CHAPTER V

ARISTOCRACY

We have here two quite distinct moral persons, the government and

the Sovereign, and in consequence two general wills, one general in

relation to all the citizens, the other only for the members of the

administration. Thus, although the government may regulate its internal

policy as it pleases, it can never speak to the people save in the

name of the Sovereign, that is, of the people itself, a fact which must

not be forgotten.

The first societies governed themselves aristocratically. The heads

of families took counsel together on public affairs. The young bowed

without question to the authority of experience. Hence such names

as _priests, elders, senate_, and _gerontes_. The savages of North

America govern themselves in this way even now, and their government is

admirable.

But, in proportion as artificial inequality produced by institutions

became predominant over natural inequality, riches or power[1] were put

before age, and aristocracy became elective. Finally, the transmission

of the father's power along with his goods to his children, by creating

patrician families, made government hereditary, and there came to be

senators of twenty.

There are then three sorts of aristocracy--natural, elective and

hereditary. The first is only for simple peoples; the third is the

worst of all governments; the second is the best, and is aristocracy

properly so called.

Besides the advantage that lies in the distinction between the two

powers, it presents that of its members being chosen; for, in popular

government, all the citizens are born magistrates; but here magistracy

is confined to a few, who become such only by election.[2] By this

means uprightness, understanding, experience and all other claims to

pre-eminence and public esteem become so many further guarantees of

wise government.

Moreover, assemblies are more easily held, affairs better discussed and

carried out with more order and diligence, and the credit of the State

is better sustained abroad by venerable senators than by a multitude

that is unknown or despised.

In a word, it is the best and most natural arrangement that the wisest

should govern the many, when it is assured that they will govern

for its profit, and not for their own. There is no need to multiply

instruments, or get twenty thousand men to do what a hundred picked men

can do even better, but it must not be forgotten that corporate interest

here begins to direct the public power less under the regulation of the

general will, and that a further inevitable propensity takes away from

the laws part of the executive power.

If we are to speak of what is individually desirable, neither should

the State be so small, nor a people so simple and upright, that the

execution of the laws follows immediately from the public will, as

it does in a good democracy. Nor should the nation be so great that

the rulers have to scatter in order to govern it and are able to play

the Sovereign each in his own department, and, beginning by making

themselves independent, end by becoming masters.

But if aristocracy does not demand all the virtues needed by popular

government, it demands others which are peculiar to itself; for

instance, moderation on the side of the rich and contentment on that

of the poor; for it seems that thorough-going equality would be out of

place, as it was not found even at Sparta.

Furthermore, if this form of government carries with it a certain

inequality of fortune, this is justifiable in order that as a rule the

administration of public affairs may be entrusted to those who are most

able to give them their whole time, but not, as Aristotle maintains, in

order that the rich may always be put first. On the contrary, it is of

importance that an opposite choice should occasionally teach the people

that the deserts of men offer claims to pre-eminence more important

than those of riches.

[1] It is clear that the word _optimates_ meant, among the ancients,

not the best, but the most powerful.

[2] It is of great importance that the form of the election of

magistrates should be regulated by law; for if it is left at the

discretion of the prince, it is impossible to avoid falling into

hereditary aristocracy, as the Republics of Venice and Berne actually

did. The first of these has therefore long been a State dissolved; the

second, however, is maintained by the extreme wisdom of the senate, and

forms an honourable and highly dangerous exception.

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