CHAPTER XXVII.

1861.

CORRESPONDENCE WITH MR. STANTON, MR. HOLT, GENERAL DIX AND OTHERS.

After his retirement to Wheatland, Mr. Buchanan received many

letters from three members of his cabinet, all of whom afterwards

held high office under President Lincoln,—namely, Mr. Stanton, Mr.

Holt, and General Dix. His relations with Judge Black, Mr. Toucey

and Mr. King continued to be very intimate, but the letters of the

three other gentlemen should specially receive the attention of the

reader, because their subsequent positions render them peculiarly

important witnesses to the course of Mr. Buchanan’s administration.

The letters received or written by Mr. Buchanan during the remainder

of the year 1861, are here given in their chronological order; but

it should be noted that this period is divided by the bombardment of

Fort Sumter, which began on the 11th of April, 1861.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, Sunday, March 10, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

The dangerous illness of my youngest child for the last three days

must be my apology for not writing to you until to-day. I shall

now endeavor to give you as full information as I possess of the

state of public affairs in Washington. At the depot, on the

afternoon of your departure, I parted with Mr. Holt and Mr.

Toucey, and have not seen them since then. The cabinet was, as you

know, nominated and confirmed that day. The next morning Mr.

Seward took possession of the State Department, and Mr. Bates was

shortly afterwards qualified and commissioned as Attorney General.

Before this was done, Mr. Seward sent for me and requested me to

draw up a nomination of Mr. Crittenden for Judge of the United

States Court. I did so, and gave it to him. My understanding was

that the nomination would be immediately sent in. But it has not

been sent, and the general understanding is that it _will not be_.

The rumor is that the _red blacks_ oppose it, and also many of the

Democrats, and that Mr. Holt will be nominated. He appears now to

be the chief favorite of the Republicans. At the time that Mr.

Seward sent for me, he also gave me some comments of General

Scott’s on the report made by Mr. Holt in relation to Major

Anderson and Fort Sumter. The remarkable character of these

comments induced me to ask permission (which was granted) to show

them to General Dix; and I designed also to procure a copy of them

for you, if possible, but I have not been able to see Mr. Seward

since he sent for the paper. These comments stated that they were

written at night, at the General’s quarters, and in the absence of

his papers. This may account for what I suppose to be errors in

respect to material facts. These errors relate

1st. To the sending of the Star of the West. This is attributed to

Mr. Toucey’s being unwilling to furnish the Brooklyn for that

expedition. My understanding was that Mr. Toucey wanted to send

the Brooklyn, and that General Scott and Mr. Holt preferred the

other mode, and overruled Mr. Toucey.

2d. The second point was that on subsequent consultations General

Scott urged the sending of a military and naval force to relieve

Major Anderson, but that Mr. Toucey made such difficulty about

furnishing the ships that it was abandoned. My understanding was

that General Scott _never urged_ the sending of any force to

Sumter, but only to be ready to do so if necessary; and that he

agreed with you in opinion that the state of political affairs in

the border States, and the reports of Major Anderson, made it

expedient _not_ to send any force unless Sumter was attacked.

3d. A third point relates to what General Scott calls an informal

truce entered into by you with certain persons from seceding

States, under which the reinforcement of Sumter and Fort Pickens

was suspended. My recollection in respect to that transaction is

that Mr. Holt and General Scott concurred _with you_ in that

arrangement, which, when proposed in cabinet, was opposed by Judge

Black and myself.

In his conversation with me, Mr. Seward mentioned that Mr. Lincoln

and his cabinet, when this subject came up, would desire me to be

present, and also Mr. Holt. I told him that if _all of the late

cabinet_ were requested to be present I would have no objection,

but I did not think it proper _unless all_ were present. He said

that of course the invitation would be extended _to all_. As I

never heard any thing more on the subject, I suppose that they

have found it only necessary to consult Mr. Holt, who continued

acting as Secretary of War. Mr. Seward has been sick for several

days, but the first time that I see him my intention is to ask for

a copy of General Scott’s comments for you.

I am perfectly satisfied that Major Anderson _will be withdrawn_.

Scott agrees with Anderson as to the force required to relieve

Sumter, and evidently favors withdrawal of the troops. The same

thing will no doubt be done in respect to Fort Pickens. The

Montgomery commissioners have not yet applied for an audience.

Various conjectures are made in respect to whether they will be

received. I am also convinced by the general tone prevailing here

that there is not the least design to attempt any coercive

measure. A continuation of your policy _to avoid collision_ will

be the course of the present administration. General Dix gave up

the Treasury Department Thursday, and went home Friday morning. He

on all occasions speaks of you with kindness and regard. Mr. Holt

is the only one of your cabinet yet in office—the probability is

that he will receive the nomination of Supreme Judge as a reward

for what he terms his efforts to arrest the downward course of

public affairs at the time he became Secretary of War. The

resignations of General Cooper and Colonels Lay and Withers show

that the feeling of secession in Virginia is growing stronger.

Judge Campbell has his resignation prepared, and will send it in

on the 15th of this month. This will be the most serious

resignation that has yet occurred, not only on account of his high

character and eminent qualities, but also because it affects a

branch of the Government hitherto untouched by the contagion of

secession.

Judge Black left town with his family yesterday. He is to return

on Monday. The scramble for office is terrific. It is said that

Lincoln takes the precaution of seeing no strangers alone. The

reception on Friday is reported to have been an immense mob.

I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane, and shall ever

remain, with sincere regard,

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. HOLT.]

WHEATLAND, March 11, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have not heard a word from any member of my late cabinet since I

left Washington, except a letter from Mr. Stanton, received

yesterday. I had expected to hear often, especially from Judge

Black and yourself. Meanwhile the Northern papers are teeming with

what I know to be misrepresentations as to expressions used by

yourself concerning my conduct. From our first acquaintance I have

had the most implicit confidence in your integrity, ability and

friendship, and this remains unchanged. Pray enlighten me as to

what is going on in Washington.

From your friend, very respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[TO JAMES GORDON BENNETT, ESQ.]

WHEATLAND, March 11, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Will you be kind enough to direct the _Herald_ to be sent to me at

Lancaster? I have been quite lost without it.

I am once more settled at this, my quiet home, and one of my first

impulses is to return you my cordial and grateful thanks for the

able and powerful support which you have given me almost

universally throughout my stormy and turbulent administration.

Under Heaven’s blessing the administration has been successful in

its foreign and domestic policy, unless we may except the sad

events which have recently occurred. These no human wisdom could

have prevented. Whether I have done all I could, consistently with

my duty, to give them a wise and peaceful direction towards the

preservation or reconstruction of the Union, will be for the

public and posterity to judge. I feel conscious that I have done

my duty in this respect, and that I shall, at last, receive

justice. With my very kindest regards to Mrs. Bennett, I remain,

Sincerely and respectfully your friend,

b JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, March 12, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

It is now the universal impression in this city, that Sumter and

Pickens will both be surrendered. The _National Republican_

(Lincoln organ) says that it was determined on at the cabinet

meeting Saturday. Enclosed I send you a slip from the New York

_Tribune_ of Monday, 11th. Harvey, the telegraphic correspondent,

is intimate and in daily association with Mr. Holt, but he surely

can have no warrant for the assertion in the article referred to.

Cameron was sworn into office yesterday.[172] The administration

is now completely organized, but demands for office necessarily

must occupy their chief attention. I have not seen any of the

cabinet, or any leading Senator of that party, since the date of

my last letter.

Floyd is here. Russell has been discharged from the indictment

against, him. All accounts here represent the secession feeling in

Virginia to be rapidly strengthening and extending. It would not

surprise me to see Virginia out in less than ninety days, and

Maryland will be close at her heels. Lincoln and the family at the

White House are represented to be greatly elated at Douglas

joining in defence of the new administration. It is said to be the

chief topic of conversation with visitors at the Executive

mansion.

You will notice in the _Tribune_ an article signed “One who sees

the facts,” which is quite sharp on Major Anderson, and the writer

evidently agrees with you in respect to the Major’s course.

Glossbrenner started home this morning.

With great respect, I remain, yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

Footnote 172:

As Secretary of War.

[MR. HOLT TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, March 14, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I have read, with amazement and much sorrow, the statement

contained in your kind letter of the 11th inst., just received,

that the Northern papers are teeming with misrepresentations of

expressions, said to have been used by myself, concerning your

conduct. As I read but few of these papers, it is not surprising

that such calumnies should have escaped my notice; but I am

astonished that they should not have been mentioned to me by some

of our common friends. Having no knowledge whatever of the nature

or details of these misrepresentations, of course I can offer you

no explanation or refutation of them. This much, however, may be

safely affirmed, that if they impute to me expressions in any

degree disparaging to yourself personally or officially, they are

utterly false. I gave to your administration an earnest and

sincere support, first from a high sense of duty to my country,

and next out of regard for yourself personally. What I thus

supported, I will never cease to defend.

I feel a gratitude that words cannot convey, for the declaration

that, in despite of all these fabrications and perversions of a

profligate press, your confidence remains unshaken. Be assured

that I have not, and never will, do aught unworthy of the trust

that you so generously repose. I have labored to deserve your

friendship, which has lavished upon me honors and distinctions for

which I am, and shall continue to be, grateful with every throb of

my life. No greater mortification could befall me than to fear

even that you regarded me insensible to these kindnesses, or

capable of being less than your devoted friend, now and hereafter,

here and everywhere.

I think you have little reason to disquiet yourself about the

calumnies of the press. The enthusiasm which greeted you in your

progress homeward shows how these things have impressed the

popular heart. You will not have to live long to witness the

entombment of the last of the falsehoods by which your patriotic

career has been assailed. If you are not spared until then, you

need have no fear but that history will do you justice.

I have not met with any member of your cabinet, except Governor

Toucey, since we separated on Monday night. I remained in the War

Department until the Monday following, when General Cameron was

qualified. I have seen the President but once since, and then on a

matter of business about which he wished the information which he

supposed my connection with the War Department would supply.

Having no means of knowing the plans and purposes of the

administration, I can only say I am well satisfied its policy will

be decidedly pacific and conciliatory. I should not be surprised

to learn, any morning, that Fort Sumter had been evacuated. As

Fort Pickens can be retained without a collision, it may be

differently treated. All is tranquil here, and the tone of feeling

prevailing is constantly increasing in hopefulness and confidence.

The indications from the border States are very encouraging. The

popular mind is rapidly becoming tranquilized. This accomplished,

and the revolution will die out. Excitement is the aliment on

which it feeds, and without this it could scarcely subsist for

sixty days. The work of transferring the offices is going on, but

not rapidly or remorselessly. The temper of the Republicans seems

greatly changed from what it was during their conflict for power.

I believe every effort will be made to preserve the Government,

and I have more hope of the result now than I have had for the

last three months.

With kind regards to Miss Lane, I am, very respectfully,

Your sincere friend,

J. HOLT.

[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

NEW YORK, March 14, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I left Washington on Friday (Mr. Chase having relieved me on the

preceding day[173]), went to Boston on Saturday, passed Sunday

with my wife and daughter, and returned to this city on Monday. I

am at this moment annoyed with the apprehension that I may be

obliged to go to Washington to-morrow. If so, I will advise you of

the cause.

When we parted, there was a feeling of doubt as to my friend Major

Anderson. I wrote him a letter the day his despatches were

received—in fact, the night after our meeting at Mr. Ould’s house,

in which I alluded in the strongest terms of reprobation to the

treachery of some of the officers of the Government in the South,

contrasting it with his own courage and constancy. I made no

allusion to his despatches. I have received a letter from him

which is perfectly satisfactory. I will in a few days send you

copies of mine to him and his answer.

I envy you the quietude of Wheatland. There is none here. The

excitements are wearisome in the extreme. The people are now

agitated by the intelligence that Fort Sumter is to be abandoned.

Here, I think, there will be no decided demonstration of

disapproval. But in the country it will be different. The

disappointment will be very great, and it will go far to turn the

current against the new administration. Your record will brighten

in proportion. Of course, an attempt will be made to cast the

responsibility on you. But there is a complete defence, as we

know.

I shall never forget the six happy weeks I passed with you. The

remembrance of your kindness, and that of Miss Lane, will always

be among my brightest retrospections. Nothing would afford me so

much gratification as to be able to do something in return for

your contributions to my happiness and comfort. With my kind

regards to her, I am, dear sir,

Sincerely and faithfully yours,

JOHN A. DIX.

Footnote 173:

As Secretary of the Treasury.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, March 14, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Your favor was received last evening. I shall take care of it so

that when required it may be returned.

There is no doubt of Sumter being evacuated; report says the order

has gone, but that, I think, is doubtful. You will have noticed

the resolution introduced yesterday by Mr. Douglas in the Senate.

That looks like a comprehensive platform for relinquishing

everything in the seceded States, and even those that sympathize

with them. To me it seems like the first step towards a strictly

Northern non-slaveholding confederacy.

In the last two days nothing has occurred here to my knowledge but

what you will see in the newspapers. There has been no further

action in respect to the Supreme Judgeship. It is generally

understood that Crittenden will not be nominated. Judge Campbell

has reconsidered his resignation, and will not resign immediately.

The Court adjourns to-day. I am now writing in the Supreme Court

room. If the Court ever reassembles, there will be considerable

change in its organization. Judge Grier went home sick two days

ago. Judge McLean is reported to be quite ill. Lincoln will

probably (if his administration continues four years) make a

change that will affect the constitutional doctrines of the Court.

The pressure for office continues unabated. Every department is

overrun, and by the time that all the patronage is distributed the

Republican party will be dissolved. I hope that peace and

tranquillity, with cessation from your intense labors, will long

preserve you in health and happiness.

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

P. S.—The Supreme Court have just decided Mrs. Gaines’s case in

her favor—four judges to three—the Chief Justice, Grier, and

Catron _dissenting_. They have also decided that the Federal

Government _has no power_ to coerce the Governor of a State to

return a fugitive from justice, although it is his duty to comply

with the demand.

Yours, etc.,

E. M. S.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Notwithstanding what has been said in the papers and the universal

reports here during the last week, the order for the removal of

the troops from Sumter has not, as I am assured, yet been given.

Yesterday it was still under debate. Every day affords proof of

the absence of any settled policy or harmonious concert of action

in the administration. Seward, Bates and Cameron form one wing;

Chase, Miller, Blair, the opposite wing; Smith is on both sides,

and Lincoln sometimes on one, sometimes on the other. There has

been agreement in nothing. Lincoln, it is complained in the

streets, has undertaken to distribute the whole patronage, small

and great, leaving nothing to the chiefs of departments. Growls

about Scott’s “imbecility” are growing frequent. The Republicans

are beginning to think that a monstrous blunder was made in the

tariff bill, and that it will cut off the trade of New York, build

up New Orleans and the Southern ports, and leave the Government no

revenue—they see before them the prospect of soon being without

money and without credit. But with all this, it is certain that

_Anderson will be withdrawn_. I do not believe there will be much

further effort to assail you. Mr. Sumner told me yesterday that

Scott’s _proposed order_ was based upon purely military reasons

and the limited military resources of the Government. The

embarrassments that surrounded you they now feel; and whatever may

be said against you must recoil as an argument against them. And

in giving reasons for their action, they must exhibit the facts

that controlled you in respect to Sumter.

Mr. Holt has gone to New York. I have not seen him. When he called

on me I happened to be from home, and when I called he was absent.

Judge Black is here, and I suppose intends to remain for some

time. He is staying at Harrison’s. I hope to be able to procure a

copy of Mr. Holt’s letter and General Scott’s comments next week,

and I intend to call and see the General and have a talk with him.

With sincere regard, I remain,

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, March 16, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Yours of yesterday was received this morning, and its arrival

telegraphed. I do not think there will be any serious effort to

assail your administration in respect to Fort Sumter. That would

imply a coercive policy on their part, and hostility to your

pacific measures. The tendency of General Scott’s remarks was

rather to impute blame to Mr. Toucey than to any one else. And as

Mr. Holt and the General concurred in everything done or written,

their concurrence will defend you.

I will procure the papers you desire, and forward them, and will

make you a visit as soon as the illness of my child will suffer me

to leave home. In the meantime, I shall write to you often, and

apprise you of what is going on.

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL DIX.]

WASHINGTON, March 18, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Many thanks for your kind letter of the 14th instant. I shall ever

recollect with pleasure and satisfaction your brief sojourn with

us at the White House, and with gratitude the able and successful

manner in which you performed the duties of your arduous and

responsible office.

You might envy me the quiet of Wheatland were my thoughts not

constantly disturbed by the unfortunate condition of our country.

The question of the withdrawal of the troops from Fort Sumter at

first agitated the public mind in this vicinity; but my impression

is that the people are now becoming gradually reconciled to it.

There is a general desire for peace. As a military movement,

General Scott’s name will go far to sustain Mr. Lincoln. After

Major’s Anderson’s letter, received on the 4th March, it was very

doubtful whether he could be reinforced by the means within the

power of the Government. The only alternative would have been, to

let the Confederate States commence the war on him, and if the

force had been so superior as to render successful resistance

impossible, after the honor of the flag had been maintained, then

to authorize him to capitulate. Indeed, I presume such, or nearly

such, was the purport of the instructions.

It is probable an attempt will be made, as you suggest, to cast

the responsibility on me. But I always refused to surrender the

fort and was ever ready to send reinforcements on the request of

Major Anderson.

I thank God that the revolution has as yet been bloodless,

notwithstanding my duty, as prescribed in my annual message, has

been performed as far as this was practicable.

With my kindest regards to Mrs. Dix, I remain always, sincerely

and respectfully,

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. HOLT TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, March 20, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

On reaching home last evening, I had the pleasure of receiving

yours of the 16th inst., and now hasten to inclose the copy of my

letter to the President, as requested. I think you need have no

apprehension that either yourself or friends will be called upon

for any elaborate vindication of your policy in reference to Fort

Sumter; events are hurrying on too rapidly for that. You will ere

this have seen Breckinridge’s speech in the Senate, connected with

the movement now making by his friends in Kentucky, through an

irregular popular convention gathered from the highways and

hedges, to force the legislature to the adoption of a

revolutionary policy. This demonstration on his part is regarded

as very significant. Kentucky voted against him, on the

_suspicion_ merely that he was a disunionist; after this avowal, I

doubt not, her condemnation of him will be far more decided.

I very much fear an early recognition on the part of France of the

new Confederacy, which, followed as it would speedily be by

others, would go far to consolidate the Southern republic. The

bait for the material interests of Europe has been adroitly

prepared, and cannot be long resisted. But I think such a step by

a friendly government taken within ninety days after the revolt of

the States ought to be treated almost as _casus belli_. Fort

Sumter, I presume, is about to be evacuated, which will do much to

allay popular excitement in South Carolina, and thus take away the

aliment on which the revolution is feeding. Still there will

remain military complications in the South, for the peaceable

adjustment of which fears may well be entertained.

You have my sincere thanks for your kind invitation to visit

Wheatland. It would afford me the greatest pleasure to do so, and

I trust that events may yet place this gratification within my

reach.

Very respectfully and truly your friend,

J. HOLT.

[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

NEW YORK, March 28th, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I intended to have sent you long ere this a copy of my letter to

Major Anderson, and his reply. Mine was written on the evening of

the inauguration, after the consultation at Mr. Ould’s; and it was

intended to encourage him if he was true, or to cut him to the

heart if he was false. You know, however, that I would not doubt

his honor and good faith. I should have sent the correspondence

last week, but I was urged to go to Washington to see Mr. Chase in

regard to the new loan. The request came from the Government, and

I could not decline it. I found the Secretary well informed in

regard to the condition of the finances, and think he will acquit

himself with credit.

When I left (on Saturday last), I do not think the administration

had any settled policy. It was merely drifting with the current,

at a loss to know whether it were better to come to an anchor, or

set sail. There had not been at that time a full cabinet meeting;

and I know that the foreign appointments had been made without

consulting the Secretary of the Treasury. I believe Mr. Lincoln is

acting on the theory of advising, in regard to appointments, with

the head of the Department under which they properly fall, and

with none of the others.

Will you please to say to Miss —— that I have the assurance she

desired in regard to her nephew.

My wife and daughters are in Boston, and I am very desolate.

I think it is decided to withdraw Major Anderson, without holding

your administration to any responsibility for it. The attempt, as

must be seen, would not only be fruitless, but absurd.

The loan of eight millions will be taken next week on favorable

terms. If the bids for the stock are not satisfactory, Mr. Chase

has the alternative of issuing Treasury notes, payable in

two years, and convertible into stock. This privilege of

convertibility will enable him to place them at par. But it would

be better, if he can get a fair price for the stock, to take it,

and get the eight millions out of the way for twenty years.

I beg to be kindly remembered to Miss Lane, and am, my dear sir,

with sincere regard,

Faithfully yours,

JOHN A. DIX.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, April 3d, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Although a considerable period has elapsed since the date of my

last letter to you, nothing has transpired here of interest but

what is fully detailed in the newspapers. Mr. Toucey left here

last week. Judge Black is still in the city. General Dix made a

short visit at the request of the Secretary of the Treasury. Mr.

Holt, I think, is still here, but I have not seen him for several

days. You of course saw Thompson’s answer and Mr. Holt’s reply. I

have not had any intercourse with any of the present cabinet,

except a few brief interviews with Mr. Bates, the Attorney

General, on business connected with his Department. Mr. Lincoln I

have not seen. He is said to be very much broken down with the

pressure that is upon him in respect to appointments. The policy

of the administration in respect to the seceding States remains in

obscurity. There has been a rumor, for the last two or three days,

that, notwithstanding all that has been said, there will be an

effort to reinforce Fort Sumter; but I do not believe a word of

it. The special messenger, Colonel Lamon, told me that he was

satisfied it could not be done. The new loan has been bid for, at

better rates than I anticipated; and I perceive General Dix was

one of the largest bidders at the highest rates. The new Tariff

Bill seems to give the administration great trouble; and

luckily it is a measure of their own. The first month of the

administration seems to have furnished an ample vindication of

your policy, and to have rendered all occasion of other defence

needless. The rumors from Richmond are very threatening; secession

is rapidly gaining strength there.

Hoping that you are in the enjoyment of good health and happiness,

I remain, as ever,

Yours,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

P. S.—12 o’clock. The Secretary of the Treasury has determined to

reject all the bids for the new loan under 94. This gives him

$3,099,000 only of eight millions called for. He could have

obtained the whole amount at 93½. Riggs thinks the Secretary has

made a great mistake in not taking the whole sum, and that he will

not get as good terms as 93½ in future. There are no bids here

taken.

E. M. S.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, April 10th, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

I am rejoiced to learn by yours of the 8th instant, received this

morning, that your good health continues. Mrs. Stanton desires to

return her thanks for your kind invitation. It would give her

great pleasure to make you a visit, if the care of young children

permitted her to leave home. Before long I hope to have the

pleasure of paying my respects to you at Wheatland.

Enclosed I send you a copy of General Scott’s “views,” as

published in the _Intelligencer_. The first I ever heard of them

was when they were read in cabinet by Floyd on the 27th of

December. I have been hoping to procure for you a copy of General

Scott’s “observations” upon Mr. Holt’s last letter respecting

Sumter, but as yet have not succeeded. I saw Mr. Holt on Sunday. I

had supposed he might have some knowledge of the designs of the

administration and the purpose of the recent military and naval

movements; but he said he had none. He has received a curious

letter from General Twiggs, the substance of which is “that the

power to dismiss an officer of the army without trial has been

exercised, and he does not dispute it; but Mr. Holt has _assumed

the right_ to apply epithets the propriety of which he will

discuss with General Holt, whenever he has the honor of meeting

him personally.” What would he have thought of the epithet

“cowardice” which you struck out of Mr. Holt’s order? Mr. Seaton,

when I called on him this morning, expressed his gratification to

hear of your good health, and spoke of you with much kindness. He

says he has no knowledge of the movements or policy of the

administration but what he finds in the New York papers, has not

seen Lincoln since the inauguration, and has no intercourse with

the cabinet. Doctor Gwin has just returned from Mississippi. He

speaks with great confidence of the stability and power of the

Confederacy, and evidently sympathizes strongly with them. Every

day impresses stronger conviction upon the public mind here that

armed collision will soon take place. Lincoln has appointed his

partner, Colonel Lamon, marshal. He is to enter upon the office

Friday; and Selden says he gives as a reason for doing so

immediately that apprehensions are entertained of a hostile attack

upon Washington. But I think that apprehension is as groundless as

the rumor that hurried Lincoln from Harrisburg to Washington.

I beg you to present my kindest regards to Miss Lane. The rumor

continues rife that she is soon to return to this city. Mrs.

Stanton and myself will be happy to welcome her. I shall continue

to keep you advised of any thing of interest that may transpire

here, and hope that your life may long be spared in health and

happiness.

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

P.S.—12 o’clock. It is certain that the administration is

panic-stricken for some cause. They commenced this morning an

active enrolment of the militia of the District. Chew, of the

State Department, was sent last week to Charleston. I have just

been told that he went with a formal note to Governor Pickens—that

the administration designed to succor Major Anderson—that fourteen

ships would be sent—that they meant only to supply provisions, but

if there was any resistance forces would also be sent in. It is

now reported as coming from one of the commissioners that the

_batteries have_ _opened on Sumter_. Soldiers are also being

placed in the Departments. This is the last rumor on the Avenue.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, April 11, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

The letter of Twiggs is in accordance with his character, and

shows how richly he deserved the epithet with which he would have

been branded on the records of the country and before the world

but for your forbearance. The cowardly effort to insult and wound

you is worthy of one who betrayed his trust and traitorously

surrendered the arms and colors of his Government. The idle threat

to visit Lancaster shows that “braggart” is to be added to traitor

and coward, in order to designate his full measure of infamy.

I showed your letter and the copy of Twiggs’ letter to Mr. Holt.

He thought it ought to be published by you, but I do not. It would

be dignifying the creature too much. I enclose a copy of his

letter to Mr. Holt. You will observe that the same contemptible

threat of personal vengeance is made in it. But it is gratifying

to know that Twiggs feels so acutely the sting of his dismissal,

and that all the whitewashing of the Confederate States affords

him no relief. I have applied to the War Office for copies of the

several orders relating to Twiggs, and shall probably have them

to-morrow, and will forward them to you.

There is great “soldiering” in town the last two days. The yard in

front of the War Office is crowded with the District Militia, who

are being mustered into service. The feeling of loyalty to the

Government has greatly diminished in this city. Many persons who

would have supported the Government under your administration

refuse to be enrolled. Many who were enrolled have withdrawn, and

refuse to take the oath. The administration has not acquired the

confidence and respect of the people here. Not one of the cabinet

or principal officers has taken a house or brought his family

here. Seward rented a house “while he should continue in the

cabinet,” but has not opened it, nor has his family come. They all

act as though they meant to be ready “to cut and run” at a

minute’s notice—their tenure is like that of a Bedouin on the

sands of the desert. This is sensibly felt and talked about by the

people of the city, and they feel no confidence in an

administration that betrays so much insecurity. And besides, a

strong feeling of distrust in the candor and sincerity of Lincoln

personally and of his cabinet has sprung up. If they had been

merely silent and secret, there might have been no ground of

complaint. But assurances are said to have been given and

declarations made in conflict with the facts now transpiring in

respect to the South, so that no one speaks of Lincoln or any

member of his cabinet with respect or regard.

The facts about Sumter it is impossible to ascertain, for the

reasons that have been mentioned, for no one knows _what to

believe_. The nearest conjecture I can form is this:—

1st. That the Baltic has been sent with provisions for Sumter.

2d. That the Powhatan has been sent with forces to land and attack

the batteries.

3d. That a _secret_ expedition, independent of General Scott, has

been sent, under charge of Fox, to make an effort to land in the

night at Sumter.

The refusal to admit Captain Talbot to Sumter may prevent concert

of action with Major Anderson, and I think the whole thing will

prove a failure. There is no excitement here. People are anxious,

but the sensation telegrams sent from here are without any

foundation. It is true, however, that Ben McCullough has been here

on a scouting expedition, and he carefully examined all the

barracks and military posts in the city, and said that he expected

to be in possession of the city before long. He stayed all night

at Doctor Gwin’s. This has a business aspect. It is believed that

a secession ordinance will be passed by the Virginia convention

to-day.

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.]

(Without date.)

. . .

The Confederate States have deliberately commenced the civil war,

and God knows where it may end. They were repeatedly warned by my

administration that an assault on Fort Sumter would be civil war,

and they would be responsible for the consequences. The last of

these warnings happens to be before me, and is contained in the

last sentence of Mr. Holt’s letter to Mr. Hayne, of February 6th,

1861. It is as follows: “If, with all the multiplied proofs which

exist of the President’s anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness

with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall

assault Fort Sumter and peril the lives of the handful of brave

and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common

country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them, and those

they represent, must rest the responsibility.”

I have been entirely well since my return home, until within the

last few days, when I have suffered from sharp twinges of

rheumatism in my legs.

With my kindest regards to your wife, I remain, very

affectionately,

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, April 12, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

We have the war upon us. The telegraphic news of this morning you

will have seen before this reaches you. The impression here is

held by many: 1st, that the effort to reinforce will be a failure;

2d, that in less than twenty-four hours from this time Anderson

will have surrendered; 3d, that in less than thirty days Davis

will be in possession of Washington.

Yours truly, EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL DIX.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 19, 1861.

MY DEAR GENERAL:

I need scarcely say I was much gratified with your letter to Major

Anderson, as well as with his answer. You placed, in an eloquent

and striking light, before him the infamous conduct of General

Twiggs and others, and his response was manly and loyal. By the

bye, I some time since received an insulting letter from General

Twiggs, dated in Mississippi on the 30th ultimo. Its conclusion is

as follows: “Your usurped right to dismiss me from the army might

be acquiesced in, but you had no right to brand me as a traitor;

this was personal, _and I shall treat it as such_, not through the

papers, but _in person_. I shall, most assuredly, pay a visit to

Lancaster, for the sole purpose of a _personal interview_ with

you. So, sir, prepare yourself. I am well assured that public

opinion will sanction _any course_ I may take with you.”

I have paid no attention to this note, and entertain but little

apprehension from the threats of this hoary-headed rebel. My fate,

however, is, in some respects, hard. After my annual message of

the 3d December, in which I made as able an argument as I could

against secession, and indicated my purpose to collect the revenue

and defend the Federal forts in South Carolina, etc., the Southern

friends of the administration fell away from it. From the line

prescribed in this message, I am not conscious that I have

departed a hair’s breadth, so far as it was practicable to pursue

it. I was ready and willing at all times to attempt to collect the

revenue, and, as a necessary preliminary, I nominated a collector

to the Senate. You know the result.

After my explosion with the commissioners of South Carolina at the

end of December, the Southern Senators denounced me on the floor

of the Senate; but after my message to Congress of the 8th

January, one of them at least abused me in terms which I would not

repeat. In that message I declared that “the right and the duty to

use military force defensively against those who resist the

Federal officers, in the execution of their legal functions, and

against those who assail the property of the Federal Government,

is clear and undeniable;” and more to the same purpose.

Warning was repeatedly given that if the authorities of South

Carolina should assail Fort Sumter, this would be the commencement

of a civil war, and they would be responsible for the

consequences. The last and most emphatic warning of this

character, is contained in the concluding sentence of Mr. Holt’s

final and admirable answer to Mr. Hayne of the 6th of February. It

is as follows: “If with all the multiplied proofs which exist of

the President’s anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with

which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall

assail Fort Sumter, and peril the lives of the handful of brave

and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common

country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those

they represent must rest the responsibility.” This letter has been

published, but seems to have been forgotten. I perceive that you

are to be President of the great Union meeting. Would it not be

well, in portraying the conduct of South Carolina in assailing

Fort Sumter, to state that this had been done under the most

solemn warnings of the consequences, and refer to this letter of

Mr. Holt? Nobody seems to understand the course pursued by the

late administration. A quotation from Holt’s letter would

strengthen the hands of the present administration. You were a

member of the cabinet at its date, and I believe it received your

warm approbation. Hence it would come from you with peculiar

propriety.

Had I known you were about to visit Washington on the business of

the Treasury, I should have urged you to call at Wheatland on your

return. You would then, as you will at all times, be a most

welcome visitor.

They talk about keeping secrets. Nobody seems to have suspected

the existence of an expedition to reinforce or supply Fort Sumter

at the close of our administration.

The present administration had no alternative but to accept the

war initiated by South Carolina or the Southern Confederacy. The

North will sustain the administration almost to a man; and it

ought to be sustained at all hazards.

Miss Hetty feels very much indebted to you, and you are frequently

the subject of kind remembrances in our small family circle.

Please to present my kind regards to Mrs. Dix.

From your friend always,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[GENERAL DIX TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

NEW YORK, April 24, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

As chairman of a committee of citizens having the war in charge,

every moment of my time is engrossed, and I have only time to

thank you for your kind and important letter. It reached me just

as I was going to the great meeting on Saturday. I enclose a paper

giving my remarks. You will see the use I have made of your

letter. I had no time to correct, add or abridge, as my remarks

were in type before I left the stand, and, indeed, were in

circulation in the streets.

There was one passage in your letter I was very anxious to read to

the meeting. I have never taken a liberty with a private letter,

though I was never so strongly tempted. The sentence I allude to

is this: “The present administration had no alternative but to

accept the war initiated by South Carolina or the Southern

Confederacy. The North will sustain the administration almost to a

man; and it ought to be sustained at all hazards.” May I use the

foregoing, if I think it proper and a fit occasion presents

itself? Many of our political friends express great gratification

at the statement your letter enabled me to make.

I will write more fully in a few days, and am, with sincere

respect and regard,

Your friend,

JOHN A. DIX.

P.S.—The Republicans here have behaved very well. They placed me

at the head of the Committee on Resolutions, and gave a majority

of the Committee to us. The resolutions, with one exception, were

drawn by me.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO GENERAL DIX.]

WHEATLAND, near LANCASTER, April 25, 1861.

MY DEAR GENERAL:—

I have just received your favor of yesterday, with the New York

_Times_ containing your remarks as president of the great Union

meeting. They were excellent and appropriate, and I am much

indebted to you for them. I had read them before in the Sunday

_Herald_.

Since the day and hour that I delivered my message, on the 3d

December last, I have never departed from it for a single moment.

The argument which it contained against secession, and the

determination it expressed to collect the revenue and protect the

property of the United States, produced an instantaneous

alienation of the Southern Senators. After my difficulties with

the South Carolina commissioners, this became a violent and

settled hostility, and I was openly denounced by them on the floor

of the Senate.

Supposing that Fort Sumter would then be attacked, the expedition

of the Star of the West was organized and prepared by General

Scott. Before it sailed, however, information was received from

Major Anderson and some other sources, I do not recollect what,

which, in the opinion of the Secretaries of War and of the Navy

and General Scott, rendered it unnecessary. It was then

countermanded by General Scott; but the countermand did not reach

New York until after it had sailed. But you know all this.

I have no doubt of the loyalty and good faith of Major Anderson.

His forbearance must be attributed to his desire of preserving

peace and avoiding a hostile collision. When the Major, in a firm

and patriotic manner, refused to surrender the fort to Beauregard,

it seems he informed him that his provisions would last but a few

days. What an outrage it was, after this information, to fire on

the fort.

I remain, most truly,

Your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

P.S.—In regard to the sentences in my letter, it might have been

well, and I think it would have been, to read them. It is now

probably too late, unless another good opportunity would seem to

justify.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. BAKER.]

WHEATLAND, April 26, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

What on earth has become of my friends in Philadelphia? It is some

time since I have heard from any of them. But almost every day I

receive violent, insulting and threatening anonymous letters from

that city. Now, I am not easily moved, but I should like to know

whether I am in danger of a personal attack from there, so that I

may be prepared to meet it. They know not what they would do;

because, when my record is presented to the world, all will be

clear as light.

In Lancaster there was at first considerable feeling against me,

but that has subsided very fast. My old friends seem to be

faithful and true. The speech of General Dix at New York threw

some light upon the subject, and had a happy effect here. This,

united with General Twiggs’ threatening letter, at once arrested

the tide. Has the speech of General Dix been published in any of

the Philadelphia papers?

My old friend —— has not been near me since my return, and I am

told he is very bitter.

The officers, and I may add, the men of the two Ohio regiments

here have the most friendly dispositions. Great numbers of them

have visited me.

I receive the kindest letters from New York. Is there any danger

of disturbance to the public peace in Philadelphia?

What has become of Judge Black? I know not where he is. He may be

still in Somerset. I wrote to him there at his own request some

time ago, but have received no answer. The attack on Fort Sumter

was an outrageous act. The authorities at Charleston were several

times warned by my administration that such an attack would be

civil war, and would be treated as such. If it had been made in my

time it should have been treated as such.

From your friend, as ever,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. STANTON.]

WHEATLAND, May 6, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

The last two letters which I received from you are both dated on

the 12th April, and were acknowledged by me on the 17th. I have

heard nothing either from yourself or Mr. Holt since the assault

upon Fort Sumter. That you have written I entertain not a doubt,

because you were to keep me advised of anything of interest which

might transpire at Washington. The mails have been very irregular.

Whether our friend Holt is in Washington or in Kentucky or

whereabout is unknown to this deponent. Black is somewhere, as

quiet as a mouse.

The first gun fired by Beauregard aroused the indignant spirit of

the North as nothing else could have done, and made us a unanimous

people. I had repeatedly warned them that this would be the

result. I had supposed, and believed, that it would be the policy

of Mr. Lincoln’s administration to yield to the popular impulse,

and banish, at least for the present, all party distinctions. In

this I have been, most probably, mistaken. I judge from the answer

of Mr. Seward, Jr., to an inquiry propounded to him about some

arrangement with the enemy, in which he goes out of his way to

say, that the days for such things had passed away since the 4th

of March. I suppose he alluded to the arrangement made not to land

the forces, but merely the supplies, at Fort Pickens whilst the

Peace Convention were in session, unless the revolutionists should

manifest a disposition to assail it. I have not got in my

possession copies of the orders issued by Messrs. Holt and Toucey

on that occasion, with the full approbation of General Scott. If

Mr. Holt be in Washington, I would thank you to obtain from him a

copy of this military order. I shall write to Mr. Toucey to-day

for a copy of the naval order.

Upon reëxamination of the whole course of my administration, from

the 6th November, 1860, I can find nothing to regret. I shall at

all times be prepared to defend it. The Southern Senators became

cold after my message of the 3d December, and bitterly hostile

after my explosion with the first South Carolina commissioners.

After this our social relations ceased; and all because I would

not consent to withdraw the troops from Fort Sumter, nor would I

agree not to reinforce them; but, under all circumstances,

uniformly declared that I would send reinforcements whenever

requested by Major Anderson, or the safety of the fort required

them. I am sorry you have not been able to procure for me General

Scott’s _critique_ on Mr. Holt’s letter to President Lincoln. I

hope Mr. Holt himself has a copy of it.

We live here in content and quiet, and see our friends in a social

way. The officers of the Ohio regiments visit us occasionally, and

are quite agreeable men, and most of them are Democrats. We had a

visit from Mr. Sherman yesterday.

From your friend, very respectfully,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. BUCHANAN TO MR. J. C. G. KENNEDY.]

WHEATLAND, LANCASTER, May 13, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

Many thanks for your kind letter of May 11th received this day. My

letter to Mr. Seaton had no other object in view than to suggest

hints to be used by him if he thought proper. I have kept no copy

of it, though I have a general recollection of what it contains.

If there is nothing personally harsh or offensive in it towards

those officers who have abandoned their flag notwithstanding their

oaths, I can perceive no objection to its publication with the

explanation you propose to be given. I do not think there is

anything harsh or offensive in it. I have been quite unwell for a

week or ten days; the last few days I have been confined to my

bed. I believe, with the blessing of God, I may weather this

storm, though it has been severe. It is very inconvenient for me

at the present moment, when all the world is alive, to be sick in

bed. Please to present me in the kindest terms to Mr. Seaton, and

believe me always to be sincerely and respectfully your friend,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, May 16, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

Your letter by Mr. Magraw was received, and I designed to send an

answer by him, but he left here without my knowledge. On the 20th

of April, the day after the Baltimore riot, and again on Blue

Tuesday, the day before the arrival of the New York regiments, I

wrote to you. These letters will probably reach you some time, if

they have not already arrived; but I regret their miscarriage, as

they kept up a regular chain of Washington events from the date of

Lincoln’s first proclamation after the capture of Sumter, and

since that time incidents have passed so rapidly that I cannot

recall them in their order.

The fling of Mr. F. W. Seward about “negotiations” would merit a

retort if there were an independent press, and the state of the

times admitted discussion of such matters. The negotiations

carried on by Mr. Seward with the Confederate commissioners

through Judge Campbell and Judge Nelson will some day, perhaps, be

brought to light, and if they were as has been represented to me,

Mr. Seward and the Lincoln administration will not be in a

position to make sneering observations respecting any negotiations

during your administration. It was in reference to these that Jeff

Davis in his message spoke with much severity. You no doubt

observed his allusion to informal negotiations through a person

_holding a high station_ in the Government of the United States,

and which were participated in by other persons holding stations

equally high. I have understood that Judge Campbell was the person

alluded to, and that Judge Nelson and, perhaps, Judge Catron were

the other persons cognizant of Mr. Seward’s assurances respecting

the evacuation of Fort Sumter.

Mr. Holt is still here. Judge Black has been absent some weeks,

but returned night before last. Mr. Holt stays at home pretty

closely, and I have met him very seldom, though I occasionally

hear of his visiting some of the Departments. The state of affairs

is tolerably well detailed in the public prints. But no

description could convey to you the panic that prevailed here for

several days after the Baltimore riot, and before communications

were reopened. This was increased by reports of the trepidation of

Lincoln that were circulated through the streets. Almost every

family packed up their effects. Women and children were sent away

in great numbers; provisions advanced to famine prices. In a great

measure the alarm has passed away, but there is still a deep

apprehension that before long this city is doomed to be the scene

of battle and carnage. In respect to military operations going on,

or contemplated, little is known until the results are announced

in the newspapers. General Scott seems to have _carte blanche_. He

is, in fact, the Government, and if his health continues, vigorous

measures are anticipated.

For the last few days I have been moving my family, my former

residence being made unpleasant by troops and hospitals

surrounding me. In the present state of affairs, I do not like to

leave home, or I would pay you a visit, but no one knows what may

happen any day, or how soon the communications may be again

interrupted. Marching and drilling is going on all day in every

street. The troops that have arrived here are in general

fine-looking, able-bodied, active men, well equipped, and

apparently ready and willing for the service in which they are

engaged. Your cordial concurrence in the disposition to maintain

the Government and resist aggression gives great satisfaction, and

I am pleased to observe a letter from you in the _Intelligencer_

of this morning.

I beg you to present my compliments to Miss Lane. There are many

stories afloat among the ladies in the city that would amuse her,

but as they are no doubt told her by lady correspondents, it is

needless for me to repeat them. I hope you may continue in the

enjoyment of good health, and remain with sincere regard,

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

[TO J. BUCHANAN HENRY.]

WHEATLAND, LANCASTER, }

(Confidential.) Friday, May 17, 1861. }

MY DEAR JAMES:—

I have been quite unwell for the last fortnight, during the last

week I have been in bed; still, thank God, I believe I am now

convalescent, though, as yet I am exceedingly weak. I should be

glad to see you here on private and public business, but not if

your absence should operate seriously to your prejudice. We

should also be happy to see Mr. Schell here. The termination of

the late administration ought not to break up the bonds of

mutual friendship which it produced. There is no part of my

administration which was considered with greater care and

pursued with more firmness than that between the 6th November,

the day of Mr. Lincoln’s election, and the 4th of March last.

Although nearly all upon record, the public seem to have

forgotten it. It has become necessary now to revive the public

memory, and I know of no journal in the country so proper to do

this as the _Journal of Commerce_. Mr. Hallock, of that valuable

paper (I believe I am correct in spelling the name), has always

been a friend. I would thank you to call upon him, present him

my kind and grateful regards, and say that with his permission I

will send him some documents. There never was a moment of time

when my administration were not ready and willing to reinforce,

or attempt to reinforce, and supply Fort Sumter, if Major

Anderson had called for such reinforcement or supply. On the 6th

of November, when Lincoln was elected, the whole force at my

command was just five companies, and neither of them full. They

did not exceed in the whole three hundred men. The ——, however,

from a spirit of malignity, and supposing that the world may

have forgotten the circumstance, takes every occasion to blame

me for my supineness; it will soon arrive at the point of

denouncing me for not crushing out the rebellion at once, and

thus try to make me the author of the war...... No extent of

abuse, general or particular abuse, that —— could pour out upon

me would induce me to prosecute him; but this is an attempt to

bring not only my character, but my life into danger by

malignant falsehood. It would be one of those great national

prosecutions, such as have occurred in this and other countries,

necessary to vindicate the character of the Government.

I want you to bring on with you Wheaton’s Elements of

International Law—the seventh edition, and no other. I see it is

published for sale in Boston at $6, and presume it can be had in

New York. If the _Journal of Commerce_ publishes a tri-weekly

paper, please to have it sent on to me immediately. You might,

confidentially and quietly, consult with —— whom it is best to

employ to conduct this business in its preliminary stages.[174]

Yours affectionately,

JAMES BUCHANAN.

Footnote 174:

His purpose to institute a prosecution for libel was abandoned by

the advice of friends.

[MR. STANTON TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

WASHINGTON, May 19, 1861.

DEAR SIR:—

You will see in the New York papers Judge Campbell’s report of the

negotiations between himself and Mr. Seward, to which I referred

in my letter of last week. They had been related to me by the

Judge about the time they closed. Mr. Seward’s silence will not

relieve him from the imputation of deceit and double-dealing in

the minds of many, although I do not believe it can justly be

imputed to him. I have no doubt he believed that Sumter would be

evacuated as he stated it would be. But the war party overruled

him with Lincoln, and he was forced to give up, but could not give

up his office. That is a sacrifice no Republican will be apt to

make. But this correspondence shows that Mr. Frederick Seward was

not in the line of truth when he said that negotiations ceased on

the fourth of March. The New York _Evening Post_ is very severe on

Judge Campbell, and very unjustly so, for the Judge has been as

anxiously and patriotically earnest to preserve the Government as

any man in the United States, and he has sacrificed more than any

Southern man rather than yield to the secessionists. I regret the

treatment he has received from Mr. Seward and the _Post_.

Nothing new has transpired here since my last letter. I am

perfectly convinced that an attack will be made, and a battle

fought for this city before long. With sincere regard, I remain,

Yours truly,

EDWIN M. STANTON.

[MR. HOLT TO MR. BUCHANAN.]

(Confidential.) WASHINGTON, May 24, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR:—

I had the pleasure of receiving yours of the 21st inst. from the

hands of Mr. Magraw. I had previously observed with pain notices

in the public papers of your illness, and it is therefore with

great gratification that I learn you are convalescing, though

still confined to your room. I thank you sincerely for your kind

invitation to visit Wheatland, and regret much that it is not in

my power at once to do so. My engagements, however, are such that

I cannot leave Washington for the present, though I hope to be

able to see you in the course of the summer.

I would gladly give you any assistance in my power in the

preparation of the paper to which you refer, but fear any aid I

could render would be of little avail to you. I have preserved no

memoranda of the transactions you propose to treat, and although

my memory might be trusted as to their substance, it would in all

probability be at fault in regard to their details. In reference

to the latter, I would rather defer to your own recollection, or

to that of other members of the cabinet. As a historical document,

I concur with you that the preparation of such a document is a

“necessity;” but I cannot perceive that there is any reason for

haste in its completion, or any expediency in its early

publication. The country is so completely occupied by the fearful

and absorbing events occurring and impending, that you could not

hope at present to engage its attention. Besides, from what I have

observed in the public papers, I cannot discover that your

administration is being so assailed upon the points alluded to as

to require any elaborate vindication at your hands...... I suppose

you have seen the prominent Southern papers—including Governor

Floyd’s organ at Richmond—in which is set forth as his especial

glory the aid given to the revolution by the War Department during

the year 1860.

You have, I believe, copies of all of Major Anderson’s letters,

and it may be copies, also, of a part of those received from Fort

Pickens. As the fate of the latter fortress is still undetermined,

I doubt if the Government would give copies of any correspondence

in regard to it. Colonel Anderson’s letters and those to him from

the Government, during my brief connection with the War

Department, formed, I think, a sufficient defence of the policy

pursued during that time.

...... I have had two brief but satisfactory interviews with

Colonel Anderson. He is thoroughly loyal, and if he ever had any

sympathy with the revolutionists, which I am now far from

believing, I think the ferocious spirit in which the siege and

cannonade of Sumter were conducted crushed it out of him. We did

not discuss at all the policy of your administration in regard to

Sumter, but he said in general terms that he was satisfied all

that had occurred was providential—that the course pursued had

been the means of fixing the eyes of the nation on Sumter, and of

awakening to the last degree its anxieties for its fate: so that

when it fell its fall proved the instrumentality of arousing the

national enthusiasm and loyalty, as we now see them displayed in

the eager rush to maintain the honor of the flag. The approval of

his course, of which you speak, relates, I presume, to his defence

of Sumter. I have not heard that the administration has expressed

any formal censure of your policy.

Life of James Buchanan, Fifteenth President of the United States. v. 2 (of 2) · 第 27 / 33 章