MR. BRECKINRIDGE said, the subject for discussion this evening by two
appointments, was the great cause of colonization, as it presented
itself in America; and he was aware that of all the parts of the
subject of these discussions there were none on which their opinions
were more decidedly made up against what he believed to be the truth.
It was, therefore, peculiarly embarrassing for him to enter upon the
subject, but he did so with that frankness and candor with which he
had entered upon the other topics of discussion; and if he would not
show them sufficient reason to commend the principle of colonization
to their minds and feelings, he could only expect that they should
remain of their present opinions. The scheme of colonization was not a
new one in America. It had been spoken of 40 or 50 years ago, by him
who in his day ranked next to the father of his country in the
affections of the American people, Mr. Jefferson, before he filled the
president's chair, while he was president, and afterwards occupied his
thoughts with this great scheme. Being himself a decided enemy to
slavery, he tried to rouse the minds of his countrymen to the
advantages which would arise from the colonizing of the free blacks of
America on some part of the Western coast of Africa. With this view he
entered into negotiations with the Sierra Leone Company in this
country, to receive into their colony free people of color from
America; and he also had applied to the Portuguese government, at that
time a large African proprietor, for a place where the free blacks
might be allowed to colonize themselves. Whether these efforts, which
were applauded and aided by many wise and good men, deserved to be
praised or blamed, was not the topic to be taken up at present; but
they showed that the scheme was one which could not be called a new
scheme. This proposal of colonizing the free blacks of America on the
West coast of Africa had obtained the approbation of nine tenths of
all those throughout America who took any interest in the fate of the
black race: for even the great bulk of those who were now in favor of
"abolitionism," were at one time the friends of colonization. Whether
they had good or bad reasons for the change which had taken place in
their opinions, would be more apparent, perhaps, when they arrived at
the end of the discussion. It was in the course of the years 1822 or
1823 that the first colonists were sent out from America. He might not
be perfectly accurate in his dates, as he gave them from memory, but
the present argument did not depend on exact accuracy in that respect.
The society for promoting the colonization scheme was organized some
years before the date stated above, when an expedition was sent out to
explore the coast of Africa with a view to establishing the colony;
and afterwards another to purchase territory; and then the colonists
were sent out, which he believed took place for the first time after
1820. The society continued to pursue the scheme for a period of 9 or
10 years, and met with no opposition except from some parties in the
extreme South; but had the concurrence of almost all the wise, the
good, and the benevolent in America. It was not till about 1830 that
any very violent opposition was made to the society's operations; and
he believed Mr. Garrison was among the first who opposed it, on the
ground that its operations were injurious to the interests of the
colored race in America. Mr. Arthur Tappan also seceded from the
society about the same time, but upon different grounds from Garrison.
His opposition arose from the society's not taking up his ground in
reference to Temperance. He had no hesitation in saying that Mr.
Tappan was right, and that the society was wrong; as they did not go
far enough in regard to this point. He the more readily admitted that
in this particular Mr. Tappan's views were right, as he was wrong in
every other point which he assumed in reference to the society. But it
was not till about 1832, that an organized opposition to the society
began to manifest itself. In 1833 the American Anti-Slavery Society
was established, one of the fundamental principles of which, and
perhaps the one they most zealously propagated, was uncompromising
hostility to the colonization scheme. In the progress of events too,
it turned out that all the friends of colonization did not see alike
on all parts of the subject. Many of them thought that the interests
involved were too important and too great to be left to a single board
of management or staked on a single series of experiments. Some
considered that one general principle of operation could not be made
broad enough for the circumstances of all the states, and hence arose
several separate societies,--as that of Maryland, organized on
peculiar principles, which have direct reference to general
emancipation; and as those of New York and Philadelphia, which have
founded a colony on principles of peace,--the temperance principle
being held equally by them and the Maryland society. The general
society at Washington assumed the ground of colonizing, on the West
coast of Africa with their own consent, persons of color from America
who were of good character, and who were free at the time of their
being sent out. The Maryland Society went a step farther. They saw
that the colonization scheme would have a reflection favorable to
emancipation; and they carried on their operations with a direct and
avowed reference to the ultimate emancipation of the slaves in that
state. The New York and Philadelphia societies were founded, as I have
above said, on the principles of temperance and peace--the former
principle being common also to the Maryland scheme. The united
societies of New York and Philadelphia first took 120 slaves who had
been manumitted by the late Dr. Hawes, of Va., and formed them into a
colony. The Parent Society's territory in Africa was called Liberia.
It was about 100 leagues in length along the coast, about 10 or 15
leagues deep, and there were 5 or 6 settlements, all under the general
control of that society. There were in them all about 4,000 colonists,
a great portion of whom were manumitted slaves. The colony of the
Maryland Society was farther South than that of the Parent Society. It
was situated on that point of the coast called Cape Palmas, and was
itself called Maryland in Africa. It was under the charge of a board
of management in Maryland, and consisted at this time of between two
and three hundred colonists, who were chiefly manumitted slaves. The
other colony, that belonging to the New York and Philadelphia Society,
was at Bassa Cove, and was under the charge of the directors of that
society. There were in all about 5000 colonists under the charge of
these societies. For the first few years of the existence of the
Parent Society, it was supported by a number of gentlemen for
different reasons. At the commencement it was not perhaps perfectly
clear how it might operate. Some advocated the cause and supported the
interests of the society, on the principles of direct humanity to the
free colored persons of America. Others again supported it as
calculated to produce collateral effects favorable to the slaves, and
the general cause of emancipation in the country. Others on the ground
that it would enable the country to get rid of the colored population,
without much reference to what might be the result to the colored
population themselves; just as if in England there were individuals
who would promote emigration, to get the country rid of those who were
as they supposed given to idleness and a burden upon the country.
There may have been some who supported the society from an actual love
for slavery, and as a means which they supposed might lessen some of
the evils by which it was accompanied. During the first years of the
society's operations, many thousands of speeches were delivered, and
many hundreds of pamphlets were published about the society, its
operations, and their effects; and it was quite possible that Mr.
Thompson might be able to bring forward some sentences and scraps from
the speeches of a slave-owner, who looked upon the society as a means
of perpetuating slavery in America; or he might produce some speech,
in which the society was supported as a means of ridding the country
of the free people of color, no matter what became of them afterward.
But it was uncandid and unjust to take this plan of opposing the
cause; because it was well known that whatever might be the case in
particular instances, the general fact was, that the great majority of
the supporters of the society had always supported it, because of the
good effects they anticipated from it in favor of ultimate
emancipation, as well as its present and immense benefits to the free
blacks. Now I challenge Mr. Thompson to the plain admission, or the
plain denial of these statements. If he denies them I am content; for
in that case, he will stand convicted in America, for the denial of
that which every man, woman and child there knows to be true. If he
admits my statements to be substantially true, then the entire point
of the charges brought by him and his friends against colonization, is
broken off; and all he or they can allege against it, can equally be
alleged against every thing, good or bad, that ever existed, namely,
that men supported it for various, or even opposite reasons. I go
farther--I assert, and call upon Mr. Thompson to admit or to deny it,
I care not which--that just in proportion as the cause has developed
itself, and its natural and legitimate influences been plainly
exhibited--those who favor slavery have cooled in its support, or
withdrawn entirely from it--while those who favor emancipation, and
desire the good of the free people of color, have, in the same degree,
and with increasing cordiality, rather avowed it, insomuch that it
will be difficult if not wholly impossible for our evidences of
friendship to it, from an avowed friend of slavery, to be culled out
of all his scraps, as occurring within the last three or four years.
Indeed no persons were more persecuted after what Mr. T. calls
persecution in some of the Southern states, than those who advocate
the cause of colonization, a fact which began to occur as soon as
those slave owners, who desired slavery to continue, clearly saw that
the natural result was the ultimate emancipation of the slaves. How
far the conduct of Mr. Thompson and his friends was calculated to
produce a reaction in the South, and incline moderate and humane
masters to the views of the emancipationists, cannot now be
determined. But that the increasing wisdom and benevolence of the
South will compensate for the folly and phrenzy at the North, there is
good reason to hope. He would now proceed to give a few reasons why
this scheme of colonization should be supported. But he would first
call their attention to a resolution proposed by Mr. George Thompson
at a meeting of the Young Mens' Anti Slavery Society of Boston:--
That as the American Colonization Society has been
demonstrated to be in its principles unrighteous, unnatural,
and proscriptive, the attempt now made to give permanency to
this institution is a fraud upon the ignorance and an outrage
upon the intelligence of the public, and as such deserves the
severest reprobation.
The verbiage of this resolution showed its parentage. No one who had
ever heard one of Mr. Thompson's speeches could for a moment doubt the
authorship of the resolution. But what were they to think of an
individual who, being almost a perfect stranger in America, came
forward at a public meeting, and spoke in terms like these of a
society, supported and encouraged by the great majority of the
nation--embracing in that majority most of what is distinguished by
rank, by knowledge, or by virtue, in the country? What but universal
execration from the violent, and pity and contempt from all--could be
expected to follow such proceedings. And yet London, Edinburgh, and
Glasgow, celebrate the prudence of Mr. George Thompson in America, and
praise his conduct there on their behalf! It was not demonstrated that
the scheme was either unnatural, proscriptive, or foolish. He wished
much to hear Mr. Thompson attempt that demonstration. He (Mr. B.)
would attempt to prove, on the other hand, that in itself the scheme
was good, wise, and benevolent. His first reason was that it was good
for the free black population of America, for whose benefit it was
intended, whatever might be the opinions entertained regarding
slavery; whatever might be the opinion as to the duty of admitting the
free colored population to all the rights and privileges of white
people; taking it for granted that slavery should be abolished, taking
it for granted that the free colored population should have the same
rights and privileges as the white population; admitting, as so many
have declared, that these free people of color are generally very
little elevated above the condition of the slaves; granting the
existence of the absurd prejudice among the white population against
people of color; taking as true, all the assertions of all, or any
parties, on this subject, and then say, if it is not a good, a wise, a
humane reason for encouraging the society, that they are able to
snatch 1000 or 10,000 of these degraded, ruined, undone, and unhappy
people from the condition they are placed in, and plant them in
comfort, freedom, and peace in Africa? While Mr. Thompson and his
friends were trying their schemes to terminate slavery, and break down
prejudice against color--schemes which were likely to be long in
progress, if we were to judge by the past--it seemed most
extraordinary that they should object to our efforts to take a portion
of these people out of the grasp of their present sorrows, and do for
them in Africa all that has been done for ourselves in America. Above
all things, is it not inexplicable, that they should consider slavery
on one side of the Atlantic, better than freedom on the other,--a
thought, proving him who held it unworthy of freedom anywhere. If this
was not a scheme, full of wisdom, of goodness and benevolence, he know
not what wisdom, goodness, or benevolence meant. They proposed to do
nothing without the free consent of the colored people. And now, if a
similar offer were made to every poor and unfortunate inhabitant of
Glasgow, and all of them chose to remain here, except one, and that
one were captivated by the account of some distant El Dorado, and
chose to push his fortune there, could the rest assume over this one
the right of saying, you shall not go; we are determined not to go,
and equally determined not to let you go. Yet the abolitionists have
been going about, from Dan to Beersheba, not only attacking and
vilifying the whites, for proposing to colonize the blacks with their
own free consent; but equally attacking the blacks for availing
themselves of the offer. And though the colony had been stigmatized as
a grave, as a place of skulls, it was the very place fitted by nature
for the black population, the land granted by God to their fathers. It
is in one sense, then, a matter of no moment, what the causes are
which induce the society to make the offer, or the black population to
emigrate to Africa--even on the showing of the abolitionists
themselves, the colored population are kept in a state of degradation;
and it is certainly just and good that means should be afforded them
for getting rid of that degradation. In the second place, he
maintained that this colonization scheme naturally tended to promote
the cause of general emancipation. To illustrate this, Mr.
Breckinridge read the following extract from the Maryland report of
1835, p. 17:--
The number of manumissions in the state reported to the board
since the last annual report, is two hundred and ninety-nine,
making the whole number reported as manumitted, since the
passage of the act of 1831, eleven hundred and one.
This extract showed that the scheme did not prevent manumission, but
had tended gradually to increase its amount. That this was the
intention and actual effect of the colonization scheme, he would now
prove to the meeting in so far as regarded Maryland; and if he did so
of that state, he supposed they would not find it difficult to believe
the same thing of other states, as it was against Maryland that Mr.
Thompson had expended his peculiar virulence. Mr. B. then read the
following:--
Resolved, That this society believe, and act upon the belief
that colonization has a tendency to promote emancipation, by
affording to the emancipated slave a home, where he can be
happier and better, in every point of view, than in this
country, and so inducing masters to manumit, for removal to
Africa, who would not manumit unconditionally.--3rd A. Rep.
page 5.
Maryland, through her State Society, is about trying the
important experiment, whether, by means of colonies on the
coast of Africa, slave-holding states may become free states.
The Board of Managers cannot doubt of success, however; and
in exercising the high and responsible duties devolving upon
them, it is with the firm belief that the time is not very
remote, when, with the full and free consent of those
interested in this species of property, the state of Maryland
will be added to the list of the non-slave-holding states of
the Union.--3 A. R. page 6.
It has been charged, again and again, against the general
scheme, that its tendencies were to perpetuate slavery; and,
at this moment, both in this country and in Europe, there are
those who stigmatize the labors of men like Finley, Caldwell,
Harper, Ayres, Ashmun, Key, Gurley, Anderson and Randall, as
leading to this end. Unfounded as is the charge, it has many
believers. The colonization law of Maryland is based upon a
far different principle; for the immigration of slaves is
expressly prohibited, and the transportation of those who are
emancipated is amply provided for. In accordance, therefore,
with the general sentiment of the public, and anxious that
colonization in the state should be relieved from the
imputation put upon the cause, resolutions were unanimously
adopted, avowing that the extirpation of slavery in Maryland
was the chief object of the society's existence.--3 A. R.
page 33.
Throughout the report the same current of events was referred to; and
they were found to be everywhere the same as to the effects of the
colonial scheme on the manumission of slaves. To show the cause of the
objections to the scheme by free persons of color, Mr. B. read the
following extract:--
The Board would here remark, that in collecting emigrants
from among the free persons of color in the state, the
greatest difficulty they have experienced has grown out of
the incredulity of these with regard to the accounts given to
them of Africa. Even when their friends in Liberia have
written to them, inviting them to emigrate, and speaking
favorably of the country, they have believed that a restraint
was upon the writers, and that the society's agents prevented
any letter from reaching America, which did not speak in
terms of praise of Africa. The ingenuity of the colored
people in this state devised a simple test of the reliance
that was to be placed in letters, purporting to be written by
their friends; which they have, during the last year or
eighteen months, been putting into practice. When the
emigrant sailed from the United States, he took with him one
half of a strip of calico, the other half being retained by
the person to whom he was to write when he reached Africa. If
he was permitted to write without restraint, and if he spoke
his real sentiments in his letter, he enclosed his portion of
the calico, which, matching with that from which it had been
severed, gave authenticity and weight to the correspondence.
Many of these tokens, as they are called, have been received,
and their effect has been evident in the greater willingness
manifested by the free people of color to emigrate;
especially those of them who are at all well judging and well
informed.--4 A. R. page 6.
Whatever difficulties now exist as to getting free people of color to
avail themselves of the society's scheme and emigrate to Africa, arise
in a great degree from the efforts of the abolition party to
misrepresent the intentions of the society, and the state and
prospects of the colony, to the free colored people of the United
States,--thus showing the double atrocity of preventing these people
from being benefited, and of traducing those persons who wish to
benefit them. In an address from Cape Palmas, by the Colonists to
their brethren in America, dated in October, 1834, there was a
distinct avowal of the fact that it was better for them that they had
gone there; and urging others to come also. Mr. B. then read the
following extract from the address:--
Dear Brethren--Agreeably to a resolution of our fellow
citizens herewith enclosed, we now endeavor to lay before you
a fair and impartial statement of the actual situation of
this colony; of our advantages and prospects, both temporal
and spiritual.
We are aware of the great difference of opinion which exists
in America with respect to colonization. We are aware of the
fierce contentions between its advocates and opposers; and we
are of opinion that this contention, among the well meaning,
is based principally upon the various and contradictory
accounts concerning this country and its advantages;
receiving on the one hand from the enthusiastic and visionary
new comers, who write without having made themselves at all
acquainted with the true state of affairs in Africa; and on
the other, from the timorous, dissipated and disheartened,
who long to return to their former degraded situation, and
are willing to assign any reason, however false and
detrimental to their fellow citizens, rather than the true
one, viz:--that they are actually unfit, from want of virtue,
energy and capacity, to become freemen in any country.
We judge that the time which has elapsed since our first
arrival, (eight months,) has enabled us to form a pretty
correct opinion of this our new colony, of the climate, and
of the fitness of our government. Therefore we may safely say
we write not ignorantly. And as to the truth of our
assertions we here solemnly declare, once for all, that we
write in the fear of God, and are fully sensible that we
stand pledged to maintain them both here and hereafter.
Of our Government--We declare that we have enjoyed (and the
same is for ever guaranteed to us by our Constitution) all
and every civil and religious right and privilege, which we
have ever known enjoyed by the white citizens of the United
States, excepting the election of our chief magistrate, who
is appointed by the board of managers of the Maryland State
Colonization Society. Other officers are appointed or elected
from the colonists.--Freedom of speech and the press,
election by ballot, trial by jury, the right to bear arms,
and the liberty of worshipping God agreeably to the dictates
of our own consciences, are rendered for ever inviolate by
the Constitution.
That we may not weary your patience or be suspected of a
desire to set forth matters in too favorable a light, we have
been thus brief in our statements. It will naturally be
supposed, brethren, that the object of this address is to
induce you to emigrate and join us. To deny this would be a
gross want of candor, and not in unison with our professions
at the outset. We do wish it, and we tender you both the
heart and hand of good fellowship.
But here again, let us be equally candid with you. It is not
every man we could honestly advise or desire to come to this
colony. To those who are contented to live and educate their
children as house servants and lackeys, we would say, stay
where you are; here we have no masters to employ you. To the
indolent, heedless and slothful, we would say, tarry among
the flesh pots of Egypt; here we get our bread by the sweat
of the brow. To drunkards and rioters, we would say, come not
to us; you can never become naturalized in a land where there
are no grog shops, and where temperance and order is the
motto. To the timorous and suspicious, we would say, stay
where you have protectors; here we protect ourselves. But the
industrious, enterprising and patriotic of what occupation or
profession soever; the merchant, the mechanic, and farmer,
(but more particularly the latter,) we would counsel, advise
and entreat to come and be one with us, and assist in this
glorious enterprise, and enjoy with us that liberty to which
we ever were, and the man of color ever must be, a stranger
in America. To the ministers of the gospel, both white and
colored, we would say, come to this great harvest, and
diffuse amongst us and our benighted neighbors, that light of
the gospel, without which liberty itself is but slavery, and
freedom but perpetual bondage.
Accept, brethren, our best wishes; and, praying that the
Great Disposer of events will direct you to that course,
which will tend to your happiness and the benefit of our race
throughout the world,