected with clothing, there is much sickness

among them in these months.

I never told the Africans about ice, nor described snow, lest it would

overtax their credulity and discredit me; for if they should doubt I had

no way of proving it. But after the French hospital was built the Gaboon

people not only heard about ice but many of them actually saw it. One

day we obtained a piece of ice at Baraka, sufficient to make ice-cream.

When we had finished eating I took some of it out to the men of my

boat-crew and after telling them that it was something which we liked

very much, I gave a teaspoonful to Makuba, the captain. No sooner had it

entered his mouth than he leaped into the air with a wild yell—wild even

for Africa. He shouted: “I’m killed! I’m burned to death! I’m burned to

death!”

The extremest sensation of cold seems to be not distinguishable from

that of extreme heat. Never having tasted anything cold, it is

positively painful to them.

Despite the exaggeration of the Old Coaster we are constantly reminded

that, after all, Gaboon is _The White Man’s Grave_. There were a number

of Anamese prisoners of war whom the French had transported from Anam.

They were employed in the construction of two miles of road along the

beach. During the few months of work seventy out of one hundred died. In

this dreadful death rate there were probably unusual factors. The road

crosses a marsh that is a first-class incubator for mosquitoes. And

besides, it is not likely that the men were reasonably provided with

food or medical attendance.

Even upon the subject of the climate opinions differ. There are some

persons—very few—who, after living in West Africa a number of years,

become so used to its death record that they seem to think that every

other place is just the same. One or another of these occasionally

becomes an indignant champion of the climate. At one of our annual

mission meetings I offered a resolution appealing to the Board of

Missions in New York for an extra allowance for health changes, in view

of the “hostile climate.” A veteran missionary, whose many years in

Africa made him the wonder of the coast, objected to the word _hostile_,

declaring that unless it were stricken out he would vote against the

resolution. But with charming inconsistency he added that he fully

realized the need of the extra allowance and he would gladly vote for it

if only, for the word _hostile_, we would substitute the word

_peculiar_.

Next morning after breakfast, Mr. Gault, in whose home I was staying,

said to me: “Apropos of the objection made yesterday to the word

_hostile_ as applied to this salubrious climate, have you observed that

every one who asks a blessing at the breakfast-table seems to be

thankful—and surprised—that none of us has been stricken down during the

night and that we are all again able to get to the table?

“The more remarkable,” he added, “when we recall that we were chosen by

the Board not because we were either good or clever, but chiefly because

of our constitutions.”

It was only a short time afterwards that Mr. Gault himself one morning

was not able to get to the breakfast-table. Two days later they buried

him at Batanga. He was one of the truest and best men I have ever known.

There is less fever now than there was a few years ago, and the death

record is decreasing. Not that the conditions are much improved; but

common sense has prevailed, and men as soon as they become seriously ill

hasten away on the first steamer. Besides, the proper use of quinine as

a preventive is better understood as the result of the knowledge of the

sources of malaria and its various stages.

The mosquito theory—that the Anopheles mosquito is the carrying agent of

the malaria parasite—is of course generally accepted. The late Dr. Koch

advised that a liberal dose of quinine every eighth or ninth day ought

to be an effective preventive with most persons. Major Ronald Ross, head

of the Liverpool School of Tropical Medicine, advised the destruction of

the mosquito, chiefly by drainage, and the segregation of white people

from the natives. The natives have become at least partially immune; but

there are numerous malaria parasites in their blood constituting the

source from which it is carried by the mosquito, which after biting a

native bites a white person; and when the white man’s blood is malarious

a little exposure to the tropical sun, a slight chill, even a mental

shock or undue strain, anything that lowers the vitality, is likely to

precipitate the fever.

I myself, after several years of frequent fever, at last gained

practical immunity by taking five grains of quinine every night, which I

did without omission for three years, until I left the coast. If my

vitality had not been already reduced to the minimum I would not have

required so much quinine. Many persons, instead of taking quinine

regularly, wait until the fever actually comes and then take very large,

nerve-shattering doses for successive days, from thirty to sixty or even

ninety grains a day. One may recover from the fever, but one does not

entirely recover from the quinine until he leaves the coast.

Sometimes the newcomer is fairly frightened into a fever by those who

have lived in Africa long enough to have become obsessed with the

thought of the climate and whose conversation it completely absorbs.

Near the end of my voyage to Africa I spent a night ashore at a certain

mission, where a good lady who was in a very sociable mood, having shown

me to my room, stood in the doorway telling me of the various

persons—not a few—who had died in that particular room, and giving some

graphic detail of each death. It was gradually borne in upon me that

there must be some horrible fatality attached to that room. Finally she

advised me not to lock my door. “For,” said she, “Mr. P——, who always

locked his bedroom door, was found dead in bed one morning in this very

room, although he went to bed looking as well as you do now. About noon

next day they broke the door open, and sure enough there he was—lying

right there!”

I replied: “My dear lady, won’t you please knock on my door very early

in the morning, and if I do not answer, open the door and walk in; for I

fully expect to be dead.”

A certain American lady, who was a missionary for some years in Liberia,

tells how that when she landed, expecting to proceed to a station some

distance inland, where she would join several other missionaries, she

was met with the news that the missionaries of that station (four, I

believe) had all died of fever a few days before she landed, one

immediately after another. Nevertheless, the person who had the

authority for her appointment escorted her to that desolate station and

left her there alone. A partition of boards in the house was nearly all

gone; it was only a few feet from the floor. She asked the explanation

of this appearance and was told that the boards had been used to make

coffins. Having received this interesting, though somewhat curious

information, she was left alone to find what comfort she could in the

reflection that there was enough of the partition left for one more

coffin.

She told me about it herself—many years afterwards.

II

THE WISE ONES

At Gaboon, in the French Congo, one sees all the successive stages in

the process of civilization. First, there is the savage, whose whole

apparel is a little palm-oil and a bit of calico half the size of a

pocket-handkerchief; then there is the man who wears “two fathoms” of

cloth wound about him gracefully and falling below his knees; next,

there is the man who wears this same robe with a shirt; then the man who

discards the native robe and wears a shirt and trousers, but with the

shirt always outside the trousers; and, last of all, the gentleman who

wears his shirt inside his trousers. These several classes are somewhat

distinct. One does not classify the man with a taste for simplicity who

wears a rice-sack with holes for his head and arms; nor the untutored

dude who wears a pink Mother Hubbard or a lady’s undergarment. These

freakish modes represent attempts to hasten the process of civilization

and to pass prematurely from one of the above classes to another.

In general, the distinction of _culotte_ and _sansculotte_ indicates the

difference between the Mpongwe—the old coast tribe—and the Fang—the

interior tribe, who have only reached the coast in recent years. The

Mpongwe is the most civilized of all the tribes south of the Calabar

River. Many of them, besides wearing trousers, live in _deck-houses_,

that is, houses with wooden floors. The first floor ever seen by the

natives was the deck of an English ship; hence the name _deck-house_. It

was also from contact with English sailors that the native learned to

speak of a “fathom” of cloth.

The Mpongwe are the proudest people of West Africa. An African woman is

never allowed to marry into an inferior tribe; although the men may do

so. And since the Mpongwe have no social equals among the adjacent

tribes, it follows that no Mpongwe woman can marry outside of her own

tribe, unless with a north-coast man or a white man. The Fang, the great

interior tribe, are mere “bush-animals” in the mind of the Mpongwe. A

Fang man, though he were perfectly civilized, and even educated in

France, would not be allowed the social status of the meanest Mpongwe.

The coast women can all speak Fang; for they trade with them and buy

their daily food from them; but they are ashamed to be heard speaking

it. Often when I addressed them in Fang they would shake their heads as

if they had never heard the language before; whereupon I nearly always

asked them a question on some matter of interest to themselves; the

price of a parrot, for instance, if I knew that the lady was anxious to

sell it. Such a question invariably made the dumb to speak.

The Mpongwe call themselves _The Wise Ones_. And other tribes generally

admit their claim and take them at their own self-estimate. In former

days, when they had real kings, they buried their kings in secret, not

more than ten persons knowing the hidden grave, lest some other tribe

might steal the body, for the sake of obtaining the brains, which would

be a very powerful fetish and would make them wise like the Mpongwe.

The king was chosen from among the people by the elders and was selected

for his wisdom. The ceremonies of his enthronement were such that he

required not only wisdom, but also courage, physical strength and a

superb digestion. The man’s first intimation that he had been chosen by

the elders was an onrush of the people—not to do him honour, but to

abuse and insult him. They would hurl opprobrious epithets at him, curse

him, spit upon him, pelt him with mud and beat him. For, they said, from

this time he would do all these things to them, while they would be

powerless to retaliate. This, therefore, was their last chance. They

also reminded him of all his failings in graphic and minute particulars.

If the king survived this treatment, he was then taken to the former

king’s house, where he was solemnly invested with the insignia of the

kingly office, in the shape of a silk hat. No one but the king was

permitted to wear a silk hat.

Following the inauguration ceremony, the people came and bowed before

the new king in humble submission, while they praised him as

enthusiastically as they had before reviled him. Then he was fed and

fêted for a week, during which time he was not allowed to leave his

house, but was required to receive guests from all parts of his dominion

and eat with them all. These ceremonies ended, he turned to the

comparatively easy and commonplace duties of his kingly office. This

custom, like many others, has passed away under the influence of

civilization.

In former days the Mpongwe were divided into three distinct classes.

There were, first, the slaves, the largest class of all. Then there was

a middle class, of those who although free were of slave origin, or had

some slave blood in their veins—even a drop. And then there was a very

small aristocracy of pure Mpongwe.

Of these three classes the middle class probably had the hardest time.

They had freedom enough for initiative and trade enterprise and they

often became rich. But so sure as they did, they were at once an object

of envy and class hatred on the part of the aristocracy, with the result

that they were in constant danger of being accused of witchcraft and put

to death, their goods being confiscated for the benefit of the governing

class—the aristocracy.

Since slavery has been formally abolished by the French government the

line between slaves and this middle class has almost disappeared—but not

quite, for slavery has not been entirely abolished. But the

“aristocracy” is as distinct as ever.

Domestic slavery is rarely attended with the usual horrors of alien

enslavement. Mpongwe slaves were serfs rather than slaves. Until the

advent of the white slaver they were rarely sold or exchanged. Mpongwe

slaves were sometimes taken for debt and sometimes stolen from other

tribes.

Several Mpongwe men have told me that their slaves were children of the

interior whom they had rescued when their parents had thrown them away,

either into the bush to perish by the beasts, or into the river. They

must have been driven to this by some cruel superstition; for the

African loves his children, and the mother of his children is his

favourite wife. Perhaps the children were twins. In many tribes there is

such a fear of twins that they are often put to death and their mother

with them. In some of these tribes they are believed to be the result of

adultery with a spirit.

Many former slaves have chosen to maintain the old relationship—somewhat

modified—rather than accept full freedom, and be left without friends,

family or possessions; a peculiar misfortune for those who have never

had an opportunity to acquire a habit of independence.

At one time a man named Ndinga was working for me. He was a faithful

workman, except for one inexplicable fault. Occasionally he would stay

away half a day or the entire day without asking to be excused, or

notifying me. Several times he did this when I was about to make a trip

up the river, and was depending upon him to make one of the crew. At

length I dismissed him and he departed without explanation or complaint.

But one of the other men came to me and told me Ndinga’s plight. He was

really the slave of an Mpongwe chief, right under the eyes of the

government. The master allowed him to work for himself, but I imagine he

took part of his wages. He also exercised the right to call upon him at

any time for personal services, and each time that he had stayed away

from his work he had been called by the master, who ignored my claim

upon Ndinga and the consequent inconvenience to me, though he claimed to

be my personal friend. Ndinga was sufficiently civilized to feel the

degradation of his position, and the poor fellow submitted to rebuke and

final dismissal rather than tell me he was a slave. I learned also that

he had lost several other positions in the same way and had usually been

dismissed with cursing and abuse. I sent for him immediately, and

without explanation told him that I had changed my mind and that he

could return to work. Meantime, I called the master, and reminding him

that slavery was strictly forbidden, I told him that if he should again

call Ndinga away from work I would notify the government. There was no

further trouble.

This man, Ndinga, was in pitiable need of a friend. It is extremely easy

for a slave to get a bad reputation, and Ndinga was said to be a

“leopard-man,” that is, a man who changes himself into a leopard—either

in order to kill an enemy or devour a sheep. I have heard Ndinga accused

of this frequently; and there were many who regarded him with great

fear. Every hysterical woman who thought that she saw a leopard was

ready to swear that it was Ndinga. If the leopards had been active in

the community at that time all their doings would have been charged

against him.

The Mpongwe women are regarded as the best-looking and most graceful

women on the entire coast. Wherever there are communities of white men,

even hundreds of miles north and south of Gaboon, there are Mpongwe

women; for it is with them more than the women of any other tribe that

white men form temporary alliances.

The Gaboon belle has a brown complexion and faultless skin, fine

features and dreamy dark eyes with long lashes. She moves so easily that

she carries her folded parasol, or bottle of gin, or other

indispensable, on her head. She dresses her hair neatly and with great

pains; usually parting it in the middle and arranging it in numerous

small braids which she fastens behind. Her dress is a large square robe

of bright colours, often of fine material, wound around her, immediately

below her arms, reaching to her feet and kept in place by a roll around

the top of it—a peculiar twist of _leger de main_ which only a black

hand can perform. Somewhere in this roll her pipe is usually hidden

away. This dress leaves her graceful shoulders and arms uncovered. She

wears slippers with white stockings, and upon her head a very large silk

handkerchief of bright colour, beautifully arranged in a turban. Add to

this a lace or silk scarf thrown over one shoulder, not forgetting her

silk parasol carried unopened on her head; then add a lot of jewelry and

plenty of perfume, and her attire is complete. Moreover, she has a soft

voice, and does not yell except when she quarrels, and she seldom

quarrels when she is dressed in her best. Most of the Christian women

wear an unbelted wrapper, or Mother Hubbard.

The Mpongwe people are peculiarly gentle, and courteous in their

manners; and in this respect the men even surpass the women. Travelling

in a boat with an Mpongwe crew, one is always surprised at their

courtesy and thoughtful consideration. Courtesy, indeed, which some one

calls “benevolence in little things,” is a racial characteristic. I was

once obliged to make a very hard journey from Batanga to Benito, a

hundred miles down the coast. For this purpose I purchased a bicycle in

a German trading-house at Dualla, the capital of Kamerun. The bicycle

weighed fifty pounds, and cost me a dollar a pound. I did not realize

what I was undertaking. The sea-breeze was against me; portions of the

beach were of soft sand and parts of it were so rough and rocky that I

had to climb steep banks and stretches of rock, carrying the fifty-pound

wheel on my shoulders. I had been long in Africa and my strength was

greatly reduced. Several times, almost overcome with exhaustion, I threw

myself down upon the beach and lay there for half an hour before I could

go on. There were various misadventures along the way and a sensational

escape from quicksand. It was an opportunity, however, to test the

kindness of the native.

I took no food, but depended upon the hospitality of those to whom I was

a stranger; although if hospitality had failed, I could have paid for

food; but not once did it fail along the way. Wherever there was a

stream to be waded, if a native was anywhere in sight, either on the

beach, or fishing out on the sea, in his canoe, I called or beckoned to

him, and he came and carried me over—for a white man must not get wet

when he is exposed to the wind; then he went back and got my wheel. In

one place the water was to the man’s shoulders, and there was a current,

but he held me in a horizontal position above his head, and exerting his

whole strength, with firm, slow step he proceeded, and set me down dry

on the other side. Then he cheerfully turned about and went after my

wheel. In another place heavy crags projected into the sea and at high

tide there was no beach for a quarter of a mile, so that I was compelled

to carry the wheel. At this place, I met a native carrying a load who

was evidently returning from a journey to the interior; and upon my

request for help, he at once hid his load by the way and taking my wheel

carried it over the rocks, nearly all this distance, to the better beach

beyond. In every case I told the man beforehand that I did not expect to

pay him for his service except in friendship, and friendship sufficed.

Nor did I pay anything for my food; and not once on the entire journey

had I the least difficulty in procuring it. Some of these people were of

other tribes; but in courtesy the Mpongwe surpass them all.

They generally live at peace within the family and the village. The

_men_, at least, rarely fight. Whenever I heard that an Mpongwe fight

was in progress, I rushed to the scene; but I must confess to mixed

motives. For a fight among Mpongwe men is decidedly picturesque and

entertaining, since they fight by butting each other in the stomach with

their heads. The women are much more quarrelsome, and these very belles,

whose beauty I have praised, have frequent quarrels and occasional

fights, the latter usually involving a number of women; for though the

quarrel commences with two women, when it gets to a real fight the

family and relations of each woman take part in it. From this moment it

proceeds somewhat formally. They line up on two sides, and with a lively

accompaniment of appropriate language, they rush upon each other, not

usually striking, nor scratching, but each woman seeking to tear off her

opponent’s robe. I witnessed such a fight in which eighteen women

engaged. A woman, when her robe is taken off, admits defeat. For this

reason, instead of preparing for a fight by donning her oldest clothes,

she prepares by putting on her newest and strongest, which she doubles

and ties about her waist, letting it fall to her knees, but she wears no

upper garment.

There is a strange war-custom in all the tribes of West Africa unlike

anything I have ever heard of elsewhere. Sometimes when one of their

number is killed, or a woman stolen by an enemy, instead of avenging his

death directly they will kill some one of a third town which has nothing

whatever to do with the palaver. This third town is then expected to

join with them in punishing the first town, which, being the original

offender, was the cause of all the trouble. In _The Jungle Folk of

Africa_ I have described this custom thus:

“Among the Mpongwe, in the old days before the foreign power was

established, and among the closely related tribes south of them, this

custom prevailed in an extreme form. A woman being stolen, the people of

the offended town would hurry to another town near by, before the news

had reached them, and would kill somebody. This town would then hurry to

the next and kill somebody there, each town doing likewise until perhaps

five or six persons of as many different towns would be killed in one

night. The last town would then, with the help of the others, demand

justice from the first. It may be that the object of this frightful

custom was to restrain men from committing the initial crime, that might

be attended with such wide-spread death, bringing upon themselves the

curses of many people. For above all things the African cannot bear to

be disliked and cannot endure execration.”

The Mpongwe now have no war-customs. And I am not sure that peace has

proved an unmixed blessing. They have lost something of courage and

virility.

Despite the veneer of civilization, I fear that this amiable and

graceful people—excepting only the few Christians—are as superstitious

as ever. Nature is still inhabited by myriad spirits to whose activity

natural phenomena are due. They still speak of the great spirit who

causes the flow and ebb of the tide by dropping an enormous stone into

the sea and again removing it. Trial by ordeal is common even among the

most intelligent. And not a death occurs among them that is not

attributed to witchcraft.

A man dying in the hospital at Gaboon turns his solemn, beautiful eyes

towards one who sits beside him, and tells in confidence what has

brought about his death. It is strange how approaching death, as if to

testify to man’s divine origin in the hour of his most appalling defeat,

dignifies the features and countenance of the lowest with a mysterious

dignity that transcends all differences of colour, transforms even

natural ugliness, and brings all men to one level. The greatest is no

more than human; the lowest is no less. This dying man tells how that

some weeks past, having gone on a journey to a certain town forty miles

north, and during the night having wondered what his friends at home

might be doing, he thought he would visit Gaboon, leaving his body while

his spirit alone travelled through the air. But on the way he met a

company of spirits making a similar journey, one of whom was an enemy;

who, recognizing him, gave him a fatal thrust in the side. He quickly

returned to his body; but in the morning he felt the weakness resulting

from the fatal stroke, and from that day had grown weaker and weaker

until death was upon him.

I was present at the trial of a slave, in a leading Mpongwe town, who

was accused of causing the death of one of the relations of the chief, a

man who had been ill for a long time with tuberculosis. I had been

calling on the sick man regularly. One day, going again to the town, I

saw a crowd of people gathered in the street who were very much excited.

The man had just died, and as usual the panic-stricken people were

determined to blame somebody. The chief who was trying the case was a

well-educated man who had been closely associated with white people all

his life and was prominent in trade. Arbitrary suspicion had about

settled upon this slave—for slaves are always the first to be

suspected—when a boy came forward and said that on the preceding night

he had discovered the slave standing behind the sick man’s house and

that he had watched him while he opened a bundle of leaves which he had

in his hand and in which was a piece of human flesh like a fish in size

and form. No more evidence was necessary. No one asked the boy how he

knew that it was not a fish which he had seen; nor how he knew that it

was human.

They would have killed the man instantly but for their fear of the

French government; for the town was close beside the capital. When I

tried to reason with them, they answered me with the all-sufficient

exclamation: “Ask the boy! Ask him yourself!” Those who took the leading

part in this trial were dressed like Europeans.

Sickness and death, they believe, may be caused by fetish medicine,

which need not be administered to the victim, but is usually laid beside

the path where he is about to pass. Others may pass and it will do them

no harm. The parings of finger-nails, the hair of the victim and such

things are powerful ingredients in these “medicines.” An Mpongwe, after

having his hair cut, gathers up every hair most carefully and burns it

lest an enemy should secure it and use it to his injury. When sickness

continues for a length of time they usually conclude that some offended

relation has caused an evil spirit to abide in the town.

An Mpongwe man, Ayenwe, had a severe attack of inflammatory rheumatism.

I was going to see him regularly and doing what little I could for him.

But his mother’s people, who lived in a town four miles away, concluded

that it was a spell of witchcraft, inflicted by his father’s people. So

they came one stormy night at midnight and stealing him out of his

house, put him in a canoe and carried him on the rough sea to their

town. The patient can always be prevailed upon by his relations, if

there are enough of them to wear out his resistance. However strongly he

may object at first he will finally throw up his hands and say: “Kill me

if you will then. The responsibility is yours; I have nothing more to do

with it.” A man’s very soul is not his own in Africa.

An Mpongwe woman, Paia, was suffering greatly from salivation, through

the injudicious use of calomel. She was a Christian woman and a member

in the Mpongwe Church, although her relations were all heathen. She was

in agony and a fellow missionary and myself had already reached the

point where we could do nothing more for her. The numerous heathen

relations were all present. They sat on the floor smoking and

expectorating in gloomy silence, with the windows closed, and filled the

house so that I could hardly pass in and out. I tried my best to get

them to take Paia to the French hospital, but they were horrified at the

bare suggestion. The tales in free circulation concerning the

hospital—poisons administered by the doctor, mutilation, and death by

slow torture—would fill a volume. Several days passed: Paia was worse.

They concluded that the house was bewitched—and perhaps the whole

town—and resolved to carry her away to another town, across the river.

In such cases it is advisable to put a body of water between the victim

and the bewitched town. Paia told me that she was more than willing to

go to the hospital if they would let her; but she said they would never

consent. Next morning about daylight I suddenly appeared before her door

with four strong men and a hammock swung on a pole. Before her relations

knew what had happened one of the men had carried her out to the

hammock, and we started to the hospital. The French doctor, one of the

very best on the coast, at my request gave her special attention, and in

a few days she was well.

[Illustration:

WOMEN’S SECRET SOCIETY OF GABOON.

]

The lowest reach of Mpongwe degradation is represented by the woman’s

secret society, to which a majority of the Mpongwe women

belong—practically all, except the Christians, who regard it with

abhorrence. I know of nothing in any interior tribe more degrading and

immoral. In former times of cruelty and oppression the society probably

served for the protection of women against their husbands; but in these

times it is the husbands who need protection, and the society, having

outlived its usefulness, has degenerated. The women of the society

frequently meet together at night, usually in an arbour of palms, and

sing unspeakably lewd songs—phallic songs—which are heard all over the

village. There is always a crowd of young men gathered around the

arbour; and the badinage which passes between them and the women is

shocking. And yet these same persons, on all other occasions in their

daily intercourse, observe a degree of decorum which would astonish

those who think that there is scarcely any such thing as decorum in

Africa.

III

A DYING TRIBE

This amiable and attractive people, the Mpongwe tribe, is now but a

dying remnant, hurrying to extinction. It is not long since they were

numbered by tens of thousands; now there are probably not more than five

hundred pure Mpongwe. There are women among them for whom marriage is

impossible. For, as I have already said, their social superiority makes

it impossible for them to marry into other tribes; but, within their own

tribe, many Mpongwe women are related, nearly or remotely, to every

surviving family, and the very strict laws of consanguinity forbid the

marriage of related persons. It is expected, therefore, that these women

will make their alliances with white men; that is, that they will not

marry at all.

The first exterminating factor was slavery. Sir Harry Johnston, in _The

Civilization of Africa_, has this to say in regard to the fatal

adaptability of the Negro to a condition of slavery:

“The Negro in general is a born slave. He is possessed of physical

strength, docility, cheerfulness of disposition, a short memory for

sorrows and cruelties, and an easily aroused gratitude for kindness and

just dealing. He does not suffer from homesickness to the overbearing

extent that afflicts other peoples torn from their homes, and, provided

he is well fed, he is easily made happy. Above all, he can toil hard

under the hot sun and in the unhealthy climates of the torrid zone. He

has little or no race-fellowships—that is to say, he has no sympathy for

other Negroes; he recognizes and follows his master independent of any

race affinities, and as he is usually a strong man and a good fighter,

he has come into request not only as a labourer but as a soldier.”

Sir Harry, speaking as an eye-witness of the capturing and the

exportation of slaves, gives a lurid description of their sufferings,

which, he says, “were so appalling that they almost transcend belief.”

He makes a conservative estimate that in the modern period of the

slave-traffic twenty million Africans must have been sold into slavery.

The Mpongwe was one of the tribes that suffered most. A large portion of

their country was depopulated. The slave-traffic was frightfully

demoralizing to the Africans themselves. It excited fiendish passions,

stifled every instinct of humanity and inspired craft and cruelty far

surpassing anything hitherto known. It was said that three men of the

same family dared not leave their town together lest two of them should

combine to sell the third.

More than half a century has passed since the last slave ship sailed out

of Gaboon harbour and disappeared over the western horizon with its

cargo of grief and rage, many of them wailing vengeance in a mournful

chant, improvising the words as they sang. For the African sings his

bitterest grief as well as his joy. He sings where the white man would

weep, or curse; but to the accustomed ear no cry could equal the pity of

his song.

It was in this region that Du Chaillu hunted the gorilla and gathered

much of the material for his famous books. An interior chief, in

appreciation of Du Chaillu’s visit to his town, once presented him with

a fat slave; and when Du Chaillu kindly declined the offer, protesting

that he would not know what to do with him, the chief exclaimed in

astonishment: “You must kill him and eat him, of course.”

Du Chaillu spat violently upon the ground—the African way of expressing

disgust and abhorrence.

“Then,” said the bewildered chief, “what do you do with all our people

who are sent down the river and far away to your country? We have

believed that you fatten them and eat them.”

It is supposed that our present mission station was formerly the site of

a slave pen, where slaves were kept until they were shipped—a

_barracoon_; hence the name _Baraka_.

The slave-traffic was succeeded by the rum-traffic; and it would not be

easy to say which of the two has proved the greater evil for Africa.

There is more drunkenness in Gaboon, among the Mpongwe, than in most

places on the coast. Except among the few Christians, an abundance of

rum is used at every marriage and every funeral and both men and women

drink to drunkenness. The women drink as much as the men, and there are

a greater number of hopeless dipsomaniacs among them.

One day, as I was walking along the beach, I met a bright-looking

Mpongwe woman who surprised me by addressing me in English. I was eager

to know who she was. She said her name was Elida Harrington, and that

when she was very young the wife of one of our missionaries, for whom

she had been working, took her to America when she went on furlough and

that during the period of the furlough she had attended school in

America. Those early days were evidently a sweet memory, and Elida’s

face was aglow with pleasure as she told me. Finally I asked her why I

had never seen her at the mission. The glow faded from her face, and

after a moment of gloomy silence she replied: “You’ll know soon enough.”

I afterwards learned that Elida, when she was young, was married to a

man who was given to _nagging_. He was continually making petty and

groundless charges of infidelity against his wife. There is no surer way

to inspire the dislike of the African. They are wonderfully generous in

forgiving impulsive cruelty, but continual nagging will alienate them.

At last, just to spite her husband, Elida told him that all his charges

were true; that she had done all those things, and much worse—such

things as he had never thought of charging against her. Her husband,

when he recovered from a paroxysm of rage and astonishment, told her to

pack her things and leave his house; to which she quietly replied that

she would be glad to do so, since she had already decided upon that very

course.

Soon after my first meeting with Elida I called at her house. It was

then that I learned why she kept away from the mission. She was so

intoxicated that she could not get to the door. And this was habitual.

One day Elida went to see her sister Jane, who was sick in bed. Jane

wanted some bread and gave her the price of a loaf and asked her to go

out and buy it for her. Poor Jane never got the bread. And poor Elida!

She went only as far as the first rum-shop.

I think of another, a young man who bore an honoured name, _Augustus

Boardman_, and who from his childhood was closely connected with the

mission. He spoke English not like an African but as if it were his

native tongue. I never knew a native who understood the finer feelings

of white people as Augustus did. I never knew a native who had in

himself so much of what we call _sentiment_. On one occasion he went

with me to Angom where Mr. Marling was buried. Mr. Marling, who had been

dead for five years, was the missionary whom Augustus had known best and

loved most. In the evening, just before leaving for the coast, I

happened to pass Mr. Marling’s grave, and there I saw a beautiful wreath

of flowers carefully woven, which Augustus had laid upon the grave. The

African is strangely indifferent to flowers, and I have never known

another who would have done what Augustus did.

On another occasion I received a letter from him when he was up the

Ogowè River. He wrote that while visiting at our old mission on the

Ogowè he had come across an English song-book, in which he had found a

song, the words of which were the most beautiful he had ever read in his

life; so beautiful that he had committed them to memory; and he was

wondering whether it was well known and commonly sung among

English-speaking people. He copied the words of the entire song and

enclosed them in the letter. The song was _The Lost Chord_. The anguish

of the lost chord in his own life was the secret of the deep impression

that the song made upon him.

In America a child can be kept out of the way of the worst temptations

until he has reached years of discretion, but such separation is

impossible in Africa. This boy, when he was a little child, was taught

to drink rum; his mother died a hopeless victim of it; and by the time

he was a young man the appetite for it was insatiable and complete

master of him. The finer feelings which characterized him seemed to make

him all the more the victim of this inordinate desire. He fought it as

he might have fought a python of his native jungles, but in vain. On one

occasion, in the presence of Mr. Marling, he pledged himself with the

solemnity of an oath never to taste it again. A few days afterwards he

was walking down the street of an interior town when most unexpectedly

he met a boy with a bottle of rum. He sprang at the boy, snatched the

bottle from him and drank the contents. Other efforts ended similarly.

He afterwards made such promises to me, weeping and fairly prostrated

with shame and humiliation; yet he soon fell again. He became at length

quite hopeless, and it was necessary to dismiss him from all service in

the mission. He got several good positions, but lost them immediately.

When I last saw him he was a moral wreck and almost an outcast even in

Africa, where there are no outcasts. Augustus has since died; one more

victim of poisoned rum.

_He is full of compassion and plenteous in mercy._ And, knowing Augustus

as I knew him, I dare to hope that he has again at last heard the

long-lost chord, and the sound of the great _Amen_.

The native is constitutionally incapable of being a moderate drinker.

And, besides, drunkenness is not disgraceful; they have not the spirit

that revolts from it. I have personally seen little children

intoxicated. I have seen them intoxicated in the schoolroom. I have

known of parents getting their own children to drink to intoxication for

their amusement. It is doubtful whether there is another tribe in all

West Africa so besotted with alcoholism as the Mpongwe. Physicians agree

that it is one of the chief causes of their increasing sterility.

Another factor in the extermination of the Mpongwe is the demoralization

of domestic life incident to methods of trade. The Mpongwe man is a

trader by instinct. In shrewdness and diplomacy I doubt whether he has a

superior among all the tribes of West Africa. This shrewdness he

expresses in many homely proverbs; as, for example, when he says: “If

you must sleep three in a bed, sleep in the middle.” White traders all

along the coast employ the Mpongwe as middlemen between them and the

interior people, who possess the export products. The white man gives

the middleman a certain quantity of goods on trust. With these he goes

to the interior and establishes a small trading-post in one or several

towns. It is a life of privation and danger, a lonely, miserable

existence, but he endures it with patience for the joyful hope that at

the end of a year or two he may return to his beloved town and family in

Gaboon, so rich that he can afford to “rip” for six months; to dress so

that the women will adore him and the men hate him. His goods being soon

exhausted by his numerous relations as well as himself, he starts off

for another year or two. He has a wife, or wives, at Gaboon, and he

takes to himself a wife or two at each of his interior trading-centres.

In the dangers of these middlemen and the necessities of trade Miss Mary

H. Kingsley finds a plausible argument for polygamy, amounting, in Miss

Kingsley’s opinion, to a full justification. Indeed, for various

reasons, the majority of traders defend and advocate native polygamy.

The journeys of these native traders to the interior are dangerous, and

I agree with Miss Kingsley that they deserve credit for their courage.

“Certainly they run less risk of death from fever than a white man

would; but, on the other hand, their colour gives them no protection;

and their chance of getting murdered is distinctly greater; the white

governmental powers cannot revenge their death in the way they would the

death of a white man, for these murders usually take place away in some

forest region, in a district no white man has ever penetrated.”

There are two reasons why so many of them nevertheless survive. The

first is that trade follows definite routes and the trader is expected

about once in six months by all the towns along the way, in which the

people are eager for trade-goods, the men “fairly wild for tobacco” and

the women impatient for beads and other ornaments. Under these

circumstances, for the people of any one town to kill the trader would

mean trouble between that town and the other towns along the route.

But this consideration alone is not sufficient; and Miss Kingsley gives

us the means that he employs for his further safety, as follows: “But

the trader is not yet safe. There is still a hole in his armour, and

this is only to be stopped up in one way, namely, by wives; for you see,

although the village cannot safely kill him and take all his goods, they

can still let him die safely of a disease, and take part of them,

passing on sufficient stuff to the other villages to keep them quiet.

Now the most prevalent disease in the African bush comes out of the

cooking-pot, and so to make what goes into the cooking-pot—which is the

important point, for earthen pots do not in themselves breed poison—safe

and wholesome, you have got to have some one who is devoted to your

health to attend to the cooking affairs; and who can do this like a

wife?—one in each village of the whole of your route. I know myself one

gentleman whose wives stretch over 300 miles of country, with a good

wife base in a coast town as well. This system of judiciously conducted

alliances gives the black trader a security nothing else can, because

naturally he marries into influential families at each village, and all

the wife’s relations on the mother’s side regard him as one of

themselves and look after him and his interests. That security can lie

in woman, especially so many women, the so-called civilized man may

ironically doubt, but the security is there, and there only, and on a

sound basis; for remember that the position of a travelling trader’s

wife in a village is a position that gives the lady prestige, the

discreet husband showing little favours to her family and friends, if

she asks for them while he is with her; and then she has not got the

bother of having a man always about the house, and liable to get all

sorts of silly notions into his head, if she speaks to another

gentleman, and then go and impart these notions to her with a cutlass,

or a kassengo, as the more domestic husband, I am assured by black

ladies, is prone to.”[1]

Footnote 1:

_Travels in West Africa_, p. 252.

This picture is not untrue to the facts. And yet some of us who have

old-fashioned ideas of morality are not convinced that polygamy is

thereby justified with its beastly immorality on the part of those men

and of all those women who prefer not to have husbands hanging about the

house with silly notions—that is to say, _moral_ notions—about the

behaviour of women. And however heartrending may be the condition of

those interior men and women, without tobacco and without beads, we

cannot agree that their necessity justifies any such degrading practice

for its relief. As for the slight excess of rubber and ivory that

civilized folks obtain by this means, it may soothe the civilized breast

to know that all, or nearly all, this trade produce would reach the

coast in other and more legitimate ways without these middlemen, whose

presence is a curse to the interior people, whose absence is a curse to

their own tribe, and who are above all a curse to themselves.

This demoralization of domestic life is even worse for the Mpongwe women

than for their absent husbands. There is a large settlement of white men

in Gaboon, most of them government officials. And because of the climate

the white population is always rapidly changing. Nearly all the Mpongwe

women become the mistresses of those men. And the worst of it is that

instead of being deemed disgraceful this only gives them social prestige

among their own people. A woman said to me one day:

“Iga is so proud she won’t speak to me any more.”

“Why?” I asked.

“Oh, she is living with a white man now,” was the reply.

The marriage tie in Gaboon has long ceased to be a “tie.” It was much

more binding before the advent of the white man, and it is more binding

to-day among the uncivilized Fang.

The dreadful diseases that have been imported into Africa are certainly

a factor in the extermination of the Mpongwe. But the subject is too

unpleasant to discuss at length in this place.

Again, the disregard of native institutions and the destruction of

tribal authority by the foreign government tends to break down all

authority and remove all moral restraints. This is more or less true in

all West Africa. The native form of government among the Mpongwe is

somewhat patriarchal; authority belongs to the head of the family, the

head of the clan and the head of the tribe. The native reverence for the

authority of these men is the saving virtue that sustains the tribe. But

the chief’s authority and this reverence are destroyed together when the

people see him tied up occasionally and flogged; or ruthlessly flung

into prison; or his authority superseded by that of a native policeman.

The kingly office goes begging for an occupant when men find that the

grandeur of royalty consists in being held more or less responsible for

all the misdoings of all the tribe, while, perhaps, some black mistress

of a government official has more real power than the native king.

The authority of custom, in former times, even exceeded the authority of

kings. But the foreigner ignores native customs, or ridicules them, or

even condemns and forbids them—often without understanding them. The

tribal customs of Africa, from the most trivial to the most revolting,

are not arbitrary, but have a moral meaning and significance; though

they sometimes outlive their usefulness. They either embody such rude

justice as the African has attained; or else they represent the

operation of the law of self-preservation. One can give a rational

explanation even of the most cruel and revolting custom that I have ever

known in Africa, namely, the custom of burying a man’s wives alive with

him when he dies. Africa abounds with deadly poisons, and African wives

frequently contract an unpleasant habit of using them in the

cooking-pot. How common the practice is may be judged by the African

proverb: “We don’t eat out of the same dish,” used for instance as

follows: “So-and-so is angry but what do I care? We don’t eat out of the

same dish.” The wife prepares her husband’s food and has the daily

opportunity of using this deadly weapon. But this burial custom—the fact

that when he dies she will be buried with him—gives her a personal

interest in keeping him alive. It is scarcely necessary to say that I

think that this custom ought to be suppressed and its observance

severely punished. But meantime something ought to be done to improve

the morals of the African wife.

The dowry paid for a wife among the Mpongwe is forty dollars. Among the

uncivilized Fang it is several times this amount, although the Fang are

very poor in comparison. The Mpongwe dowry was reduced by the French

government as a step in the direction of its abolishment; for it is

nothing more than a purchase price. But the result of this forced

reduction of the dowry has been demoralization rather than civilization.

The custom among all tribes is that if a wife desert her husband her

family must pay back the dowry or send back the wife. It is not easy to

send back a large dowry, and the people, being unable or unwilling to do

it, will send the woman back unless she has a very strong case against

her husband. But forty dollars can easily be raised, especially if there

should be several white men to help. So there is nothing to prevent the

Mpongwe woman from leaving her husband when she pleases; and it pleases

her to change him frequently. Until the African attains the moral

sentiment that makes the marriage bond sacred it is better that there

should be the bond of outright purchase and ownership rather than no

marriage at all.

It is so with the whole body of custom. It expresses the inward life of

the people. It contains such rudimentary morality as they know, or

embodies a principle that is necessary for the preservation of society.

It is on the level of the African’s moral culture. It corresponds with

his beliefs and has the consent of his mind. The foreigner may by sheer

force change his outward condition, but unless there be also a

corresponding inward change he does not respond to the new obligations;

his moral responsibility is not equal to the new demands, and the result

is moral degeneration followed inevitably by physical degeneration.

This very matter of the dowry illustrates the different method of the

missionary and, I believe, the true principle of progress. Our early

missionaries made no church laws against the dowry, but they faithfully

preached the equality of woman and the higher idea of marriage; and as

the Christians became imbued with this sentiment they themselves

abolished the dowry within their own society. But they did it at the

instance of a moral sentiment which made marriage more secure than ever.

The inward preceded the outward change. The missionary does as much harm

as anybody else when he adopts the easy method of ruthless and

indiscriminate assaults upon native customs and beliefs. It was not the

Master’s method. Even slavery Jesus did not attack with violence; that

were as vain—if I may use the illustration of Dr. Richard Storrs—as vain

as to attack an Arctic ice-field with pick and drill; but He turned upon

it the summer sunshine and it slowly melted away. He inspired men with a

sentiment of human brotherhood and destroyed slavery by expelling the

spirit that made it possible. The African has a rooted antipathy to the

pick and drill, but he loves the sunshine; he is responsive to truth and

capable of high and transforming affections.

It is said on the coast that England rules her African colonies for

_commerce_, France for _revenue_ and Spain for _plunder_. The English

policy gives the utmost encouragement to native enterprise and thrift,

and on the whole the English colonies are the most prosperous and

promising. The French policy of revenue imposes such a burden of

taxation that life no longer consists in eating and drinking and talking

palavers, but in paying taxes. And the enormous import and export duty

stifles enterprise and in the end defeats its own purpose. But it must

be said that the French officials, of all classes, in their personal

intercourse with the natives, are free and friendly, and in consequence

are much better liked than the English officials, who, though usually

just, are often arrogant, and, while they care for the welfare of the

native, care nothing for his feelings. One recalls that in the early

days of America the French got on with the Indians much better than the

English.

The German policy cannot be described in one word. Their policy is

commercial; but they love government for its own sake and they govern

far too much. There is an element of militarism in their rule that is

entirely too rigorous for the African, and must ultimately destroy him

unless it becomes modified through knowledge and experience. It is

certain that Germany has not yet solved the problems of colonial

government in Africa. Some years have passed since I lived in Kamerun

and it may be that conditions have improved—though I doubt it; but it

used to be that the first visible institution of government in a new

district was the whipping-post. Whatever Germany does she does with all

her might, and the activity of this institution made the proximity of a

government station an undesirable neighbourhood if one chanced to have a

human heart. The outpost of civilization in Africa is frequently a

whipping-post.

[Illustration:

The fetish folk of West Africa · 第 7 / 40 题