the United States, accompanied by an insolent threat of the
capture of Washington, and with an open avowal that the only
Southern right now insisted on is the right of dismembering the
Republic, I am decidedly in favor of prosecuting the struggle
until the citizens of the seceded States shall be made to obey the
laws as we obey them. I believe it can be done. It will cost much
blood and many millions of treasure, but, if it cost billions, the
preservation of such a government would be well worth the
expenditure.
With kind remembrances to Miss Lane, I am
Very sincerely your friend,
J. HOLT.
[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
NEW YORK, May 28th, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
Ever since I wrote you last I have been busy night and day, and am
a good deal worn down by my labors on the Union Defence Committee,
and by superintending the organization and equipment of nine
regiments, six of which I have sent to the field, leaving three to
go to-morrow and the day after. The post of Major General of
Volunteers was tendered to me by Governor Morgan, and I could not
decline without subjecting myself to the imputation of hauling
down my flag, a thing altogether inadmissible. So I am in harness
for the war, though the administration take it easy, for I have
not yet been accepted, and there are rumors that there are too
many Democratic epaulettes in the field. There seems to be no fear
at Washington that there are too many Democratic knapsacks. New
York has about 15,000 men at the seat of war, without a general
except Sanford, who has gone on temporarily. How is it, my dear
sir, that New York is always overlooked (or nearly always) except
when there are burdens to be borne? As to this Generalship, it was
unsought, and I am indifferent about it entirely. I am willing to
give my strength and my life, if need be, to uphold the Government
against treason and rebellion. But if the administration prefers
some one else to command New York troops, no one will acquiesce
half so cheerfully as myself.
I should be very glad if I could look in upon you, though it were
but for a moment; but if I am ordered South, I suppose I shall be
needed at once. My whole division will be in the field by Sunday
next.
Miss Lane has not made her promised visit. I will merely suggest
the inviolability of promises by keeping my own. I engaged to send
her a photograph for her second album, and beg to give her,
through you, the choice of a variety. I beg also to be most
cordially remembered to her. Our excellent friend, Mr. ——, wanted
a note or letter of Major Anderson’s, written at Fort Sumter, and
I take the liberty, not knowing his address, to send it to you.
I fear the impatience of the country may interfere with General
Scott’s plan of getting a large force on foot, disciplining it
thoroughly until October, and then embodying it, and marching
through the Southern country in such numbers as to render
resistance vain. Partisan movements without any definite result
only serve to irritate and excite to new effort.
I am, my dear sir, with best wishes, in which my wife unites,
Sincerely and faithfully your friend,
JOHN A. DIX.
[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
WASHINGTON, June 8, 1861.
DEAR SIR:—
Your friends here are very much gratified by Judge Black’s report
of improvement in your health. The accounts we have had occasioned
a great deal of solicitude concerning you; but I trust that you
may now be speedily restored. I have not written to you for some
time because there was nothing to communicate that would cheer or
gratify you. While every patriot has rejoiced at the enthusiastic
spirit with which the nation has aroused to maintain its existence
and honor, the peculation and fraud that immediately spring up to
prey upon the volunteers and grasp the public money as plunder and
spoil has created a strong feeling of loathing and disgust. And no
sooner had the appearance of imminent danger passed away, and the
administration recovered from its panic, than a determination
became manifest to give a strict party direction, as far as
possible, to the great national movement. After a few Democratic
appointments, as Butler and Dix, everything else has been
exclusively devoted to Black Republican interests. This has
already excited a strong reactionary feeling, not only in New
York, but in the Western States. General Dix informs me that he
has been so badly treated by Cameron, and so disgusted by the
general course of the administration, that he intends immediately
to resign. This will be followed by a withdrawal of financial
confidence and support to a very great extent. Indeed, the course
of things for the last four weeks has been such as to excite
distrust in every Department of the Government. The military
movements, or rather inaction, also excite great apprehension. It
is believed that Davis and Beauregard are both in this
vicinity—one at Harper’s Ferry, the other at Manassas Gap—and that
they can concentrate over sixty thousand troops. Our whole force
does not exceed forty-five thousand. It is also reported that
discord exists between the cabinet and General Scott in respect to
important points of strategy. Our condition, therefore, seems to
be one of even greater danger than at any former period, for the
consequence of success by the secessionists would be far more
extensive and irremediable than if the Capital had been seized
weeks ago. Ould is reported as having gone off and joined the
secessionists. Harvey, the new minister to Spain, it is
discovered, was a correspondent with the secessionists and
communicated the designs and operations of the Government to Judge
McGrath. It is supposed he will be recalled. Cassius Clay has been
playing the fool at London by writing letters to the _Times_,
which that paper treats with ridicule and contempt. The impression
here is that the decided and active countenance and support of the
British government will be given to the Southern Confederacy. Mr.
Holt is still here, but I seldom see him. Judge Black is also
here. I should have visited you, but dare not leave town even for
one night. Our troops have slept on their arms nearly every night
for a week, anticipating attack. Hoping to hear of your
restoration to good health, I remain as ever,
Truly yours,
EDWIN M. STANTON.
[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
WASHINGTON, June 12, 1861.
DEAR SIR:—
I had written to you the day before your letter was received, and
am very glad to learn that your health is still improving. Shortly
after the 4th of March, I saw Mr. Weaver, and told him to let me
know in case there should appear any disposition to interfere with
him, and I would exert myself to have him retained. He expressed
himself so confidently of his security, that any interposition of
mine would have appeared gratuitous, if not impertinent. But
before your last letter reached here, he called and said he had
been removed. He said he did not desire to be reinstated in it,
preferring to enter the military service, and desiring a captain’s
commission. While I think his restoration might be accomplished,
the other is more doubtful, as it is generally understood that Mr.
Cameron has bestowed all the military posts. I shall, however, do
all in my power to accomplish what Mr. Weaver desires, on account
of the interest you take in his welfare.
We have this morning disastrous news from Fortress Monroe. The
rumor is that the sacrifice of life at Bethel Bridge was very
great, and it is in a great measure attributed to the incompetence
of the commanding officer. There is much reason to fear that other
disasters from similar cause will occur. The recent appointments
in the army are generally spoken of with great disapprobation.
General Dix is very much chagrined with the treatment he has
received from the War Department, and on Saturday I had a letter
declaring his intention to resign immediately. He would, in my
opinion, be a serious loss to the service. The rumored appointment
of Cummings, of _The Bulletin_, as Brigadier General and
Quartermaster General, has produced very general dissatisfaction
and distrust. The appointment has been announced as having been
certainly made, but I do not believe that it has been.
I had a letter this week from your friend General Harney. He feels
himself very badly treated by the administration. Last month he
was ordered to Washington without any reason but suspicion of his
loyalty. Being satisfied on that point, he was restored to his
command, and is now again superseded, without any explanation, and
is disgraced by being left without any command.
Since this letter was commenced, the brother of General Butler has
arrived from Fort Monroe, and reports the whole loss of our troops
at fourteen killed and forty-four wounded. This is so greatly
below the former reports, which set down our loss at over one
thousand, that it affords great relief. There is great anxiety to
hear from Harper’s Ferry. The movement in that direction a few
days ago you have no doubt seen in the papers. Much apprehension
is felt here as to the expedition, and there is some uneasiness
lest an attack on this city will be induced by withdrawal of so
large a portion of the military force. Harvey’s treachery is much
talked of. The foreign indications by yesterday’s steamer are
considered more favorable than heretofore.
I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane; and with sincere
regard I remain,
Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.
[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
WASHINGTON, June 20, 1861.
DEAR SIR:—
On the day that my last letter was written, I had an interview
with Secretary Smith, in relation to Mr. Weaver, and explained to
him the nature of the service you had rendered to Mr. Lincoln, and
also the engagement that Mr. Doolittle had made _after_ that
service had been rendered, and as an expression of his sense of
the obligation. Mr. Doolittle had also placed a letter on file, as
he promised to do, but not making any explanation. I am gratified
to learn this morning that Mr. Weaver has been restored to his
clerkship, and also that he has received an appointment as first
lieutenant in the army, for which I applied on his behalf. You
will no doubt be pleased that the administration has properly
appreciated the favor you rendered.
Hoping that your health is still improving, I remain,
Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. HALLOCK.]
(Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, June 29,
1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
My nephew, J. Buchanan Henry, informed me of the very satisfactory
conversation with you some time since. I should have written to
you some time ago but for my long illness. Since I have been able
to write, I have been making memoranda so as to present in one
connected view the acts of my administration since the troubles
commenced in South Carolina. When presented (but the proper time
has not, I think, arrived), they will, unless I am greatly
mistaken, prove to be a triumphant vindication in every
particular.
In the mean time, it is asked why I did not nip this great
revolution in its bud, by garrisoning the forts in the Southern
States and sending reinforcements to Forts Moultrie, Sumter and
Castle Pinckney, in the harbor of Charleston. I shall let General
Scott answer this question. I send you a copy of his “Views,”
addressed to the War Department, and finally published at length,
doubtless under his own authority, in the _National Intelligencer_
of January 18th, 1861. They are dated on the 29th and 30th
October, 1860, more than a week before the Presidential election.
After reading them, you will admit that they constitute an
extraordinary document. Indeed, they tend to prove what has been
often said of the gallant General, that when he abandons the sword
for the pen he makes sad work of it. They were extensively
published and commented upon in the South, but attracted but
little attention in the North. My present purpose, however, is
only to prove from them the utter impossibility of garrisoning
these forts.
You will observe that on the 29th October, he enumerates nine
of them in six of the Southern States; but he submits no plan
for this purpose, and designates no troops to accomplish this
great and extensive military operation. This it was his duty
to do as Lieutenant General. In writing, the next day, October
30th, he seems to have been struck with the absurdity of the
recommendation. In this supplement he states: “There is one
regular company at Boston, one here at the Narrows, one at
Portsmouth, one at Augusta, Ga., and one at Baton Rouge, _in
all, five companies only within reach_ to garrison or
reinforce the forts mentioned in the ‘Views.’” Five companies
containing less than 400 men to garrison and reinforce nine
fortifications scattered over six of the Southern States!
Nearly the whole of our small army were at the time stationed on
the remote frontiers of our extensive country to protect the
inhabitants and emigrants against the tomahawk and scalping knife
of the savage; and at the approach of winter, could not have been
brought within reach for several months. They were employed for
this purpose as they had been for years. At the period when our
fortifications were erected, it was not contemplated that they
should be garrisoned, except in the event of a foreign war, and
this to avoid the necessity of raising a large standing army. No
person then dreamed of danger to the States. It is a remarkable
fact, that after months had elapsed, and we had, at the instance
of General Scott, scoured the whole country for forces to protect
the inauguration, all the troops we could assemble at Washington,
rank and file, amounted to six hundred and thirty. This fact is
stated by me in a message to the House of Representatives. To have
sent four hundred men to Charleston after the Presidential
election to garrison and defend three forts, an arsenal, a custom
house, navy yard, and post office, would have only been to provoke
collision. I believed that the public property was safer without
than it would have been with such an utterly inadequate force.
Besides, whoever was in Washington at the time must have witnessed
the strong expression of sentiment by the other Southern States
against any attack by South Carolina against the public property.
For the reason it was not their policy to make the attack. In my
message, therefore, of the 3d December, I stated: “It is not
believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States
from this property by force.” In this belief I was justified by
the event—as there was no trouble until after Major Anderson
retired from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter, as he had a right to
do, first having spiked his cannon and burnt the gun carriages.
But I am proceeding beyond what I had intended, which was to state
the impossibility of reinforcing the forts with the troops “within
reach.” There are other very important questions arising out of
these transactions which, for the present, I forbear to touch.
They will all appear in due time. The _Journal of Commerce_, from
its very great ability and prudent character, exercises great
influence over the country. I do not intend, for the present, to
appear, either directly or indirectly, as an author. I have merely
deemed it advisable to recall your attention to facts, all of
which are of record, so that you might, if you should think it
advisable, be able to answer the question: Why did the late
President not send troops to the forts at Charleston and the other
Southern forts? I send you a copy of my message in pamphlet form,
from which I have never departed.
From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
WASHINGTON, June 28, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
It is with great gratification that I am assured, from several
sources, that your health is improving. I was not aware, until I
received your letter, that you had been so ill, for I place but
little reliance on what the newspapers say.
After a long delay I received my appointment as Major General. The
President, whom I saw the day before yesterday, assured me that it
was not intentional, and that he had no other purpose than to
appoint me. I shall enter on my active duties in a few days.
Everything is quiet in this city. As late as last evening the
enemy was also quiet, and, I think, has no intention of advancing.
The weather is very warm, as it always is here in June, and the
season for active operations will soon be over, until after the
first frost.
I hope Miss Lane is well, and that your health may be completely
restored. I beg you to give her my kind regards, and to accept
assurances of my sincere respect. I am, dear Sir,
Unchangeably your friend,
JOHN A. DIX.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]
(Private.) WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, July 13,
1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
My late severe illness has hitherto prevented me from
acknowledging the receipt of your kind letter of May last. Rest
assured that this delay did not proceed from any want of regard
for you or your family. On the contrary, I shall ever cherish the
most friendly feelings and ardent wishes for the prosperity of
both. I should be glad to hear from you as often as may be
convenient, and, although I recover my strength but slowly, I
think I may promise to be a more punctual correspondent.
The future of our country presents a dark cloud, through which my
vision cannot penetrate. The assault upon Fort Sumter was the
commencement of war by the Confederate States, and no alternative
was left but to prosecute it with vigor on our part. Up and until
all social and political relations ceased between the secession
leaders and myself, I had often warned them that the North would
rise to a man against them if such an assault were made. No
alternative seems now to be left but to prosecute hostilities
until the seceding States shall return to their allegiance, or
until it shall be demonstrated that this object, which is nearest
my heart, cannot be accomplished. From present appearances it
seems certain that they would accept no terms of compromise short
of an absolute recognition of their independence, which is
impossible. I am glad that General Scott does not underrate the
strength of his enemy, which would be a great fault in a
commander. With all my heart and soul I wish him success. I think
that some very unfit military appointments have been made, from
which we may suffer in some degree in the beginning, but ere long
merit will rise to its appropriate station. It was just so at the
commencement of the war of 1812. I was rejoiced at the appointment
of General Dix, and believe he will do both himself and the
country honor.
In passing North or South, I should be most happy if you would
call and pay us a visit at Wheatland. You shall receive a most
hearty welcome, especially if you should be accompanied by your
lady and Miss King.
With my kindest regards to them, I remain, very respectfully,
Your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
P.S.—Miss Lane desires to be kindly remembered to Mr., Mrs. and
Miss King.
[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
WASHINGTON, July 16, 1861.
DEAR SIR:—
Your favor with the continuation of the historical sketch was duly
received. Last evening Judge Black and General Dix met at my
house, and we consulted together in regard to it. We concur in
opinion that a publication at present would accomplish no good.
The public mind is too much excited on other topics to give
attention to the past, and it would only afford occasion for fresh
malignant attacks upon you from ——. His day, I think, is rapidly
passing; and, at all events, a stronger impression will hereafter
be produced when the public feeling is more tranquil. The
narrative appears to me to be a clear and accurate statement of
the events of the period to which it relates, with one exception
of no material consequence, in respect to which the recollection
of Judge Black, General Dix and myself is somewhat different from
the statement. Speaking of the order to the Brooklyn not to
disembark the forces sent to Pickens unless that fort were
attacked, you mention it as having been made with the entire
unanimity of your cabinet and the approval of General Scott. That
he approved it is fully shown by Mr. Holt’s note to you; but our
recollection is that in the cabinet it was opposed by Judge Black,
General Dix and myself. I do not know that there is now any reason
to question the wisdom of the measure; it may have saved Pickens
from immediate attack at that time; and I have understood that
General Scott says that Pickens could not have been successfully
defended if it had then been attacked, and that he speaks of this
as a blunder of the Confederates. In this view the wisdom of the
measure is fully vindicated; and at the time it was supported by
the Secretary of War and Secretary of the Navy, to whose
Departments the subject appertained.
So far, however, as your administration is concerned, its policy
in reference to both Sumter and Pickens is fully vindicated by the
course of the present administration for forty days after the
inauguration of Lincoln. No use was made of the means that had
been prepared for reinforcing Sumter. A Republican Senator
informed me a short time ago that General Scott personally urged
him to consent to the evacuation of both Sumter and Pickens; and
it is a fact of general notoriety, published in all the papers at
the time and never contradicted, that not only the General, but
other military men who were consulted, were in favor of that
measure.
Whatever may be said by ——’s malignity now, I think that the
public will be disposed to do full justice to your efforts to
avert the calamity of civil war; and every month for a long time
to come will, I am afraid, furnish fresh evidence of the magnitude
of that calamity. The impression that Mr. Weaver had received an
army appointment proved to be a mistake; it was another Weaver who
was appointed. General Dix is still here. He has been shamefully
treated by the administration. We are expecting a general battle
to be commenced at Fairfax to-day, and conflicting opinions of the
result are entertained. With sincere regard, I remain as ever,
Truly yours,
EDWIN M. STANTON.
[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
WASHINGTON, July 26, 1861.
DEAR SIR:—
Three days ago I received the enclosed letters, under cover
addressed to me. Upon reading the first sentence, I perceived
there must be some mistake, and turning over the leaf saw that the
address was to Judge Black, and I therefore return them unread. I
should have handed them to him, but have not seen him since they
were received, and am informed that he left here some days ago.
The dreadful disaster of Sunday can scarcely be mentioned. The
imbecility of this administration culminated in that catastrophe;
an irretrievable misfortune and national disgrace never to be
forgotten are to be added to the ruin of all peaceful pursuits and
national bankruptcy, as the result of Lincoln’s “running the
machine” for five months.
You perceive that Bennett is for a change of the cabinet, and
proposes for one of the new cabinet Mr. Holt, whose opposition to
Bennett’s appointment was bitter and intensely hostile. It is not
unlikely that some change in the War and Navy Departments may take
place, but none beyond those two Departments until Jeff Davis
turns out the whole concern. The capture of Washington seems now
to be inevitable; during the whole of Monday and Tuesday it might
have been taken without any resistance. The rout, overthrow, and
utter demoralization of the whole army is complete. Even now I
doubt whether any serious opposition to the entrance of the
Confederate forces could be offered. While Lincoln, Scott, and the
cabinet are disputing who is to blame, the city is unguarded, and
the enemy at hand. General McClellan reached here last evening.
But if he had the ability of Cæsar, Alexander, or Napoleon, what
can he accomplish? Will not Scott’s jealousy, cabinet intrigues,
and Republican interference thwart him at every step? While hoping
for the best, I cannot shut my eyes against the dangers that beset
the Government, and especially this city. It is certain that Davis
was in the field on Sunday, and the secessionists here assert that
he headed in person the last victorious charge. General Dix is in
Baltimore; after three weeks’ neglect and insult he was sent
there. The warm debate between Douglas’s friend Richardson and
Kentucky Burnett has attracted some interest, but has been
attended with no bellicose result. Since this note was commenced,
the morning paper has come in, and I see that McClellan did not
arrive last night, as I was informed he had. General Lee was after
him, but will have to wait a while before they can meet.
Yours truly,
EDWIN M. STANTON.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.]
WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, August 31, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I am sorry that any cause has prevented you from paying me a
visit. I trust your kind purpose will not be long suspended. The
memory of your last visit causes Miss Lane and myself to be
anxious that it should be repeated. I rejoice to learn that you
and yours are all in good health. May this precious blessing be
long continued to you and them.
I agree with you that nothing but a vigorous prosecution of the
war can now determine the question between the North and the
South. It is vain to talk of peace at the present moment. The
Confederate States, flushed with their success at Bull’s Run,
would consent to nothing less than a recognition of their
independence, and this is impossible to grant under any
conceivable circumstances. I have much faith that General
McClellan is “the coming man.”
From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[HON. RICHARD COBDEN TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
MIDHURST, SUSSEX, Sept. 5, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
It is rather more than two years since I had the pleasure of
seeing you, and in that interval, what events have occurred!
I think it is no exaggeration to say that there are few Americans
who have been more deeply and painfully interested than myself in
the deplorable civil conflict which is now raging on your
continent.
The subject is so distressing to my feelings, that I avoid as much
as possible all correspondence with my American friends. But after
the friendly reception which I experienced from you at Washington,
I should be sorry if our intimacy were to be impaired owing to any
neglect on my part. I have been abroad nearly the whole time since
my return from the States, chiefly in France and Algiers, but am
now settled down at home. My health is improved, and if I can be
quiet and avoid public meetings, I hope to continue to escape from
a return of my bronchial affection.
I hope you are well, and that you will be good enough to let me
hear from you. Or if you cannot find time to write, pray let me
have a letter from my amiable young friend, your niece, to whom I
beg to be most kindly remembered.
I will not enter on the subject of your domestic troubles. My
experience in our Crimean war led me to the conclusion that from
the moment when the first drop of blood is shed reason and
argument are powerless to put an end to war. It can only be
terminated by its own self-destroying and exhaustive process.
This, however, I will say, that of all the questions ever
subjected to the ordeal of battle, that which is the ground of
quarrel between the Northern and Southern States of your Union
seems the least adapted for the arbitrament of the sword.
I feel very anxious that nothing should arise to put in jeopardy
the relations between England and your country.
I remember listening with great satisfaction to General Cass,
whilst I was at Washington, when he narrated to me the
satisfactory settlement of the various questions in debate between
the two countries, and I will venture to offer the opinion that
history will do justice to the successful foreign policy of your
administration. (It would be very presumptuous in me, a foreigner,
to pass judgment on your internal policy.)
Should it happen that you are in communication with General Cass,
will you kindly remember me to him?
The subject of the blockade is becoming more and more serious. I
am afraid we have ourselves to blame for not having placed the
question of belligerent rights on a better footing. I remember
that after the Congress of Paris had agreed to abolish
privateering, Mr. Marcy proposed to go a step further, and exempt
private property altogether from capture. This was objected to, I
believe, by our government; afterwards, I remember, your
newspapers advocated the abolition of blockades altogether. I have
the impression that your government, I mean your Presidency, would
have agreed to the Paris declaration, with the addition of a
clause for making private property (not contraband of war) sacred
at sea, and another clause doing away with blockades altogether,
excepting as regards articles contraband of war—am I correct in
this supposition?
Mr. Bright is well, but, like myself, feels your civil war almost
with the sorrow of a private affliction.
Mr. Milner Gibson is on a yachting excursion. He has grown a
little stouter and somewhat grey with the cares of office.
Believe me, yours very sincerely,
R. COBDEN.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO HON. GEORGE G. LEIPER.]
WHEATLAND, September 4th, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I have this morning received your favor of yesterday. I rejoice to
learn that when you visit me you will be accompanied by two of
your grand-daughters; and the sooner the better. We shall give you
and them a most cordial welcome.
In regard to any public use of the opinions expressed in my
letter, in favor of the prosecution of the war, I would rather,
for the present, you would withhold them. Of course I have kept no
copy and know not how they are expressed. Every person who has
conversed with me knows that I am in favor of sustaining the
Government in a vigorous prosecution of the war for the
restoration of the Union. An occasion may offer when it may be
proper for me authoritatively to express this opinion for the
public. Until that time shall arrive, I desire to avoid any public
exhibition.
When a private letter of mine was published some time since,
condemning the desertion of the flag by the officers of the army
and the navy, you know it was made the occasion to abuse me by the
Black Republican papers. Knowing our relations of intimate
friendship, it would be said that we had concocted a plan to bring
me before the public in self-defence in an indirect manner.
Ever your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[JUDGE BLACK TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
WASHINGTON, September 9th, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
There seems to be a dead pause here in everything but making
appointments and contracts. If there is to be a battle, nobody
knows it, not even those who are to fight it, unless by
conjecture. But it is not easy to see how it can be avoided very
long. The ground that Beauregard leaves McClellan to stand upon is
getting narrower every day. But each has a wholesome fear of the
other. It is terrible enough to think of the momentous interests
at stake upon the issue. And that issue may be determined by the
state of the weather, the condition of the ground, or the
slightest blunder of an officer.
Mrs. Gwynn, it seems, was not arrested. I told you I did not
believe either that she had been arrested or given the cause of
accusation which was alleged against her. It was another lady of
the same name—Mrs. Gwynn of Alexandria—who sewed up plans and
documents in shirts, unless, indeed, the whole story is a fable
invented by that “perfectly reliable gentleman” who has been
engaged in furnishing lies for the newspapers as far back as I can
remember.
Mr. Glossbrenner furnished me a fair copy of the _paper_ before I
left York. I shall soon have it in shape. I have already made some
progress in it.
My regards to Miss Lane, and believe me
Yours truly,
J. S. BLACK.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. JOHN B. BLAKE.]
WHEATLAND, September 12th, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I have received your kind favor of the 7th instant, and owe you
many thanks for it, as well as for Mr. Stanton’s report. It puts
to rest the assertion that a single columbiad or cannon ever
reached the Southern States in 1860 or 1861, and they are not
fighting us with our own weapons. Floyd’s order was arrested
before its execution. About the small arms, there does not appear
to be any thing out of the usual course of administration and
distribution. They were ordered there so long ago as December,
1859.
I have never received the bound copies of the Public Documents of
the 35th Congress, though I recollect that Mr. Glossbrenner or
some other person told me before I left Washington that Mr.
Wheeler was boxing them up for me. I expect to see Mr. G. in a few
days, and shall inquire of him.
I owe you very many thanks for the order you have obtained from
Mr. Smith for the documents of the 36th Congress; and please to
present my kind regards to Mr. Kelly.
We must, I presume, soon hear of a battle or of a retreat of the
Confederate forces. Our all is embarked on board a ship which is
approaching the breakers. This is no time to investigate why she
was brought into this sad condition. We must save her by an united
effort. We must prosecute the war with the utmost vigor. May God
grant us a safe deliverance and a restoration of the Union!
Miss Lane desires to be most kindly remembered to you.
Your friend always,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
P.S.—Pardon me for having omitted to acknowledge your favor of the
8th August, in answer to mine of the 5th. General Twiggs has sent
me another insolent and threatening letter, in which he exults in
the fact that my likeness had been ordered from the Rotunda. I
know not know what will become of it. It is condemned as a
likeness by good judges.[175]
Footnote 175:
[MR. HOLT TO MR. WM. B. REED.]
(Private.) WASHINGTON, September 16th, 1868.
DEAR SIR:—
I did not at once reply to your note of the 11th instant, because
of a belief that a copy of the order dismissing Twiggs would
answer your purpose. Learning, however, from a telegram in the
hands of Doctor Blake that you prefer I shall respond formally to
your inquiry, I have done so. Should you make any public use of
this communication, I beg that you will see personally to a
correction of the proofs.
If you will examine Mr. Buchanan’s correspondence you will
probably find one or more abusive letters from Twiggs on the
subject of his dismissal. They might assist you in establishing
“the truth of history.”
Very respectfully your obedient servant,
J. HOLT.
P.S.—The Government did all in its power to protect itself from
Twigg’s meditated treachery by relieving him from his command, _as
soon as its apprehensions in regard to him were excited_, and if
it failed it was because, owing to the disturbed condition of the
country, the order was slow in reaching him, and because when it
did reach him, availing himself of the temporary absence of his
successor, _he disobeyed the order and surrendered a Department of
which he had no longer the command_.
J. H.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]
WHEATLAND, September 18, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I am gratified to learn, by your favor of the 13th, that your
visit here was agreeable to yourself and Miss King, and we,
therefore, trust that it may be soon repeated. I need not say that
both Miss Lane and myself will be most happy to see you both
again, and give you a cordial welcome.
You recollect the correspondence between Mr. Holt and Mr.
Thompson. The last letter of Mr. Thompson to Mr. Holt was
published in the tri-weekly _National Intelligencer_ of March
19th, 1861, and was dated at Oxford on March 11th. Mr. Holt, I
believe, replied to this letter; but, if so, I cannot find his
reply in the _Intelligencer_. I should be much obliged to you if
you could procure me a copy of this reply. Poor Thompson! He
committed a sad wrong against his country, from which he can never
recover. He had been the devoted friend and admirer of Mr. Holt,
but in the end he afforded just cause to that gentleman for his
severe answer.
How Mr. Holt came to be so far mistaken, in his letter of May 31st
to Kentucky, as to state that the revolutionary leaders greeted me
with all hails to my face, I do not know. The truth is that, after
the message of the 3d of December, they were alienated from me;
and, after I had returned the insolent letter of the first South
Carolina commissioners to them, I was attacked by Jefferson Davis
and his followers on the floor of the Senate, and all political
and social intercourse between us ceased. Had the Senate confirmed
my nomination of the 2d January of a collector of the port of
Charleston, the war would probably have commenced in January,
instead of May. I am collecting materials for history, and I
cannot find a note from Mr. Slidell to myself and my answer
relative to the very proper removal of Beauregard from West
Point.[176]
I think I must have given them to Mr. Holt. He was much pleased
with my answer at the time. If they are in his possession, I
should be glad you would procure me copies. They are very brief.
The ladies of Mr. S.’s family never after looked near the White
House.
I think I can perceive in the public mind a more fixed, resolute
and determined purpose than ever to prosecute the war to a
successful termination, with all the men and means in our power.
Enlistments are now proceeding much more rapidly than a few weeks
ago, and I am truly glad of it. The time has passed for offering
compromises and terms of peace to the seceded States. We well know
that, under existing circumstances, they would accept of nothing
less than a recognition of their independence, which it is
impossible we should grant. There is a time for all things under
the sun; but surely this is not the moment for paralyzing the arm
of the national administration by a suicidal conflict among
ourselves, but for bold, energetic and united action. The
Democratic party has ever been devoted to the Constitution and the
Union; and I rejoice that, among the many thousands that have
rushed to their defence in this the hour of peril, a large
majority belong to that time-honored party.
I sat down to write you a few lines, but find that my letter has
swelled into large proportions.
From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
Footnote 176:
See the correspondence, _ante_.
[FROM JOSHUA BATES.]
LONDON, September 20, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I have to thank you for your valued letters of the 12th and 13th
ult., which I have read with great interest. I think you give too
much importance to newspaper attacks. Judging by my own feelings,
I should say readers of newspapers do not believe a word of these
attacks, but put them down to party tactics. Lord Palmerston, in
the last session of Parliament, in answering a speech of Mr.
Horsman, who complained that the _Times_ had abused him and
ridiculed his speeches, remarked, that he always thought that he
(Lord P.) was the best abused of any man in the Kingdom, but he
was not disturbed by it. A gentleman once applied to Lord
Melbourne for advice whether he should accept a seat in the
cabinet which was offered him. Lord M. said: “If you do not mind
being abused daily in the newspapers, you will find office very
pleasant; but if your happiness is at all disturbed by such abuse,
you had best not take office.” Gallatin’s theory was that no man
ever did his duty that was not abused by the newspapers. I never
had a doubt that you would execute the high duties of the office
of President of the United States with honor to yourself and great
advantage to the country; and I feel sure that your great public
services will be approved by the country at no distant day. It was
shameful that Congress should leave you without the power to stop
the rebellion before it had become so formidable. I have, however,
full faith in the patriotism of the people of the free States;
that they will punish rebels, and preserve the Constitution, I
have no doubt. Secession is out of the question. Who would ever
lend money to a Government of the United States, if aware that it
could be broken up any day by a right of any State to secede? This
government will, I think, do nothing more. The want of cotton will
be severely felt at Manchester the coming winter. By that time I
hope the Southern States will give in. The remittance by Miss
Lane, to whom, pray, give my kind regards, has been placed to her
credit, and subject to her orders, in the books of Baring Brothers
& Co. (£2,000), subject to interest at 4 per cent. per annum.
I remain, my dear Sir, with the highest respect,
Very truly yours,
JOSHUA BATES.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO A COMMITTEE OF THE CITIZENS OF CHESTER AND
LANCASTER COUNTIES.]
WHEATLAND, September 28, 1861.
DEAR SIR:—
I have been honored by your kind invitation, as Chairman of the
appropriate committee, to attend and address a Union meeting of
the citizens of Chester and Lancaster counties, to be held at
Hagersville on the first of October. This I should gladly accept,
proceeding as it does from a much valued portion of my old
Congressional district, but advancing years and the present state
of my health render it impossible.
You correctly estimate the deep interest which I feel “in common
with the citizens who will there be assembled, in the present
condition of our country.” This is, indeed, serious, but our
recent military reverses, so far from producing despondency in the
minds of a loyal and powerful people, will only animate them to
more mighty exertions in sustaining a war which has become
inevitable by the assault of the Confederate States upon Fort
Sumter. For this reason, were it possible for me to address your
meeting, waiving all other topics, I should confine myself to a
solemn and earnest appeal to my countrymen, and especially those
without families, to volunteer for the war, and join the many
thousands of brave and patriotic volunteers who are already in the
field.
This is the moment for action; for PROMPT, ENERGETIC and UNITED
action; and not for discussion of PEACE PROPOSITIONS. These, we
must know, would be rejected by the States that have seceded,
unless we should offer to recognize their independence, which is
entirely out of the question. Better counsels may hereafter
prevail, when these people shall be convinced that the war is
conducted, not for their conquest or subjugation, but solely for
the purpose of bringing them back to their original position in
the Union, without impairing, in the slightest degree, any of
their Constitutional rights. Whilst, therefore, we shall cordially
hail their return under our common and glorious flag, and welcome
them as brothers, yet, until that happy day shall arrive, it will
be our duty to support the President with all the men and means at
the command of the country, in a vigorous and successful
prosecution of the war.
Yours very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.]
WHEATLAND, October 21, 1861.
MY DEAR JAMES:—
I have mislaid your last letter, and have not answered it sooner,
awaiting information that my account had been settled and the
balance struck in the Chemical Bank. I think there would be no
risk, and if so, no danger in sending a bank book or the
certificate of loan by mail. I believe that New York Loan is
registered, and without coupons—but there is no hurry in either
case.
I am determined to sell all my seceded State bonds this fall for
what they will bring. North Carolinas will probably command $60,
and I would sell at that price to-morrow, but dislike to send the
certificates by mail. These loans may rise or sink in the market,
as the Bulls or the Bears may prevail; but after the war is over,
let it terminate as it may, these States will be so exhausted as
not to be able to pay, be they never so willing. As you sometimes
deal in stocks, I give you this _confidentially_ as my opinion.
We have never heard a word from or of our good friend Schell since
he left us. How is he? or what has become of him?
I think it is now time that I should not merely defend but
triumphantly vindicate myself, or cause myself to be vindicated
before the public, though my friends still urge me to wait.
I believe it is universally believed that Floyd stole guns and
sent them to the South. There is not a word of truth in it, as is
proved by a report of the Committee on Military Affairs to the
House of Representatives on the 18th February last, Mr. Stanton, a
Black Republican, being chairman. It is true that at a late period
of the administration, Floyd made the attempt to send a
considerable number of columbiads and thirty-two pounders to Ship
Island and Galveston, but I arrested the order, through the
Secretary of War, before a single gun was sent.
We are expecting Mrs. Roosevelt, and I shall be delighted to see
her, though we shall not be able to entertain her as I could
desire. I have never at any period since I commenced housekeeping,
been able to get a good cook, or even a tolerably good one, except
at Washington, and we now have one of the worst. We shall,
however, give her a hearty welcome.
Yours affectionately,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
P. S.—For what price can New York Loan be obtained in the market?
Have the Messrs. O’Brien my Virginia certificate in their
possession? The Confederates have not confiscated State loans in
their infamous act, and I presume there would be no difficulty in
assigning it.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]
WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, November 12, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
You will confer a great favor upon me if you can obtain a
half-dozen of copies of Mr. Stanton’s report from the Committee on
Military Affairs, made on the 18th February, 1861 (No. 85),
relative to the arms alleged to have been stolen and sent to the
South by Floyd. This report, with the remarks of Mr. Stanton when
presenting it, ought to have put this matter at rest, and it did
so, I believe, so far as Congress was concerned. It has, however,
been recently repeated by Cameron, Reverdy Johnson and others, and
I desire these copies to send to different parts of the Union, so
that the falsehood may be refuted by the record. I am no further
interested in the matter than, if the charge were true, it might
argue a want of vigilance on my part.
I perceive that Mr. Holt has got a .... from the Secretary of War,
and I learn from those who read Forney’s _Press_ that Stanton is
the counsel and friend of McClellan, who is, I trust and hope,
“the coming man.”
By the bye, it is difficult to imagine how it was possible to
mystify so plain a subject, under the laws of war, as an exchange
of prisoners with the rebels, so as to make it mean a recognition
in any form, however remote, of their Confederacy. It admits
nothing but that your enemy, whether pirate, rebel, Algerine or
regular government, has got your soldiers in his possession, and
you have his soldiers in your possession. The exchange means
nothing beyond. The laws of humanity are not confined to any other
limit. The more barbarous and cruel the enemy, the greater is the
necessity for an exchange; because the greater is the danger that
they will shed the blood of your soldiers. I do not apply this
remark to the Confederate States, and only use it by way of
illustration. I believe they have not treated their prisoners
cruelly.
They do not seem to understand at Washington another plain
principle of the law of nations, and that is, that whilst the
capture and confiscation of private property at sea is still
permissible, this is not the case on land. Such are all the
authorities. The Treaty of Ghent recognized slaves as private
property, and therefore they were to be restored; and we paid for
all our army consumed in Mexico. The rebels have violated this law
in the most reckless manner.
But why am I writing so? I have materials put together which will
constitute, unless I am greatly mistaken, not merely a good
defence, but a triumphant vindication of my administration. You
must not be astonished some day to find in print, portraits drawn
by myself of all those who ever served in my cabinet. I think I
know them all perfectly, unless it may be Stanton.
I hope Miss King has entirely recovered. Please present me to her
very kindly, as well as to Mrs. King. I am now alone, Miss Lane
being in New York; but thank God! I am tranquil and contented,
sound, or nearly so, in body, and I trust sound in mind, and ever
true to my friends.
From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]
BALTIMORE, December 2, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I enclose you a proclamation, rather out of date, but not the less
valuable, I trust, for having been sent out on the very day John
Cochrane proclaimed the infamous and cowardly scheme of arming
slaves against their masters.
I believe every State north of South Carolina and Mississippi may
be reclaimed by a just and enlightened policy. The abolitionists
will make a powerful effort to drag the country into the
emancipation of slaves. But I am confident they will fail.
Fortunately this project cannot be separated from the support of
Fremont, and it will for that reason, I think, be condemned by the
friends of the administration.
The _Herald_ said my proclamation was inspired by the President. I
do not yet know whether he approves it. It was put forth without
consulting any one. I knew I was right; and when this conviction
is strong, I never consult friends, for fear they may differ with
me.
It has been a source of great gratification to me to hear, as I
have frequently from Mr. Magraw, of your improved health. That you
may live to see this unhappy contest ended, and good fellowship
restored again is the sincere wish of, dear sir, yours very
respectfully and truly,
JOHN A. DIX.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.]
WHEATLAND, December 2, 1861.
MY DEAR HARRIET:—
I have received your letters of the 20th and 30th ultimo, and in
compliance with the request in the latter return you Judge Black’s
opinion. I have heard nothing from him since his call on the way
to York after parting from you at the Continental.
I hope you are enjoying yourself. Indeed this cannot fail to be
the case with such a charming lady as Mrs. Roosevelt. We get along
very comfortably and pleasantly at Wheatland. I received a letter
yesterday from Annie Buchanan offering to pay me a visit; but I
advised her to defer it until after your return. Indeed this would
be no place for her at present. I wish you, however, to remain at
New York just as long as you find it agreeable.
I am glad to learn that Judge Nelson believes that Captain Wilkes
can be sustained by public law in the seizure of Mason and
Slidell. I place great reliance upon his judgment, but at the
first we shall probably receive a terrific broadside from the
English journals.
The more I saw of the Misses Johnston, I liked them the better.
They are fine women.
I often see the Nevins and am glad of it. I dine to-day at Harry
Magraw’s. The dinner is given to Bishop Wood.
With my kindest regards to the Judge and Mrs. Roosevelt, I remain
Yours affectionately,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. KING.]
WHEATLAND, December 10, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I have received a package directed in your well-known hand; and
upon opening it discover a letter directed to Miss Lane, which I
shall forward to her, with a beautiful pair of slippers and fan;
the former, I presume, for myself.
Miss Lane has been in New York since early in November, and I know
not when she will return.
Presuming that the slippers are a New Year’s gift from Miss King
to myself, I desire to express my grateful thanks to her for this
token of her regard. Present to her my kindest wishes for her
health, prosperity, and happiness.
I wish I had something to write to you about which might interest
you; but my life glides on so smoothly that I should scarcely know
how time passes, were it not for the terrible condition of the
country. I never expected to see the day when the Federal
Government would assume the power of issuing a paper currency,
much less of making it a legal tender.
With my kindest regards to Mrs. and Miss King, I remain
Always your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
P.S.—Your letter of the 18th November is the last I have heard
from any member of my late cabinet. I have kind friends at
Washington, however, who occasionally give me the news. I was glad
to see that Judge Black had been appointed reporter to the Supreme
Court. The position is respectable, though a descent......
[MR. BUCHANAN TO THE HON. RICHARD COBDEN.]
WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, PENN., }
December 14, 1861. }
MY DEAR SIR:—
I ought long since to have answered your letter of September; but
a protracted illness, from which, thank God! I have some time
since recovered, has left me far behind with my correspondence. It
is my sincere desire always to cherish the intimacy which
commenced between us in better and happier days. I deeply regret
that the feelings of friendship between the people of the two
countries are not what they were when we parted at Washington more
than two years ago. The public journals on both sides of the water
have contributed much to produce this result. Still the masses on
our side are far from being hostile to the English people, whilst
they entertain a very high regard for Queen Victoria.
I trust that the seizure of Messrs. Mason and Slidell on board the
Trent may be viewed in what I consider its proper light by the
British ministry. A neutral nation is the common friend of both
belligerents, and has no right to aid the one to the injury of the
other. It is, consequently, very clear, under the law of nations,
that a neutral vessel has no right to carry articles contraband of
war to any enemy, to transport his troops or his despatches. These
principles are well settled by British authority. And Sir W.
Scott, in the case of the Atalanta (Wheaton, 566) informs us that
the writers on public law declare “that the belligerent may stop
the ambassador of his enemy on his way.” And why not? If it be
unlawful to carry despatches, with the greater reason it must be
unlawful to carry ministers who write despatches, and to whom
despatches are addressed, who are the agents of one belligerent
government on their way to a neutral country for the express
purpose of enlisting its government in the war against the other.
In some respects it would have been better had Captain Wilkes
seized the Trent and brought her into port. It would then have
become a purely judicial question, to be decided upon precedent
and authority by the appropriate court of admiralty, and the two
governments would not then have been brought face to face as they
are now confronting each other. Under all the circumstances, I do
not think that this seizure presents a justifiable cause of
quarrel on the part of the British government, and I trust you may
take this view of the subject.
In reference to your question in regard to blockade, no
administration within the last half century, up to the end of my
term, would have consented to a general declaration abolishing
privateering. Our most effectual means of annoying a great naval
power upon the ocean is by granting letters of marque and
reprisal. We could not possibly, therefore, have consented to the
Paris declaration which would have left the vessels (for example
of Great Britain or France) free to capture our merchant vessels,
whilst we should have deprived ourselves of the employment of the
force which had proved so powerful in capturing their merchant
vessels. Hence the proposition of Mr. Marcy to abolish war upon
private property altogether on the ocean, as modern civilization
had abolished it on the land. I do not think that a proposition
was ever made to abolish blockade. I certainly have no
recollection of it.
I am rejoiced to learn that Mr. Bright is well; I was afraid, when
I left England, that his health was in an unpromising condition.
Please to remember me in the kindest terms to him and Mr. Gibson.
Miss Lane is in New York; if she were at home, she would have many
kind messages to send you.
From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.]
WHEATLAND, December 19th, 1861.
MY DEAR HARRIET:—
I have received your favor of the 18th instant, and am truly sorry
to learn the death of my friend Mr. Lanahan. At one period I was
very much attached to him, and I still continue to entertain for
him cordial feelings of kindness......
You ask my opinion on the Slidell and Mason affair, and whether
there is danger of a war with England. I think, as a fair
deduction from British authorities, that Captain Wilkes might have
seized the Trent and brought her into port for adjudication. Had
he done this, it would have become a judicial question, and the
two nations would not have been brought front to front in
opposition to each other. That he only seized the commissioners
and let the vessel go was an act intended for kindness on his
part. Certainly, a war can not grow out of this question, unless
Great Britain desires it, without very bad management on our side.
My kindest regards to the Judge and Mrs. Roosevelt.
Yours affectionately,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. LEIPER.]
WHEATLAND, December 21, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I have just received your kind letter of the 19th instant, and, in
answer, I think I may say that my health is restored. The swelling
in my legs and feet has disappeared, and I now walk to Lancaster
with great enjoyment.
You advise me to keep quiet, which I shall do for the present. I
shall bide my time, under a perfect conviction that my
administration cannot only be satisfactorily defended, but
triumphantly vindicated.
I wish with all my heart that I could be with you at the meeting
of your children and grandchildren on Christmas; but this is out
of the question. The happy faces and innocent gambols of children
have always had a charm for me. May you live many days in health
and prosperity to enjoy such meetings around the family altar. As
I cannot be present at the hospitable board, I hope you will drink
my health in a glass of the old Custom House Madeira.
I am, like you, a passenger in the omnibus; and, although nothing
could tempt me again to become a driver, yet I cannot avoid
feeling deep anxiety for my country. I trust the danger of a war
with England has passed away; but, if such a disastrous event
should occur, it will be a war created by the newspapers. With my
kindest regards to Mrs. Leiper and all your patriarchal family, I
remain,
Very respectfully, your friend,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
P.S.—Your sweetheart, Miss Lane, has been absent several weeks in
New York, and I do not expect her home until after the New Year. I
sincerely wish she felt more of a disposition than she does to
bind herself in the silken cords which you describe.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO MISS LANE.]
WHEATLAND, December 25th, 1861.
MY DEAR HARRIET:—
I have received your favor of yesterday and am happy to inform you
that Doctor Blake has contradicted the picture and Japanese
falsehood in the _National Intelligencer_ of yesterday. You have
probably ere this seen it.
I have passed a very sober, quiet and contented Christmas. I went
to hear Mr. Krotel in the morning and came immediately home. It is
the first day for many a day that I have had no visitors. Miss
Hetty and myself dined together very pleasantly.
Poor Prince Albert! I think in many respects he was to be pitied.
His position was very awkward, but he sustained it with becoming
dignity. He could not assume the position of William the Third and
say, if I am not to be king and am to be placed in a subordinate
position to the queen, I shall return to Holland.
I intend to give Harry Magraw a dinner on Saturday next, but I can
not rival the dinner which he gave when last at home. No such
dinner has ever been given in Lancaster, at least to my knowledge.
I have not received a line from Judge Black nor seen him since he
called here after meeting you in Philadelphia. I am glad he has
been appointed reporter to the Supreme Court.
I enclose you an invitation from Mr. and Mrs. Wharton. I have
answered my own, and informed them that I would send yours to you
in New York. You will judge whether you ought to answer.
I wish you to remain in New York just as long as this may be
agreeable to yourself and to Mr. and Mrs. Roosevelt. You would
have a dull time here at this season.
Please to remember me in the kindest terms to the Judge and Mrs.
Roosevelt, with my ardent wishes that they may pass many years
together in peace, prosperity and happiness.
Yours affectionately,
JAMES BUCHANAN.
[MR. BUCHANAN TO DR. BLAKE.]
WHEATLAND, December 30, 1861.
MY DEAR SIR:—
I have received your favor of the 27th instant, and thank you most
kindly for your efficient agency in correcting the slander of the
correspondent of the New York ——. Lord Lyons’ letter is quite
satisfactory.
Thank Heaven there is now no danger of an immediate war with
England. That Mason and Slidell would be surrendered to John Bull
I had expected for some time, from the editorials and
correspondence of the New York _Herald_, which is evidently in the
confidence of the administration or some members of it.
I know nothing of what is going on in Washington, except from the
papers. From them I perceive that Judge Black has been appointed
Reporter of the Supreme Court, and that General Cameron has
conferred upon Mr. Holt the appointment of Auditor of General
Fremont’s accounts. I believe that Stanton and Horatio King have
not yet been provided for.
I have not seen an account of your marriage; but this, I expect,
will come along some day. How happy I should be to see you here. I
now soon expect Miss Lane.
From your friend, very respectfully,
JAMES BUCHANAN.