the Constitution, and apply its injunction to the best use of society,
we shall find it a source of the richest blessings. We would earnestly
recommend this to you. Give it a fair and honest trial; and if after
all, at the end of another seven years, it shall be found necessary or
proper to introduce any changes, they may then be brought in, and
established upon a full conviction of their usefulness, with harmony and
good temper, without noise, tumult, or violence.”
A majority of the members favored amending the Constitution, so that the
Legislature should consist of a house of representatives of 100 members
and a legislative council of twenty-nine members; that the executive
power be vested in a Governor with a veto power; that the Judges should
be appointed by the Governor to serve during good behavior, with fixed
salaries and that the Council of Censors should be abolished.
Twelve Councilors favored and nine opposed these amendments, a
two-thirds vote could not be had. The majority issued an appeal, as did
the minority. Then followed a pamphlet war on the action of the
convention, lasting all summer. It was not, however, especially bitter.
On resuming its sessions the Council then assumed its rights under the
Constitution, but could arrive at no definite conclusion, and finally
resolved “that there does not appear to this Council an absolute
necessity to call a convention to alter or explain or amend the
Constitution.” This report was adopted by a vote of 14 to 8, a marked
change in the opinion of some of the censors since their previous
action.
This change was occasioned by the people. A petition signed by 18,000
persons had been sent to the Council of Censors, opposing all changes in
the Constitution. Then, too, George Bryan had been elected from
Philadelphia to fill the vacancy caused by the resignation of a
Conservative. Bryan was a radical of the radicals, and his election was
sensed as an indication of the drift of public sentiment.
President Muhlenberg admitted early in the summer that the Conservatives
were beaten, and attributed it to the “blind passion and mad party
spirit of the common crowd.” General Joseph Reed thought their chief
mistake was in presenting too many amendments. Bryan was severely
attacked, and was characterized as the censor general of Pennsylvania.
In justification of their cause the censors simply issued an address to
the people and then adjourned. They admitted that there were defects in
the Constitution, but they could not agree on the changes. Even this
address lacked unanimity, for twelve voted for it and nine opposed it.
Thus the Constitution, which had been assailed so long, weathered the
first storm and still remained unchanged.
The discontent with the Constitution did not die with the inaction of
the censors. The old confederation was now expiring and the chaos was
becoming darker than ever. Finally when all authority was gone, and the
people had suffered enough for the lack of it, they were willing to
adopt another constitution containing the principles of enduring life.
The movement that led to the ratification of the Federal Constitution by
Pennsylvania gave the proponents of a new constitution the suggestion
that a convention should be called to adopt another constitution for
Pennsylvania.
The necessary steps were then taken, and the Legislature, acting upon
petitions addressed to it, after many heated debates, reported the
resolutions from the Committee of the Whole with favorable
recommendations.
By this time it was clearly evident the majority of the people desired
this in preference to a new Constitution made by the Council of Censors.
Furthermore, the Bill of Rights recognized the people as possessed of
all the necessary powers in the premises. The report recommended a plan
for the election of members to the proposed convention, and method of
procedure. The resolution was adopted by a vote of 39 to 17.
The learned members of the Council of Censors did not agree; indeed,
there was a strong and general feeling, especially among the most
influential and intelligent, that the Constitution of 1776 was
inadequate, and was still more so since the close of the war, when the
situation was entirely changed. On November 24, 1789, the convention met
to revise the Constitution.
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Indian Outrages in Berks County Began
November 14, 1755
The first violent outbreak by the Indians in Berks County, after the
defeat of General Braddock in July, 1775, occurred in the vicinity of
Deitrick Six’s plantation, near what is now the village of Millersburg,
in Bethel Township. This tragedy occurred November 14, 1755.
Conrad Weiser, who resided in what is now Womeldsdorf, frequently
accompanied bands of friendly Indians on important missions to
Philadelphia, but after many cruel murders had been committed upon the
settlers, the inhabitants turned against Weiser, believing him to be
protecting Indians who did not deserve it.
The redskins all looked alike to the sturdy settlers, who so frequently
lost their own lives, or those of their dear ones, or suffered the
destruction of their homes and barns at the hands of these treacherous
savages.
There is no doubt of the loyalty of Colonel Weiser and his brave sons,
who were ever on the alert to help others in distress or travel to the
seat of government and plead the cause of the less fortunate.
Upon his return home from a trip to Philadelphia, while the trusted
Chief Scarouady and his friendly Delaware Indians were still under the
shelter of Weiser’s roof, his two sons, Philip and Frederic, just home
from a scouting expedition, related the story of the terrible massacre,
which they had received from the lips of those who felt the cruel blow,
but escaped death at the hands of the Indians.
The story they related to their father was immediately sent by him to
Governor Morris. The facts are of interest.
Six of the settlers were on the road going to Deitrick Six’s plantation
when a party of Indians fired upon them. The frightened white men
hurried toward a watchhouse, a half mile distant, but were ambushed
before reaching their haven of refuge and three of the party were killed
and scalped. A man named Ury shot an Indian through the heart and his
body was dragged off by the savages, but it was found by the whites the
next day, when a dead Indian lost his scalp.
After this attack the Indians divided themselves in two parties. The one
prowling around the watchhouse overtook some settlers fleeing toward
that place, when they killed three of them, making six of the
inhabitants killed by the Indians within an hour’s time.
On the following night the Indians crept up in the darkness to the home
of Thomas Bower, on Swatara Creek, pushed their guns through a window
and killed a cobbler, who was at work repairing a shoe. They also set
fire to Bower’s house before being driven away.
The Bower family sought refuge through the night in the home of Daniel
Snyder, a neighbor, and returning to their home in the morning, they saw
four skulking Indians running away, who had with them the scalps just
taken from the heads of three children, two being yet alive. They also
ran across the body of a woman who had just been killed, with a
two-weeks old baby under her body, but unhurt.
Colonel Weiser dispatched a second letter the same day to Governor
Morris in which he wrote:
“That night after my arrival from Philadelphia, Emanuel Carpenter and
Simon Adam Kuhn, Esqr’s., came to my House and lodged with me. They
acquainted me that a meeting was appointed of the people of Tulpenhacon
and Heidelberg and adjacent places in Tulpenhacon Township at Benjamin
Spicker’s early next morning. I made all the haste with the Indians I
could, and gave them a letter to Thos. McKee, to furnish them with
necessaries for their journey. Scarouady had no creature to ride on. I
gave him one.
“Before I could get done with the Indians 3 or 4 Men came from Benja.
Spickers to warn the Indians not to go that way, for the People were so
enraged against all the Indians & would kill them without distinction. I
went with them; so did the Gentlemen before named.
“When we came near Benjamin Spickers I saw about 400 or 500 men, and
there was loud noise, I rode before, and in riding along the road and
armed men on both Sides of the Road I heard some say, why must we be
killed by the Indians and we not kill them? Why are our Hands so tied?
“I got the Indians to the House with much adoe, where I treated them
with a small Dram, and so parted in Love and Friendship. Capt’n
Diefenbach undertook to conduct them, with five other men, to the
Susquehanna. After this a sort of a counsel of war was held by the
officers present, the before named and other Freeholders.
“It was agreed that 150 men should be raised immediately to serve as out
scouts, and as Guards at Certain Places under the Kittitany Hills for 40
days. That those so raised to have 2 Shillings a Day & 2 Pounds of
Bread, 2 Pounds of Beaff and a Jill of Rum, and Powder and lead. Arms
they must find themselves.
“This Scheme was signed by a good many Freeholders and read to the
People. They cried out that so much for an Indian Scalp would they have,
be they Friends or Enemies, from the Governor. I told them I had no such
Power from the Governor nor Assembly. They began, some to Curse the
Governor; some the Assembly; called me a Traitor of the Country who held
with the Indians, and must have known this murder beforehand. I sat in
the House by a Lowe window, some of my friends came to pull me away from
it, telling me some of the people threatened to shoot me.
“I offered to go out to the People and either Pasefy them or make the
King’s Proclamation: But those in the House with me would not let me go
out. The cry was, The Land was betrayed and sold. The Common People from
Lancaster (now Lebanon County) were the worst. The Wages they said was a
Trifle and some Body pocketed the Rest, and they would resent it. Some
Body had put it in their Head that I had it in my power to give them as
much as I pleased. I was in Danger of being Shot to Death.
“In the mean Time a great smoke arose under Tulpenhacon Mountain, with
the news following that the Indians had committed a murder on Mill Creek
(a false alarm) and set fire to a Barn, most of the People Ran, and
those that had Horses Rode off without any Order or Regulation. I then
took my Horse and went Home, where I intend to stay and defend my own
House as long as I can. The People of Tulpenhacon all fled; till about 6
or 7 miles from me some few remains. Another such attack will lay all
the Country waste on the West side of Schuylkill.”
There is undoubted sarcasm in Colonel Weiser’s account of how the people
fled upon the first faint rumor of an Indian attack, after they had made
mob threats against him, yet the gravity of the situation cannot be
questioned.
The principal inhabitants sent a petition to the Governor, November 24,
in which they recited their distress and accurately stated the lack of
order and discipline among the people. They believed a reward should be
offered for Indian scalps.
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Indian Shoots at Major Washington While
on Important Mission November
15, 1753
George Washington had several very narrow escapes from tragic death a
long time before he led the Continental Army through the eight years of
the Revolution, and on one occasion was actually shot at by a
treacherous Indian guide.
Late in the year of 1753 Governor Dinwiddie dispatched Major Washington
on an important mission to the Ohio River, in Pennsylvania, where he was
to convene the Indian chiefs at Logstown, learn from them the designs
and strength of the French; then proceed to the principal French post,
present his credentials and in the name of his Britannic Majesty demand
the object of their invasion.
He departed from Williamsburg, the seat of Government of Virginia, on
October 31, 1753. The route he was to pursue was about 560 miles in
great part over high and rugged mountains, and more than half of the way
through the heart of the wilderness, where no traces of civilization as
yet appeared.
He arrived at Wills Creek, November 15, when John Davidson, an Indian
interpreter, and Jacob Vanbraam, a Dutchman, but acquainted with the
French language, were employed to accompany him. He was also fortunate
in securing the services of Christopher Gist, a surveyor and guide, who
was always his companion on this mission.
At length they arrived at the forks of the Ohio, where Pittsburgh now
stands. Washington was impressed with the advantages it afforded as a
military post.
They hastened to Logstown, twenty miles below the forks, where
Washington held conferences with Shingas, Lawmolach and Monakatuatha,
the Half-King. The latter had been sent by several tribes to the
headquarters of French, and he related to Washington the substance of
the speech he made on that mission.
Washington made a speech to the chiefs, and gave them a belt of wampum.
The Indians consulted and made a friendly reply and promised an escort
as soon as their young warriors would return from hunting, but
Washington could not wait and on November 30, his party set out,
accompanied by four Indians only, Half-King being of the number.
The post of the French Commandant was 120 miles distant and they arrived
there December 11.
M. de St. Pierre, the commandant, promised immediate attention to the
letter from Governor Dinwiddie and provided for the comfort of Major
Washington and his party. During the two days the French officers were
framing an answer, Washington examined the fort, and made accurate
description of its form and size.
Washington and Gist clad themselves in Indian dress and set out on foot,
leaving the weak and miserable horses to transport the baggage as best
they could.
The next day an adventure occurred which is well narrated by Mr. Gist in
his diary:
“We rose early in the morning, and set out about two o clock, and got to
the Murdering Town on the southeast fork of Beaver Creek. Here we met
with an Indian, whom I thought I had seen at Joncaire’s, at Venango,
when on our journey up to the French fort.
“This fellow called me by an Indian name, and pretended to be glad to
see me. He asked us several questions, as, how we came to travel on
foot, when we left Venango, where we parted with our horses, and when
they would be there. Major Washington insisted on traveling by the
nearest way to the Forks of the Allegheny. We asked the Indian if he
could go with us and show us the nearest way. The Indian seemed very
glad, and ready to go with us; upon which we set out, and the Indian
took the Major’s pack.
“We traveled very brisk for eight or ten miles, when the Major’s feet
grew very sore. The Major desired to encamp; upon which the Indian asked
to carry his gun, but he refused. Then the Indian grew churlish, and
pressed us to keep on, telling us there were Ottawa Indians in those
woods, and they would scalp us if we lay out; but go to his cabin and we
should be safe.
“I thought very ill of the fellow, but did not care to let the Major
know I mistrusted him. But he soon mistrusted him as much as I did. The
Indian said he could hear a gun from his cabin and steered up more
northwardly. We grew uneasy and then he said two whoops might be heard
from his cabin. We went two miles farther. Then the Major said he would
stay at the next water.
“We desired the Indian to stop at the next water, but before we came to
water, we came to a clear meadow. It was very light and snow was on the
ground.
“The Indian made a stop and turned about. The Major saw him point his
gun towards us and he fired. Said the Major, ‘Are you shot?’ ‘No,’ said
I; upon which the Indian ran forward to a big standing light oak and
began loading his gun, but we were soon with him. I would have killed
him, but the Major would not suffer me. We let him charge his gun. We
found he put in a ball; then we took care of him. Either the Major or I
always stood by the guns. We made him make a fire for us by a little
run, as if we intended to sleep there.”
The Indian was sent ahead to his cabin and Washington and Gist traveled
all night, reaching Piny Creek in the morning.
Whether it was the intention of the Indian to kill either of them can
only be conjectured. The circumstances were extremely suspicious. Major
Washington hints at this incident in his journal.
The next night, at dusk, the travelers came to the Allegheny River, a
little above Shannopino, where they expected to cross over on the ice.
In that they were disappointed, the river being frozen only a few yards
on each side, and a great body of broken ice driving rapidly down the
current.
There was no way of getting over the river but on a raft, which they set
about to build with the aid of but one poor hatchet. They worked hard
all day and finished the raft just after sundown. They launched their
raft, got aboard and pushed off. But before they got to midstream they
got caught in an ice jam. Washington set his pole in an effort to stop
the raft, but the current threw the raft against his pole with much
violence and he was hurled out into ten feet of water. He fortunately
saved himself by grabbing hold of a raft log, and was assisted aboard by
his companions, but in spite of all their efforts they could not get the
raft to either shore, but were obliged to land on a small island and
encamp for the night.
Mr. Gist’s hands and feet were frozen and their sufferings through the
night were extreme. The ice had formed during the night of sufficient
thickness to bear their weight, and they crossed over without accident,
and the same day traveled about ten miles, reaching a trading post
established by John Frazier, at Turtle Creek, near the spot where
eighteen months afterward was fought the memorable battle of the
Monongahela.
Anxious to hasten back and report to Governor Dinwiddie the result of
his mission, Major Washington and Mr. Gist recrossed the Allegheny
Mountains to Gist’s house on Wills Creek and thence Washington proceeded
with dispatch to Williamsburg, where he arrived on January 16, 1754,
having been absent eleven weeks.
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John Binns, English Political Prisoner,
American Politician and Editor, Died
November 16, 1860
John Binns was one of the most influential citizens of the State during
the quarter century of which the War of 1812 might be considered the
central period. He was a politician, but more than all else an editor,
who was a fearless and trenchant writer.
Binns had experienced a stormy life in England before he came to
America. He was born December 22, 1772, in the city of Dublin, Ireland,
and received a fair education at an English school.
April, 1794, he went to London and soon became a member of the London
Corresponding Society, an event which gave much color to his future
life. This society was the leading opposition to the Crown and many of
its members were arrested and tried for high treason. Binns was an
officer and most active member, and was soon in trouble, being arrested,
March 11, 1796, while making an address in Birmingham, and imprisoned in
“The Dungeon,” charged with “delivering seditious and inflammatory
lectures.”
Binns was mixed up in the movement of the United Irishmen to have France
make an invasion of Ireland. He was arrested four times for the same
offense, and was sentenced to Clerkwell Prison. Soon as he was
liberated, he was again arrested for high treason, and sent to the Tower
of London, where he was confined under a strict watch.
After a number of trials he was freed, only to be again arrested, and
confined in Gloucester prison, where he was ill-treated. On his
liberation he embarked, July 1, 1801, for the United States and landed
in Baltimore September 1.
Upon his arrival at Baltimore, he hired three wagons, loaded them with
his personal effects, and set out, on foot to accompany them to
Northumberland, where he proposed to reside. At Harrisburg he hired a
boat, and helped push it up the Susquehanna. At Northumberland he joined
Dr. Joseph Priestley and Judge Thomas Cooper, two former Englishmen, who
had sought refuge there.
Dr. Priestley lived an ideal life of peace and usefulness in
Northumberland, but Dr. Cooper, the most learned man of his time, a
Judge, president of two different colleges, and renowned chemist, was so
violent in his politics that he was imprisoned for a libel on President
John Adams.
On July 4, 1802, John Binns delivered an oration, which was printed in
the Northumberland Gazette, the only paper published beyond Harrisburg,
in the State, at that time. The many criticisms of this oration led to a
lengthy newspaper controversy, and finally resulted in John Binns
establishing at Northumberland the Republican Argus, which soon became
one of the best and most widely known papers in Pennsylvania.
John Binns, from that date and for many years thereafter, became a
dominant factor in politics. About this time he fought a duel, near
Milton, with a man from Williamsport, named Samuel Stewart, which was
one of the last duels fought on Pennsylvania soil.
In January, 1807, he was urged by the influential Democrats to remove
from Northumberland to Philadelphia and to establish a newspaper there.
The Aurora had lost its punch; William J. Duane was losing his grip as a
leader, and Binns’ power and influence were in the ascendent.
Binns yielded to these solicitations and the first number of the
Democratic Press appeared in Philadelphia March 27, 1807. He was advised
against using the world “Democratic” in his paper’s title, and later
took much satisfaction in having started the first paper anywhere
published under the name. He claimed the title of his paper led to the
change of the party name to “Democratic.”
Binns was an ardent friend and admirer of Simon Snyder, then Speaker of
the House of Representatives. Governor McKean defeated Snyder, “the
Pennsylvania Dutchman,” but the latter was again returned to the House
and elected Speaker.
Snyder was again nominated in 1808. During this campaign Binns wrote a
series of letters, over the signature of “One of the People,” addressed
to Governor McKean, which were published in all the Democratic
newspapers of the State, and also in pamphlets.
Binns had no sooner arrived in Philadelphia than he had a clash with Dr.
Michael Leib, who had been the autocratic political leader, but for some
years with lessening power.
The Democratic Press openly opposed Dr. Leib’s candidacy for re-election
to the General Assembly, claiming the doctor was the cause of the
dissensions among the Republican Party. Leib was elected, but by a much
reduced majority than the other Republican candidate received, and Duane
was defeated for the Senate. The Aurora groaned aloud at this “first
Federal triumph” since Jefferson’s election.
From its first issue Binn’s paper was highly successful. It soon was
published daily. Its circulation increased rapidly and in the same
proportion the Aurora began to lose subscribers.
The power of Binns was increased in the election of Simon Snyder as
Governor in 1808. Duane and Leib were, at heart, opposed to Snyder, but
could not stem the tide and supported him.
Dr. Leib was elected to the United States Senate in 1809, but Duane was
not pleased with Governor Snyder. The Press defended him. The Aurora
criticized his conduct and was soon in opposition in all that he did. By
August the Aurora threatened the Governor with impeachment, and in
October announced he should never again be Governor.
Binns called the Aurora and its supporters “The Philadelphia Junto,” and
they soon joined with the Federalists. Binns already was in favor of a
war with England, and he was active in pledging support to the
Administration.
In 1811, Governor Snyder was overwhelmingly re-elected, and by 1812
Binns was even stronger as a leader, possibly increased by his war
enthusiasm. The Democratic Press published strong articles on the war,
while the Aurora was silent.
In fall of 1813 the Democrats were successful, but in 1814, though
Snyder was elected for a third term by 20,000 votes over Wayne, and the
State Legislature was strongly Democratic, yet the Federalists were
largely successful in Philadelphia.
Leib was appointed postmaster at Philadelphia in February, 1814, but the
opposition was too strong and he was removed, and passed off the
political stage. Duane, who was supreme for a time, antagonized large
numbers of his party, and finally yielded to Binns, who completely took
from him his power.
Binns was an aid on the staff of Governor Snyder, with rank of
Lieutenant Colonel and was actively engaged during the War of 1812–14.