into three rooms, and the family lived in the log end on the west. As
the house was not then finished, the General had the walls of the rooms
on the ground floor painted in a tasteful manner, with a picture of the
rising sun over the fireplace.
At that time Samuel Merrick had a family of half-grown children, who
were deeply impressed with passing events, and many traditions have been
handed down to the present generations.
General Greene purchased the confidence of Hannah, a young daughter, by
the gift of a small tea canister, which was kept many years in the
family. They told how the Rhode Island blacksmith lived on the fat of
the land while quartered at the house of their ancestor, devouring his
flock of turkeys, and monopolizing the only fresh milk cow, besides
eating her calf.
At the last supper which General Washington took with General Greene at
the Merrick house, at which the daughter Hannah waited upon the table,
she kept the plate from which the commander-in-chief ate as a memento of
the occasion.
The Hayhurst house, where Sullivan quartered, was on the adjoining farm
to Keith’s, where this plain member of the Wrightstown meeting lived
with his family of five small children.
The Chapman mansion, the quarters of General Knox, is on the north side
of the Jericho Mountain, a mile from Brownsburg. It is still in
excellent condition.
Knox occupied the first floor of the east end, then divided into two
rooms. Alexander Hamilton, then a youthful captain of artillery, lay
sick in the back room.
A considerable portion of the Continental army found shelter in this
neighborhood immediately preceding the attack on Trenton, Christmas Day,
1776, and Washington had his headquarters at a quiet farm house in the
shadow of Jericho Hill.
In August, 1777, the Continental Army tarried thirteen days on the
Neshaminy Hills, Bucks County, on the York road from Coryell’s Ferry,
now New Hope, until it received notice of the departure of the British
fleet, which had recently sailed from New York, and which was destined
for the capture of Philadelphia.
During this time Washington was quartered in the stone house not far
from the north end of the bridge over the Neshaminy, and on the left
side of the York road going south. It was long since known as the
Bothwell home.
A whipping post was erected on the opposite side of the road.
While Washington was quartered in this house Lafayette reported to him
for service in the Continental army; and in it was held the first
council of war at which Lafayette had a seat.
The army marched hence August 22, through Philadelphia, and then engaged
the enemy on the field of Brandywine.
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Railroad Riots in Erie; Bridges Destroyed
December 9, 1853
One of the most interesting and irritating episodes that became
interwoven with the administration of Governor James Pollock was what
was then known as the Erie Riots.
Pollock was seriously handicapped at the outset of his administration by
the only Know Nothing Legislature in the history of the State. Nothing
constructive came out of this session, but a movement was begun which
led to the sale of the Main Line of the public works. In this the
Governor was a strong advocate, and two years later the Legislature
passed the enabling acts by which the Pennsylvania Railroad Company
became the purchaser.
The Erie and Northwestern Railroad Company had built a short line to
connect with the New York Central at Buffalo, and with the Lake Shore
Line at Erie, by which a continuous railway line was made to the West.
The several railroads at that time did not have uniform gauge, and the
road west of Erie was of a different gauge than those east of that city,
which was the most important connecting point; and all passengers and
traffic were required to be transferred at Erie.
The necessities of the growing commerce required that the causes of this
detention in transfer should be removed, both on account of the delay
and the cost of handling of the freight, and the annoyance to the
passengers in changing cars, all of which was because there was a
difference of one or two inches in the gauge of the rails of the two
lines.
The railroads therefore changed the gauge. This action aroused the
hostility of the people of the city of Erie, whose sympathies the
railway company seemed to have generally alienated and the battle
progressed little by little until the entire community became involved
in one of the most disgraceful local conflicts of the history of
Pennsylvania.
On December 9, 1853, two railroad bridges and many crossings were
destroyed by a mob of women, and a great parade of the rioters was held
amid the shouts of their sympathizers and jeers of their opponents.
The people, however, were not all on one side. They were in fact, about
equally divided.
The contending forces were popularly known as “Rippers” and “Shanghais.”
The former term was applied to those who favored the break of the gauge,
as they repeatedly ripped up the tracks of the road.
This contest continued for several years and so completely inflamed the
entire community that the prominent citizens became divided on the issue
and ceased all social intercourse. They even carried that feeling so far
that they would not worship at the same church.
Erie was an important county, and although reliably Whig, all political
ties were disregarded and only those could be elected to the Legislature
who would work for the repeal of the charter of the Erie and
Northwestern Road.
After a long and bitter conflict the bill transferring the custody of
the road to the State was passed and approved by Governor Pollock. The
charter powers passed to the Commonwealth and the road in consequence
was operated by State authorities.
The Governor appointed ex-Congressman Joseph Casey as State
superintendent to operate the road. After struggling for a few months in
vain efforts to harmonize the people and to maintain an open line of
communication between the East and West, he resigned in disgust.
Governor Pollock then appointed General William F. Small, of
Philadelphia, a veteran of the Mexican War and an experienced member of
the State Senate, in the expectation that he would be able to calm down
the belligerents and operate the line. After a few weeks on the job he
resigned. The Governor urged his close friend, Colonel Alexander K.
McClure, of Philadelphia, but formerly of Chambersburg, to assume the
uninviting task.
Colonel McClure was given full authority to handle the situation as he
thought best. He went to Erie and soon won the confidence of leaders of
both factions, with many of whom he already had personal acquaintance.
Lined up against the railroad were such men of importance as Judge James
Thompson, afterward Chief Justice of the State; State Senator James
Skinner, Mr. Morrow B. Lowrey, later a member of the State Senate, and a
large number of men prominent in the business circles of the city.
On the other side were men of like distinction, such as John H. Walker,
former State Senator and president of the last Constitutional
Convention; Senator J. B. Johnson, who was also editor of the
Constitution, one of the leading papers of the city; Milton C.
Courtright, a principal stockholder of the railroad company, and many
others.
Each faction entertained Colonel McClure. The city was in distress; even
its population had dwindled to about 5000. Business was at a standstill.
The only question discussed in the home, shop, store, church or on the
street was the railroad issue.
Colonel McClure endeavored to hold conferences with the leaders, but
when one faction was willing to attend the other rebelled and vice
versa. Finally he worked out a plan by which it appeared the road could
be operated without interference.
Colonel McClure started East on a vacation, but only two days later
received a dispatch stating that rioting had again broken out afresh,
that Senator Johnson’s printing office had been destroyed and the
materials burned in a bonfire on the street.
McClure returned and immediately got into communication with the
leaders. It was learned that the mob spirit was to blame; the leaders
had endeavored to restrain them, but without avail.
Colonel McClure determined that no further efforts be made to harmonize
the difficulty but that he would operate the road if it required a
soldier upon every cross-tie to protect the property, whether the
offenders wore trousers or petticoats.
Two leaders of each faction were invited to the Colonel’s room without
either knowing the others were invited. Judge Thompson arrived on the
hour, and soon ex-Senator Walker entered. Walker and Courtright on the
one side and Thompson and Skinner on the other had had no social,
business or personal intercourse for more than a year.
With unusual diplomacy Colonel McClure induced these leaders to shake
hands and drink a friendly glass with him. Soon the others arrived and
then before many moments the five were enjoying the genial hospitality
of the colonel and the best supper that Brown’s Hotel could furnish. A
game of cards was enjoyed until the sun appeared in the morning, when
they all shook hands, each repaired to his own home and the Erie riots
became only a bit of the history of Pennsylvania.
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Count Zinzindorf, Moravian Church
Founder, Arrives December
10, 1741
Count Zinzindorf arrived in Philadelphia December 10, 1741. He was full
of enthusiasm, eager to preach the gospel to all men. His idea was to
unite all Protestant denominations into a Christian confederacy.
Nicholas Ludwig, Count von Zinzindorf, was born at Dresden, Germany, May
26, 1700. In August, 1727, on his estate at Herrnhut (“The Lord’s
Keeping”), in Saxony, he organized some three hundred persons, emigrants
from Moravia and Bohemia, into a religious organization known
indiscriminately as “The Church of the Brethren” and “Herrnhutters”—the
forerunner of the United Brethren, or Moravian Church in America.
In 1733 this society had become a distinct Church and in 1737,
Zinzindorf was consecrated Bishop, and was the “Advocate” of the Church
until his death.
He came to America to inspect the Moravian establishments in general
here, and especially to acquaint himself with the fruits of the
Brethren’s labors among the Indians. He certainly did not come to this
country with a view of founding Moravian congregations.
The nobleman’s activity consisted chiefly in preaching in Philadelphia
and the neighborhood, and holding seven synods or free meetings of all
denominations, most of them at Germantown, each lasting two or three
days. These meetings were without practical results, but they surely
served to awaken a greater interest in religious matters.
December 31, 1741, he appeared for the first time in an American pulpit,
preaching to a large congregation in the German Reformed Church at
Germantown. A few months later the Hon. James Logan wrote to a friend
concerning Zinzindorf as follows:
“He speaks Latin and French, is aged I suppose between forty and fifty
years, wears his own hair and is in all other respects very plain as
making the propagation of the gospel his whole purpose and business.”
Zinzindorf’s stay in this country was a period of varied and strenuous
activity. Few men could have accomplished in the same time what he did.
Dr. Gill, in his “Life of Zinzindorf,” says the Count gave the Indians
among whom he went on his several missionary tours “a practical insight
into the religion he came to teach by simply leading a Christian life
among them; and, when favorable impressions had thus been made and
inquiry was excited, he preached the leading truths of the gospel,
taking care not to put more things into their heads than their hearts
could lay hold of. His mode of approaching them was carefully adapted to
their distinctive peculiarities.”
Early in the spring of 1741 David Zeisberger and his son David, John
Martin, Mack and some four or five more of the Moravian Brethren, who
had already established several missions in this country, began a new
missionary settlement near the “Forks” of the Delaware, on land derived
from William Allen, Esq., of Philadelphia, and lying at the confluence
of the Lehigh River and Monacasy Creek, in Buck’s (now Northampton)
County.
On Christmas Eve of the same year this settlement received the name of
“Bethlehem” from Count Zinzindorf, who had arrived there a few days
previously. Ever since then Bethlehem has been the headquarters in this
country of the Moravian Church, now known as the “Church of the United
Brethren in the United States of America.”
From Bethlehem and other Moravian mission stations the Brethren went out
among the Indians, making converts and establishing new missions. The
Indian wars had hardened the hearts of the New England Puritans against
the aborigines, and it was left to the Moravians to preach a gentler
creed to the Indians.
In May, 1742, Zinzindorf was called by the Lutherans of Philadelphia to
be their pastor, but he declined, as he intended to journey to the
Indian country.
Reverend John C. Pyrlaeus, a minister of the Moravian Church, was called
in his stead. There was a strong faction in the Lutheran Church hostile
to the Moravians, and July 9, 1742, Pyrlaeus was forcibly ejected by a
gang of ruffians from the church. Some of the congregation followed him,
and this event led to the erection of the First Moravian Church in
Philadelphia. Zinzindorf paid for its erection out of his own purse.
August 3, 1742, Count Zinzindorf visited Conrad Weiser at his home, on
Tulpehocken, and there met the chief deputies of the Six Nations and
some other Indians, who had been at the Philadelphia conference, and on
their way home were paying Weiser a visit. Among them were Shikellamy
and Canassatego.
With those chiefs the Count ratified a covenant of friendship in behalf
of the Brethren, stipulating for permission for the latter to pass to
and from and sojourn within the domains of the Iroquois Confederacy; not
as strangers, but as friends and without suspicion, until such times as
they should have “mutually learned each other’s peculiarities.”
In reply to the speech made by Zinzindorf, Canassatego said: “Brother,
you have journeyed a long way from beyond the sea in order to preach to
the white people and the Indians. You did not know we were here (at
Tulpehocken). We had no knowledge of your coming. The Great Spirit has
brought us together. Come to our people; you shall be welcome. Take this
fathom of wampum; it is a token that our words are true.”
This “fathom” was composed of 186 white wampums, and was preserved by
the Brethren for a long time, and was often used in conference with
Indians.
September 24, 1742, Zinzindorf and Weiser set out on horseback for
Shamokin and Wyoming. They were also accompanied by the Count’s
daughter, Benigna, Anna Nitschmann, two Indians and John Martin Mack.
The Count kept a journal of his trip which is most interesting. The
little company spent several days the guests of the great vicegerent,
Shikellamy at Shamokin (now Sunbury), and then proceeded along the West
Branch to what is now Montoursville, where they met the celebrated
Madame Montour and her son, Andrew.
The Count and his companions remained with the Montours for four days,
during which several religious services were held.
The party left October 9, under the guidance of Andrew Montour, and at
the mouth of Warrior Run they took a southeasterly direction, striking
the North Branch at what is now Bloomsburg, and thence traveled to
Wyoming.
During his stay at this place they were several times seriously
threatened by Indians, and Weiser finally persuaded the missionaries to
depart, which they did on October 30. Zinzindorf returned to Bethlehem
via Shamokin, arriving there November 8.
January 20, 1743, Count Zinzindorf set sail from New York for Dover,
England, and never returned to this country. He died at Herrnhut May 9,
1760. He was the author of many sermons, hymns, catechisms and a number
of controversial and devotional works. He published more than 100 works
of prose and verse.
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General Washington Praises Lydia Darrah
to Congress December 11, 1777
When the British army held possession of Philadelphia, September 26,
1777, to June 19, 1778, General Howe’s headquarters were in Second
Street, the fourth door below Spruce, in a house which was before
occupied by General John Cadwallader. Directly opposite resided William
and Lydia Darrah, members of the Society of Friends.
A superior officer of the British Army, believed to be the adjutant
general, fixed upon one of the chambers in the Darrah home, a back room,
for holding private conferences, and two or more officers, frequently
met there, by candle light, and remained long in consultation.
On December 2, 1777, the adjutant general told Lydia Darrah that they
would be in the room at seven o’clock that evening; they would remain
late, and that he wished the family to retire early to bed, adding that
when they were going away they would call her to let them out and to
extinguish their candles and fire.
She accordingly sent all the family to bed, but as the high officer had
been so particular, her womanly curiosity was excited. She removed her
shoes, and walked quietly to the door, when she placed her ear to the
keyhole and listened to the conversation of the officers, which was held
in subdued tones. She overheard the reading of an order which was to
call out all the British troops on the evening of the 4th to attack
General Washington’s army, then encamped at White Marsh.
On hearing this news she returned in her chamber and lay down. Soon
after the officer knocked at the door, but she rose only at the third
summons, having feigned herself asleep. Her mind was so much agitated
that she could neither eat nor sleep, supposing it to be in her power to
save the lives of thousands of her fellow-countrymen, but not knowing
how she was to convey the information to General Washington, not even
daring to communicate it to her husband.
The time left, however, was short. She must act promptly. She determined
to make her way quickly as possible to the American outposts. In the
early morning she informed her family that, as she was in need of flour,
she would go to Frankford for some. Her husband insisted that she take
her maid servant with her, but to his surprise she politely refused.
She got access to General Howe and solicited a pass through the British
line, which was readily granted. Leaving her bag at the mill, she
hastened toward the American lines and encountered on her way an
American lieutenant colonel by the name of Craig, of the Light Horse,
who, with some of his men, was on the lookout for information.
The officer recognized Mrs. Darrah as an acquaintance, and inquired
where she was going. She answered, in quest of her son, an officer in
the American Army, and prayed that the colonel might alight and walk
with her. He did so, ordering his troops to keep in sight.
To Colonel Craig she disclosed her secret after having obtained from him
a solemn promise never to betray her individually, as her life might be
at stake with the British.
The colonel conducted her to a house near at hand, directed something be
given her to eat, and he then hastened with all possible speed to
headquarters, where he immediately acquainted General Washington with
what he had heard.
Washington put in motion every possible preparation to baffle the
meditated surprise.
Mrs. Darrah obtained her flour and returned home; sat up alone to watch
the movement of the British troops, heard their footsteps as they
silently marched away; but when they returned a few days after, she did
not dare to ask a question, though solicitous to learn of the event.
The following evening the adjutant general came to the house and
requested Mrs. Darrah to walk up to his room, as he wished to put some
questions to her.
She followed him in terror; and when he locked the door and begged her,
with an air of mystery, to be seated, she was sure that she was either
suspected or betrayed.
He inquired earnestly whether any of her family was up the last night
when he and the other officers met. She assured him that they all
retired at 8 o’clock. He then observed:
“I know you were asleep, for I knocked at your chamber door three times
before you heard me. I am entirely at a loss to imagine who gave General
Washington information of our intended attack, unless the walls of the
house could speak. When we arrived near White Marsh we found all their
cannon mounted and the troops prepared to receive us, and we have
marched back like a parcel of fools.”
Among the published correspondence of General Washington is a letter
written by him, addressed Headquarters, Whitemarsh, 10 December, 1777,
which is as follows:
“Sir—I have the honor to inform you that in the course of last week,
from a variety of intelligence, I had reason to expect that General Howe
was preparing to give us a general action. Accordingly, on Thursday
night he moved from the city with all his force, except a very
inconsiderable part left in his lines and redoubts, and appeared the
next morning on Chestnut Hill, in front of, and about three miles
distant from, our right wing.
“As soon as our position was discovered, the Pennsylvania militia were
ordered from our right, to skirmish with their light advanced parties;
and I am sorry to mention, that Brigadier General Irvine, who led them
on, had the misfortune to be wounded and to be taken prisoner. Nothing
more occurred on that day.
“On Friday night the enemy changed their ground, and moved to our left
within a mile of our line, where they remained quiet and advantageously
posted the whole of the next day.
“On Sunday they inclined still further to our left; and, from every
appearance there was reason to apprehend they were determined on an
action. In this movement their advanced and flanking parties were warmly
attacked by Colonel Morgan and his corps and also by the Maryland
militia under Colonel Gist. Their loss I cannot ascertain; but I am
informed it was considerable.
“On Monday afternoon they began to move again, and instead of advancing,
filed off from their right; and the first certain account that I could
obtain of their intentions was, that they were in full march toward
Philadelphia.
“The enemy’s loss, as I have observed, I cannot ascertain. One account
from the city is that 500 wounded had been sent in; another is that
eighty-two wagons had gone in with men in this situation. These, I fear,
are both exaggerated, and not to be depended upon. We lost twenty-seven
men in Morgan’s corps, killed and wounded, besides Major Morris, a brave
and gallant officer, who is among the latter.”
In a second letter to Congress, dated Headquarters near the Guelph, 11,
December, 1777, General Washington referred to the bravery of a
Pennsylvanian as being the means of saving the army. There is hardly a
doubt but that he had in mind the brave action of Lydia Darrah, one of
the heroines of our country.
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Federal Constitution Adopted by Pennsylvania
December 12, 1787
The establishment of a free nation resulted through the close of the war
of independence, yet it also brought anxious solicitude to every
patriot’s mind, and this state of apprehension increased with each
succeeding year.
The State debts operated severely on all classes, to meet the payment of
which was impossible. This and kindred troubles, financial and
governmental, impressed the people with the gloomy conviction that the
great work of independence was only half done. It was felt that above
all things a definite and organic form of government—reflecting the will
of the people—should be fixed upon, to give energy to national power and
success to individual and public enterprise.
So portentous a crisis as this formed another epoch for the display of
the intellectual and political attainments of American statesmen, and
the ordeal was one through which they passed with the highest honor and
with ever-enduring fame at home and abroad.