There are several instructive ways in which this growth of civic

consciousness is expressing itself. The movement for a greater

Pittsburgh now consummated in the union of Pittsburgh and Allegheny with

a few adjacent towns, arises no doubt in the general effort toward power

and prestige; but the step toward inclusiveness is entirely normal, and

has gathered up into a public movement aggressive impulses which had

never before run in that channel. Happily the expansion was preceded by

the election for the first time in a generation of a reform mayor. The

movement came directly as a result of the impudent interference of the

state machine in unseating a mayor who had been elected by an opposing

local faction. This action, carried out under the forms of legislation,

brought Pittsburgh people into a new feeling of municipal self-respect,

and led to their electing on a democratic ticket George W. Guthrie, who

is in every respect one of Pittsburgh's first citizens and has for many

years been earnestly interested in the cause of municipal reform.

The date 1898 may be taken as marking a kaleidoscopic shifting in

the Pittsburgh ensemble. Then the city emerged into the day of large

things,--into the great concentration of capital, and the incidental

liquidation which gave many families overpowering fortunes of cash

in hand; the assembling of vast heterogeneous multitudes of laborers

to keep up with the demands of a period of unparalleled prosperity;

the ampler civic sense signalized by the Carnegie institutions with

their unusual cultural opportunities, and embodied after a time in

solid municipal reform and progress, in a truly enlightened Chamber of

Commerce, and in excellent forms of social service. On the one hand,

irresponsible individuals have gone forth with boundless power to

represent the city to the world at her worst. On the other, Pittsburgh

is gradually and quietly taking to herself the world's lessons in the

making of the modern city and in the building up of citizenship. The

former phenomenon, in which to many this city is allegorized, is but

the froth and the scum; the latter has the beginnings of a tidal energy

behind it.

[Illustration]

THE NEW PITTSBURGHERS

SLAVS AND KINDRED IMMIGRANTS IN PITTSBURGH

PETER ROBERTS

INDUSTRIAL DEPARTMENT, INTERNATIONAL YOUNG MEN'S CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION

The day laborer of a generation ago is gone,--a change which has been

swifter and more complete in Pittsburgh than in many other of our

industrial centers. "Where are your Irish? your Welsh? your Germans?

your Americans?" I asked an old mill hand. "Go to the city hall and the

police station," he said. "Some of them are still in the better paid

jobs in the mills; but mostly you'll have to look for them among the

doctors and lawyers and office holders; among clerks and accountants and

salesmen. You'll find them there."

The day laborer in the mills to-day is a Slav. The foreign-born of the

steel district comprise, it is true, every European nation, but I shall

deal here only with the races from southeastern Europe, which for twenty

years have been steadily displacing the Teutonic and Keltic peoples in

the rough work of the industries. The tendency of the Italians is to go

into construction and railroad work, a few entering the mines, rather

than into the plants and yards; and my group narrows itself down to the

dominant Slav and Lithuanian. What I have to say of them in Pittsburgh

and Allegheny City is in the main representative of the manufacturing

towns of the whole district.

Roughly speaking, one-quarter of the population of Pittsburgh is

foreign-born. The foreigner is nowhere more at home than here, and

nowhere has he been more actively welcomed by employers. The conflict

of customs and habits, varying standards of living, prejudices,

antipathies, all due to the confluence of representatives of different

races of men, may be witnessed here. The most backward of these

foreigners are superstitious and ignorant and are the victims of

cunning knaves and unscrupulous parasites. On the other hand, the

whole territory is thrown into a stern struggle for subsistence and

wage-standards by the displacements due to these resistless accretions

to the ranks of the workers. The moral and religious life of the

city is not less affected by this inflow of peoples. Their religious

training differs widely from that of peoples of Protestant antecedents,

and institutions that were dear to the founders of the city are fast

undermined by the customs of immigrants from southeastern Europe. Yet as

a whole, they bring with them physical and cultural resources which the

English-speaking community fails to elicit or thoughtlessly wastes.

Such an exhaustive study as could be made of the immigrant population of

the steel district is outside the possibilities of this paper. I shall

set down only what a month brought me as I visited the lodging-houses

and the courts and the mills of Greater Pittsburgh; as I talked with

priest and leader, policeman and doctor, banker and labor boss, the

immigrants themselves and those who live close to them; but I shall put

it before you in the light of many years' residence in the anthracite

coal communities, where in another section of Pennsylvania, at Mahanoy

City and Wilkes-Barre and Scranton, I have known the Slav and the Lett

and their efforts to gain a foothold in America. I shall deal with

the situation, not as I have seen it in my visits of the past year,

during which the immigrants have returned home by thousands, but as I

came to know it in the heyday of prosperity, the early fall of 1907,

when conditions were as they are likely to be again when industrial

prosperity returns. This is the situation which we must reckon with in a

permanent way.

In 1880, Slavs, Lithuanians and Italians did not form one per cent of

the population in either Pittsburgh or Allegheny. By 1890, they had

reached four per cent, and out of an army of 90,000 wage earners, one in

every ten was an immigrant from southeastern Europe. By 1900, one-third

of the foreign-born were of this new immigration, and the movement

of the Teutonic and Keltic races had practically ceased. We must wait

until the census enumeration of 1910 before we may definitely know what

proportion these newcomers form to-day, but it may safely be assumed

that the percentage of foreign-born in the greater city will equal that

of 1900, thirty per cent, or roughly, 200,000, half of whom will be from

southeastern Europe.

Poles, Italians and Jewish immigrants lead the list. Lithuanians,

Croatians, Servians, Slovaks and Ruthenians are numbered by the

thousands, and Magyars, Greeks, Bohemians and Roumanians are here in

lesser groups.

The representatives of these nations touch elbows in the streets so

that the languages heard when the people are marketing in the foreign

quarters on Saturday night are as numerous as those of a seaport town.

Twenty dialects are spoken. Yet the polyglot mass that confuses the

visitor and induces pessimistic impressions as to the future of the

city, is each morning marshalled without tumult. The discipline of the

industrial establishments converts this babel of tongues into one of the

chief forces of production. Therein lies an appraisal not only of the

American _entrepreneur_, but also of these men coming from nations of

low efficiency, who are able so quickly to fall into line and keep step

in an industrial army of remarkable discipline and output.

There is no way of knowing the annual inflow of immigrants into

Pittsburgh, for the city is a distributing point. The records of the

ports of entry show that in 1907, 187,618 persons gave Pittsburgh as

their destination, but many of these scattered to the neighboring

Pennsylvania towns and many undoubtedly went to the mills and mines of

Eastern Ohio. Every day brings its quota of immigrants in normal times;

occasionally they come by the carloads. Owing to the shifting of the

newcomers, however, the outflow may often equal the inflow. Conditions

of the local industries determine which of these two currents runs the

swifter. During the first seven years of the century, the city possibly

added 15,000 annually by immigration.

Before taking up the living conditions in Pittsburgh as they especially

affect these immigrant laborers, let us consider for a moment certain

characteristics of these people, and their relation to the general

economic situation. First, it is the wages that bring them here. The

workers in the mills of Galicia, the vine-lands of Italy, and the

factories of Kiev, earn from twenty-five cents to fifty cents in a day

of from twelve to sixteen hours. When the American immigrant writes

home that he works only nine, ten, or twelve hours and earns from $1.50

to $2.00, the able-bodied wage earner in the fatherland who hears

this will not be satisfied until he also stands where the shorter day

and the higher wages govern. It is these home-going letters more than

all else which recruit the labor force. They are efficient promoters

of immigration. "There are no able-bodied men," said Big Sam to me,

"between the ages of sixteen and fifty years left in my native town in

Servia; they have all come to America."

[Illustration: DIRECT FROM THE FIELDS OF MID-EUROPE.]

Up to September, 1907, the men in charge of furnaces, foundries, forges

and mills, in the Pittsburgh district, could not get the help they

needed. The cry everywhere was, "Give us men." A foreman, therefore,

could assure Pietro and Melukas that if their brothers or cousins, or

friends were sent for, they would get work as soon as they arrived. More

than that, the Slav and Italian are no longer dependent on the English

boss in the matter of finding work for their countrymen. The inflow of

immigration from southeastern Europe has assumed such proportions in the

industries of the cities that superintendents have, in some instances,

appointed Italian and Polish and Lithuanian foremen; and with these, as

with German and Irish, blood is thicker than water. They employ their

fellow countrymen. They know the condition of the labor market and can

by suggestion stimulate or retard immigration.

The tonnage industries of Pittsburgh have expanded tremendously in

the last two decades. Such industries need manual laborers as do no

others. The Slavs have brawn for sale. Herein, at bottom, is the drawing

force which accounts for such a moving in of peoples and the readiness

with which they find their places in the specialized industries of

the district. Pittsburgh has clamorous need for these men. Take the

average Lithuanian, Croatian, Ruthenian, or Slovak, and his physique

would compare favorably with that of any people. Most of the immigrants

are from agricultural communities. Their food in the fatherland was

coarse, their habits simple, their cares few. They had an abundance of

vegetable diet, pure water, pure air and sunshine, and they developed

strong physical organisms. Taking them as a whole, we get the best of

the agricultural communities. The day has not yet come when the weak

emigrate and the strong stay at home. No ship agents, however active,

can reverse the natural order of the tide of immigration, and natural

selection added to federal scrutiny gives us a body of men physically

most fit for the development of our industries. Nowhere has this been

better illustrated than in Pittsburgh.

These men come to be "the hewers of wood and carriers of water." There

are representatives of each race far removed from the lowest industrial

stratum, but taking these people as a whole, it is safe to say that

the bulk of the unskilled labor in the city,--the digging and carrying

in the streets, the heavy labor in the mill, the loading and unloading

of raw material on railroad and river, the rough work around forge and

foundry, the coarse work around factories, and the lifting necessary in

machine shops,--all is performed by them.

[Illustration: YOUNG SLOVAK.]

This is the level at which they enter the economic order. What trade

equipment do they bring into the work with them? Their industrial

efficiency is low and I should estimate that ninety-five per cent have

no knowledge of modern machinery or methods of modern production; they

are children in factory training. Further, those who have trades find

themselves in an industrial environment where their previous training

is of little value. They are in ignorance of the English language, and

the few mechanics and tradesmen among them can do no better than join

the ranks of the common laborers. We must bear in mind, however, that

those of them who know how to use tools, once they are put to work that

requires some skill, adapt themselves quickly to the situation. Hence we

meet not a few Slavs and Lithuanians who execute work of a semi-skilled

nature. Sons, also, of men of these nationalities who settled in the

city a generation ago have risen to positions of standing in the

industries. Thus it is not unusual to hear of this man or that who has

become a foreman in the mills or taken a place in business or in the

professions.

But on several counts the average Slav, Lithuanian and Italian are not

as acceptable as day laborers as were the immigrants from northwestern

Europe. The common opinion of American employers is that they are stupid

and that the supervisory force must be much larger than if they had

English speaking help. Many employers would no doubt, prefer the latter;

but they cannot get them for the wages offered; they must take the Slav

or run short handed. The United States commissioner of immigration

in Pittsburgh is constantly besieged by employers of labor who need

help. Many stories are told of one firm stealing a group of laborers

marshalled at the ports of entry and forwarded to another.

[Illustration: YOUNG SERVIAN.]

I have spoken of the influence which letters and money sent home

have in recruiting immigrant workmen. These people make little or no

use of labor agencies unless the saloon and the small bank may be so

denominated. There are men in each nationality, acknowledged leaders,

who play the part of intermediaries between superintendents and their

people. But such investigations as I have made at Ellis Island do not

lead me to believe that the employers of labor in Pittsburgh violate

the contract labor law. Labor agencies in New York city make a specialty

of distributing Slavs, Lithuanians and Italians to firms in need of

hands. The leader who supplies men to a mill or mining concern gets so

much for each man supplied. Whatever contract there may be is executed

this side of the water. For instance, a leading Croatian had a specific

understanding with one of the mills of Pittsburgh that all men he brings

will find employment. No contract was executed and in the opinion of the

local immigration agent, there was in it no violation of the contract

labor law.

[Illustration: YOUNG CROATIAN.]

I have noted the drawbacks to the new day laborer as such. On the other

hand, it is a common opinion in the district that some employers of

labor give the Slavs and Italians preference because of their docility,

their habit of silent submission, their amenability to discipline, and

their willingness to work long hours and over time without a murmur.

Foreigners as a rule earn the lowest wages and work the full stint of

hours. I found them in the machine shops working sixty hours a week;

at the blast furnaces working twelve hours a day for seven days in the

week. The common laborer in and around the mills works seventy-two hours

a week. The unit of wages is an hour rate for day labor and a Slav is

willing to take the longer hours (twelve hours a day for men who work

fourteen and sixteen in the fatherland) with extra work on Sundays,

especially in connection with clearing the yards and repairing.

Possibly sixty to seventy per cent of the laborers in the mills come

out Sundays and the mechanics and other laborers on occasions work

thirty-six hours in order that the plant may start on time. In one mill

I found Russians (Greek Orthodox) in favor for the reason that they

gladly worked on Sundays.

[Illustration: YOUNG SERVIAN.]

My belief is that certain employers of labor have reaped advantage from

racial antipathies. The Pole and the Lithuanian have nothing in common

and each of them despises the Slovak. Foremen know this and use their

knowledge when foreigners are likely to reach a common understanding

upon wages or conditions of labor. All these considerations have helped

make it less difficult for factory operators to keep open or non-union

shop in Pittsburgh. The constant influx of raw material from backward

nations into the industries of the city has had somewhat the same

effect as the flow of water at an estuary when the tide is rising. All

is commotion. It will continue to be so as long as the inflow of Slavs

and Italians continues as it has in the last decade. But when they have

become permanently placed and their average intelligence and grasp of

American conditions rise, racial prejudices will give way to common

interests. When this time comes, Pittsburgh will witness the rise of

stronger labor organizations than were ever effected by Teuton and Kelt.

We have seen, then, the Slavic day laborers coming into the steel

district in vast numbers. Of their strength and lack of skill at

the outset there is no doubt, and we have noted some of the snap

judgments that are current about them; such as, that they are stupid,

and submissive. All this puts us in better position to consider more

in detail my first statement that it is the wages that bring them to

Pittsburgh, and to see what advances they make once they have gained a

foothold. The Slav enters the field at a rate of pay for day labor which

is higher than that which brought the Germans and the Kelts. The lowest

wage I found Slavs working for was thirteen and one-half cents an hour.

The wage of common labor in the average mill is fifteen or sixteen and a

half cents. The day laborer around the furnaces gets from $1.65 to $1.98

a day.

But the newcomers know nothing of a standard wage, and when work is

scarce, they will offer to work for less than is paid for common labor.

Such was the case of a band of Croatians who offered their services to

a firm in Pittsburgh for $1.20 a day. When the superintendent heard it,

he said, "My God, what is the country coming to? How can a man live in

Pittsburgh on $1.20 a day?" The foreman replied, "Give them rye bread,

a herring, and beer, and they are all right." [I have known a coal

operator in the anthracite fields to pay Italians and Slovaks ninety

cents a day, and ask neither what was the country coming to nor how they

could subsist.] More, the Slavs will consciously cut wages in order to

get work. A man who knows something about blacksmithing or carpentering

will work at a trade for $1.65 or $1.75 when the standard wage may be

$2.50. They count their money in the denominations of the fatherland

and estimate its value according to old country standards. I have known

foremen to take advantage of this. Again, those who are skilled will at

the command of the boss render menial services without a murmur. "These

fellows have no pride," said an American craftsman to me, "they are not

ruled by custom. When the foreman demands it they will throw down the

saw or hammer and take the wheelbarrow."

So the Slav gains his foothold in the Pittsburgh industries, and in the

doing of it, he undermines the income of the next higher industrial

groups and gains the enmity of the Americans. Shrewd superintendents

are known not only to take advantage of the influx of unskilled labor

to keep down day wages, but to reduce the pay of skilled men by a

gradually enforced system of promoting the Slavs. In the place of six

men at ten dollars a day, one will be employed at fifteen dollars,

with five others at half, or less than half, the old rate, who will

work under the high-priced man. Inventions, changes in processes, new

machines, a hundred elements tend to complicate the situation and render

it difficult to disentangle the influence of any one element. But this

much is clear, the new immigration is a factor which is influencing the

economic status of the whole wage-earning population in Pittsburgh; it

is bound to be a permanent factor; and its influence will be more and

not less.

My estimate is that possibly twenty per cent of these laborers from

southeastern Europe now work at machines which require a week or two

weeks to acquire the skill needed in their operation. To be sure, they

are machines "so simple that a child could operate them, and so strong

that a fool cannot break them." Many Slovaks work in the Pressed Steel

Car Company in Allegheny, as riveters, punchers, and pressmen, while

others are fitters, carpenters, and blacksmiths. Some Croatians and

Servians are rising and are found in the steel mills as roughers and

catchers. I saw Ruthenians feeding machines with white heated bars

of steel. It was simple, mechanical work, but of a higher grade than

that of scrap-carrier. The Poles who in recent years emigrated from

Russia and Austria-Hungary are as industrially efficient as any group

of immigrants and work in both mills and foundries. A foreigner who

has a chance to become a machine operator generally goes into piece

work and earns from $2 to $2.50 a day. But all men at the machines

are not on piece work. A foreman explained this to me as follows:

"If the machine depends upon the man for speed, we put him on piece

work; if the machine drives the man, we pay him by the day." The man

operating a machine by the day gets from $1.75 to $2. Many boys and

young women of Slavic parentage work in the spike, nut and bolt, and

steel wire factories. They sit before machines and pickling urns for

ten hours for from seventy-five cents to $1 a day. The Slovak riveters,

punchers, shears-men and pressmen in the Pressed Steel Car Company's

plant are paid by the piece, and for the most part make from $35 to

$50 in two weeks. Fitters, carpenters, blacksmiths and painters are

getting from $2 to $2.50 by the day. Mr. Bozic, the banker, told me

of Croatians and Servians who made as high as $70 in two weeks, and

others who made between $3 and $4 a day--many of them in positions

which once paid English-speaking workmen twice those sums. High and

low are relative terms and they signify very different standards to a

Slav and to an American. But it is a mistake to imagine that the Slav

or Lithuanian cannot adapt himself to modern industrial conditions.

There is considerable of prophecy in the thousands of them already

doing efficient work in the mills. The sooner the English-speaking

workers recognize this and make friends of these workers, the better. No

class of work is now monopolized by Teutons and Kelts, and the service

rendered by the Slav and Lithuanian will before many years equal theirs

in market value.

With this rapid statement of the economic position of the Slavs, we can

more intelligently approach the problem of their living conditions. But

first let us bear sharply in mind that their work is often cast among

dangers; is often inimical to health.

Many work in intense heat, the din of machinery and the noise of

escaping steam. The congested condition of most of the plants in

Pittsburgh adds to the physical discomforts for an out-of-doors people;

while their ignorance of the language and of modern machinery increases

the risk. How many of the Slavs, Lithuanians and Italians are injured

in Pittsburgh in one year is not known. No reliable statistics are

compiled. In their absence people guess, and the mischief wrought

by contradictory and biased statements is met on all hands. When I

mentioned a plant that had a bad reputation to a priest, he said, "Oh,

that is the slaughter-house; they kill them there every day." I quote

him not for his accuracy, but to show how the rumors circulate and are

real to the people themselves. It is undoubtedly true, that exaggerated

though the reports may be, the waste in life and limb is great, and if

it all fell upon the native born a cry would long since have gone up

which would have stayed the slaughter.

Charities and the Commons: The Pittsburgh Survey, Part I. The People · 第 5 / 19 段