DIRECTIONS FOR SUBJECTS CONCERNING THEIR DUTY TO THEIR RULERS.
Being now to speak of the duties which I must practise, and to those
of my own rank, I shall do it with some more freedom, confidence, and
expectation of regard and practice.
_Direct._ I. Though I shall pass by most of the theory, and especially
of the controversial points in politics, and not presume to play the
lawyer's part; yet I must advise you to understand so much of the
cause, and nature, and end of government, as is necessary to direct
you in your obedience, and to preserve you from all temptations to
rebellion. Especially take heed of those mistakes which confound
sovereignty and subjection, and which delude the people with a
conceit, that they are the original of power, and may intrust it as
they please; and call their rulers to account, and take the
forfeiture, and recall their trust, &c. It is not to flatter kings,
but to give God his due, that I shall caution you against these
mistakes of popularity. And first, I shall briefly lay down the truth,
and then answer some few of the chief objections.
_Prop._ I. That there be government _in genere_, and obedience
thereto, is determined even in nature, by the God of nature, in making
man a sociable creature, and each man insufficient for himself, and in
making republics necessary to the welfare and safety of individuals,
and government necessary to these republics.[36] This therefore is not
left to the people's wills; though some odd cases may be imagined, in
which some individual persons may live out of a commonwealth, and not
be obliged to live under civil government; yet that exception doth but
confirm the general rule: even as all men ordinarily are bound to live
in communion with some particular church, and know their own pastor,
though yet some few may be excepted, as some ambassadors, travellers,
seamen, soldiers, banished men, &c. So here, the obligation to live
under government, lieth upon the generality of the world, though some
few may be excepted.
_Prop._ II. Rulers therefore are God's officers, placed under him in
his kingdom, as he is the universal, absolute Sovereign of the world;
and they receive their power from God, who is the only original of
power. Not only their strength from his strength, but their authority
or governing power, (which is _jus regendi_,) from his supreme
authority; as mayors and bailiffs in corporations receive their power
from the king. Rom. xiii. 1-3, "There is no power, but of God; the
powers that be, are ordained of God."
_Prop._ III. This governing power in genere, is not an empty name, but
in the very institution containeth in it those things materially which
are absolutely necessary to the end of government.
_Prop._ IV. Yet God hath left that which is commonly called, the
specification of government; and some lower parts of the matter, and
manner of exercise, undetermined; as also the individual persons or
families that shall rule. In these three therefore it is that
communities interpose. 1. Whether the sovereignty shall be in one, or
two, or ten, or how many, and how divided for their exercise, God hath
not determined. 2. Nor hath he determined of every particular, whether
the power shall extend to this, or that, or the other thing, or not?
Nor whether it shall be exercised thus or thus, by standing courts, or
temporary judges, &c. 3. Nor hath he named the person or family that
shall rule.[37]
_Prop._ V. Though these in the constitution are determined of by
explicit or implicit contract or consent, between the ruler and the
community, yet by none of these three can the people be truly and
properly said to give the ruler his power of government. Not by the
first or last; for both those do but determine who shall be the
recipient of that power; whether one or more, and who individually.
Not the second, for that is but a limiting, or bounding, or regulating
the governing power, that it be not exercised to their hurt; the
bounding and regulating of their power, is not the giving them power.
The people having the strength, cannot be ruled against their
concordant wills: and therefore, if they contract with their
governors, that they will be ruled thus and thus, or not at all, this
is not to give them power. Yet propriety they have, and there they may
be givers. So that this bounding, or regulating, and choosing the
form, and persons, and giving of their propriety, is all that they
have to do. And the choosing of the family or person, is not at all a
giving the power. They are but sine quibus non to that; they do but
open the door to let in the governor; they do but name the family or
man, to whom God, and not they, shall give the power.
As, when God hath already determined what authority the husband shall
have over the wife, the wife by choosing him to be her husband, giveth
him not his power, but only chooseth the man, to whom God giveth it by
his standing law: though about the disposing of her estate, she may
limit him by precontracts; but if she contract against his government,
it is a contradiction and null. Nor if he abuse his power, doth it at
all fall into her hands.
If the king by charter give power to a corporation to choose their
mayor, or other officer, they do but nominate the persons that shall
receive it, but it is the king's charter, and not they, that give him
the power.
If a soldier voluntarily list himself under the king's general, or
other commanders, he doth but choose the man that shall command him,
but it is the king's commission that giveth him the power to command
those that voluntarily so list themselves. And if the authority be
abused or forfeited, it is not into the soldiers' hands, but into the
king's.
_Prop._ VI. The constituting consent or contract of ancestors obligeth
all their posterity, if they will have any of the protection or other
benefit of government, to stand to the constitution; else governments
should be so unsettled and mutable, as to be uncapable of their proper
end.
_Prop._ VII. God hath neither in nature or Scripture, estated this
power of government, in whole or in part, upon the people of a mere
community, (much less on subjects,) whether noble or ignoble, learned
or unlearned, the part of the community, or the whole body, real or
representative.[38] The people as such, have not this power, either to
use or to give; but the absolute Sovereign of all the world, doth
communicate the sovereign power in every kingdom, or other sort of
commonwealth, from himself immediately; I say, immediately: not
without the mediation of an instrument signifying his will; for the
law of nature and Scripture are his instrument, and the charter of
authority; nor yet so immediately, as without any kind of medium; for
the consent and nomination of the community before expressed, may be
_conditio sine qua non_, so far as aforesaid; but it is so
immediately from God, as that there is no immediate recipient, to
receive the power first from God, and convey it to the sovereign.
_Prop._ VIII. The natural power of individual persons over themselves,
is _tota specie_ different from this political or civil power. And
it is not the individual's resignation of this natural power of
self-disposal, unto one or more, which is the efficient cause of
sovereignty or civil power.[39]
_Prop._ IX. If you take the word law properly, for the expression of
a ruler's will obliging the governed, or making their duty; and not
improperly, for mere contracts between the sovereign and the people;
then it is clear in the definition itself, that neither subjects, nor
the community, as such, have any legislative power. Neither nature nor
Scripture hath given the people a power of making laws, either by
themselves, or with the sovereign; either the sole power, or a part of
it. But the very nature of government requireth, that the whole
legislative power, that is, the power of making governing laws, belong
to the _summa majestas_, or sovereign alone. (Unless when the
_summa potestas_ is in many hands, you compare the partakers
among themselves, and call one party the sovereign, as having more of
the sovereignty than the rest.) For those that are no governors at
all, cannot perform the chief act of government, which is the making
of governing laws; but the people are no governors at all, either as a
community, or as subjects; so that you may easily perceive, that all
the arguments for a natural democracy, are built upon false
suppositions; and wherever the people have any part in the
sovereignty, it is by the after constitution, and not by nature; and
that kings receive not their power from the people's gift, (who never
had it themselves to use or give,) but from God alone.
_Prop._ X. Though God have not made a universal determination for any
one sort of government, against the rest, (whether monarchy,
aristocracy, or democracy,) because that is best for one people, which
may be worse for others, yet ordinarily monarchy is accounted better
than aristocracy, and aristocracy better than democracy. So much
briefly of the original of power.
_Object._ I. But, saith worthy Mr. Richard Hooker, Eccl. Polit. lib.
i. sect. 10. p. 21,[40] "That which we spake of the power of
government, must here be applied to the power of making laws, whereby
to govern; which power, God hath over all, and by the natural law,
whereto he hath made all subject, the lawful power of making laws to
command whole politic societies of men, belongeth so properly to the
same entire societies, that for any prince or potentate of what kind
soever upon earth, to exercise the same of himself, and not either by
express commission immediately and personally received from God, or
else by authority derived at first from their consent, upon whose
persons they impose laws, it is no better than mere tyranny. Laws they
are not therefore, which public approbation hath not made so."
_Answ._ Because the authority of this famous divine is with his party
so great, I shall adventure to say something, lest his words do the
more harm; but not by confident opposition, but humble proposal and
submission of my judgment to superiors and wiser men, as being
conscious of my own inferiority and infirmity. I take all this to be
an assertion no where by him proved (and by me elsewhere disproved
fully). Laws are the effects and signs of the ruler's will; and
instruments of government. Legislation is the first part of
government; and if the whole body are naturally governors, the _pars
imperans_ and _pars subdita_ are confounded. If the most absolute
monarch can make no laws, then disobeying them were no fault. It is
enough that their power be derived from God immediately, though the
persons be chosen by men. Their authority is not derived from the
people's consent, but from God, by their consent, as a bare condition
_sine qua non_. What if a community say all to their elected king,
"We take not ourselves to have any governing power to give or use, but
we only choose you or your family to that office which God hath
instituted, who in that institution giveth you the power upon our
choice;" can any man prove, that such a king hath no power, but is a
tyrant; because the people disclaim the giving of the power; when
indeed they do their duty? Remember that in all this we speak not of
the government of this or that particular kingdom, but of kingdoms and
other commonwealths indefinitely.[41]
_Object._ II. But, saith he, lib. viii. p. 192, "Unto me it seemeth
almost out of doubt and controversy, that every independent multitude
before any certain form of regimen established, hath under God supreme
authority, full dominion over itself,"--
_Answ._ If by dominion were meant propriety, every individual hath
it; but for governing power, it seemeth as clear to me, that your
independent multitude hath no civil power of government at all; but
only a power to choose them governors; while they have no governors,
they have no governing power, for that maketh a governor.
_Object._ III. Ibid. "A man who is lord of himself, may be made
another's servant," &c.
_Answ._ 1. He may hire out himself to labour for another; because he
hath so far the power of himself, and his labour is his own, which he
may sell for wages; but in a family, that the master be the governor
to see God's laws obeyed by his servants, is of divine appointment,
and this governing power the servant giveth not to his master, but
only maketh himself the object of it. 2. The power that nature giveth
a man over himself, is _tota specie_ distinct from civil government;
(as Dr. Hammond hath well showed against I. G.) An individual person
hath not that power of his own life as the king hath. He may not put
himself to death, for that which the king may put him to death for. 3.
If this were true, that every individual, by self-resignation, might
give a king his power over him; yet _a posse ad esse non valet
consequentia_; and that it is not so is proved, in that God the
universal Sovereign hath prevented them, by determining himself, of
his own officers, and giving them their power in the same charter by
which he enableth the people to choose them. Therefore it is no better
reasoning than to say, If all the persons in London subjected
themselves to the lord mayor, he would thereby receive his power from
them, when the king hath prevented that already, by giving him the
power himself in his charter; and leaving only the choice of the
person to them; and that under the direction of the rules which he
hath given them.[42]
_Object._ IV. But saith he, lib. viii. p. 193, "In kingdoms of this
quality, (as this we live in,) the highest governor hath indeed
universal dominion, but with dependency upon that whole entire body
over the several parts whereof he hath dominion; so that it standeth
for an axiom in this case, The king is _major singulis, universis
minor_."
_Answ._ If you had included himself, it is certain that he cannot be
greater than the whole, because he cannot be greater than himself.
But seeing you speak of the whole in contradistinction from him, I
answer, that indeed _in genere causæ finalis_, the sovereign is
_universis minor_, that is, the whole kingdom is naturally more worth
than one, and their felicity a greater good; or else the _bonum
publicum_, or _salus populi_, could not be the end of government;
but this is nothing to our case; for we are speaking of governing power
as a means to this end; and so _in genere causæ efficientis_, the
sovereign (yea, and his lowest officer) hath more authority or _jus
regendi_ than all the people as such (for they all as such have
none at all); even as the church is of more worth than the pastor, and
yet the pastor alone hath more authority to administer the sacraments,
and to govern the people, than all the flock hath; for they have none
either to use or give, (whatever some say to the contrary,) but only
choose him to whom God will give it.[43]
_Object._ V. Saith the reverend author, lib. viii. p. 194, "Neither
can any man with reason think, but that the first institution of
kings, (a sufficient consideration wherefore their power should always
depend on that from which it did always flow,) by original influence
of power from the body into the king, is the cause of kings'
dependency in power upon the body: by dependency we mean subordination
and subjection."
_Answ._ 1. But if their institution _in genere_ was of God, and that
give them their power, and it never flowed from the body at all, then
all your superstructure falleth with your ground-work. 2. And here you
seem plainly to confound all kingdoms by turning the _pars imperans_
into the _pars subdita_, and _vice versa_; if the king be subject,
how are they his subjects? I will not infer what this will lead them
to do, when they are taught that kings are in subordination and
subjection to them. Sad experience hath showed us what this very
principle would effect.
_Object._ VI. Ibid.[44] "A manifest token of which dependency may be
this; as there is no more certain argument, that lands are held under
any as lords, than if we see that such lands in defect of heirs fall
unto them by escheat; in like manner it doth follow rightly that
seeing dominion when there is none to inherit it, returneth unto the
body, therefore they which before were inheritors of it, did hold it
in dependence on the body; so that by comparing the body with the head
as touching power, it seemeth always to reside in both; fundamentally
and radically in one, in the other derivatively; in one the habit, in
the other the act of power."
_Answ._ Power no more falleth to the multitude by escheat, than the
power of the pastor falls to the church, or the power of the physician
to the hospital, or the power of the schoolmaster to the scholars;
that is, not at all. When all the heirs are dead, they are an
ungoverned community, that have power to choose a governor, but no
power to govern, neither (as you distinguish it) in habit nor in act,
originally nor derivatively. As it is with a corporation when the
mayor is dead, the power falleth not to the people.
Therefore there is no good ground given for your following question,
"May a body politic then at all times withdraw in whole or in part the
influence of dominion which passeth from it, if inconveniences do grow
thereby?" Though you answer this question soberly yourself, it is easy
to see how the multitude may be tempted to answer it on your grounds,
especially if they think your inconvenience turn into a necessity; and
what use they will make of your next words, "It must be presumed that
supreme governors will not in such cases oppose themselves, and be
stiff in detaining that, the use whereof is with public detriment." A
strange presumption.
_Object._ VII. "The axioms of our regal government are these, _Lex
facit regem_; the king's grant of any favour made contrary to law is
void; _Rex nihil potest nisi quod jure potest_."
_Answ._ If _lex_ be taken improperly for the constituting
contract between prince and people, and if your _facit_ have
respect only to the species and person, and not the substance of the
power itself, then I contradict you not. But if _lex_ be taken
properly for _authoritativa constitutio debiti_, or the
signification of the sovereign's will to oblige the subject, then
_lex non facit regem, sed rex legem_.[45]
_Object._ VIII. Lib. viii. p. 210, "When all which the wisdom of all
sorts can do is done for the devising of laws in the church, it is the
general consent of all that giveth them the form and vigour of laws;
without which they could be no more to us than the counsels of
physicians to the sick. Well might they seem as wholesome admonitions
and instructions, but laws could they never be, without consent of the
whole church to be guided by them, whereunto both nature and the
practice of the church of God set down in Scripture, is found every
way so fully consonant, that God himself would not impose, no not his
own laws upon his people, by the hand of Moses, without their free and
open consent."
_Answ._ 1. Wisdom doth but prepare laws, and governing power enacteth
them, and giveth them their form; but the whole body hath no such
governing power, therefore they give them not their form.[46] 2. The
people's consent to God's laws gave them not their form or authority;
this opinion I have elsewhere confuted, against a more erroneous
author. Their consent to God's laws was required indeed, as naturally
necessary to their obedience, but not as necessary to the being or
obligation of the law. Can you think that it had been no sin in them
to have disobeyed God's laws, unless they had first consented to them?
Then all the world might escape sin and damnation, by denying consent
to the laws of God. 3. This doctrine will teach men that we have no
church laws;[47] for the whole church never signified their consent.
Millions of the poorer sort have no voices in choosing parliament men
or convocations; and this will teach the minor dissenting part, to
think themselves disobliged for want of consenting; and will give
every dissenting part or person a negative voice to all church laws.
4. A single bishop hath a governing power over his particular church,
and they are bound to obey him, Heb. xiii. 7, 17. And if the governing
power of one pastor be not suspended for want of the consent of any or
all the people, then much less the governing power of king and
parliament.
_Object._ IX. Lib. viii. p. 220. "It is a thing even undoubtedly
natural, that all free and independent societies should themselves
make their own laws; and that this power should belong to the whole,
not to any certain part of a politic body----."
_Answ._ This is oft affirmed, but no proof at all of it; in many
nations the representatives of the whole body have the legislative
power, or part of it. But that is from the special constitution of
that particular commonwealth, and not from nature, nor common to all
nations. All that naturally belongeth to the people as such, was but
to choose their law-makers, and secure their liberties, and not to
make laws themselves, by themselves, or mere representers.
_Object._ X. Lib. viii. p. 221. "For of this thing no man doubteth,
namely, that in all societies, companies, and corporations, what
severally each shall be bound unto, it must be with all their assents
ratified. Against all equity it were, that a man should suffer
detriment at the hands of men, for not observing that which he never
did, either by himself or by others, mediately agree to----."
_Answ._ I am one that more than doubt of that which you say no man
doubteth of. Do you not so much as except God's laws, and all those
that only do enforce them, or drive men to obey them? As men are
obliged to obey God, whether they consent or not; so are they to obey
the laws of their sovereigns, though they never consented to them, no
nor to their sovereignty, as long as they are members of that
commonwealth, to the government whereof the sovereign is lawfully
called, millions of dissenters may be bound to obey, till they quit
the society.
_Object._ XI. Lib. viii. p. 221. "If magistrates be heads of the
church, they are of necessity christians."
_Answ._ That can never be proved. A constitutive head indeed must be
a christian, and more, even a pastor to a particular church, and
Christ to the universal. This headship our kings disclaim; but a head
of the church, that is, over the church, or a coercive governor of it,
the king would be if he were no christian. As one that is no physician
may be head over all the physicians in his kingdom; or though he be no
philosopher, or artist, he may be head over all the philosophers and
artists; and in all their causes have the supreme coercive power; so
would the king over all protestants if he were no protestant, and over
all christians if he were no christian. But you think, that he that is
no member of the church cannot be the head of it. I answer, not a
constitutive, essential head as the pastor is; but he may be the head
over it, and have all the coercive power over it. What if the king be
not a member of many corporations in his kingdom? Yet as he is head of
the kingdom, he is head of, or over them, as they are parts of it.
_Object._ XII. Lib. viii. p. 218, 223, 224. "What power the king hath,
he hath it by law: the bounds and limits of it are known; the entire
community giveth order," &c. p. 223. "As for them that exercise power
altogether against order, although the kind of power which they have
may be of God, yet is their exercise thereof against God, and
therefore not of God, otherwise than by permission, as all injustice
is." p. 224. "Usurpers of power, whereby we do not mean them that by
violence have aspired unto places of highest authority, but them that
use more authority than they did ever receive in form and manner
before mentioned. Such usurpers thereof as in the exercise of their
power, do more than they have been authorized to do, cannot in
conscience bind any man to obedience."
_Answ._ It is true that no man can exercise more power than he hath:
the power that we speak of being ἐξουσία, _jus regendi_, it is
impossible to use more authority than they have; though they may
command beyond and without authority. And it is true, that where a man
hath no authority or right to command, he cannot directly bind
obedience. But yet a ruler may exercise more power than man ever gave
him, and oblige men to obedience thereby. God giveth them power to
govern for his glory, according to his laws, and to promote obedience
to those laws of God (in nature and Scripture) by subordinate laws of
their own. And all this the sovereign may do, if the people, at the
choice of him or his family, should only say, We take you for our
sovereign ruler: for then he may do all that true reason or Scripture
make the work of a sovereign ruler, even govern the people by all such
just means as tend to the public good and their everlasting happiness:
and yet that people that should do no more but choose persons or
families to govern them, and set them no bounds, do give no power to
those they choose, but determine of the persons that shall have power
from God. Yet it is granted you, that if the person or family chosen,
contract with them to govern only with such and such limitations, they
have bound themselves by their own contract; and thus both
specifications of government and degrees of power come in by men. But
always distinguish, 1. Between the people's giving away their
propriety, (in their goods, labours, &c. which they may do,) and
giving authority, or governing power (which they have not to give). 2.
Between their naming the persons that shall receive it from the
universal King, and giving it themselves. 3. Between bounding and
limiting power, and giving power. 4. And between a sovereign's binding
himself by contract, and being bound by the authority of others.[48]
If they be limited by contracts, which are commonly called the
constitutive or fundamental laws, it is their own consent and contract
that effectively obligeth and limiteth them; of which indeed the
people's will may be the occasion, when they resolve that they will be
governed on no other terms: but if the contract limit them not, but
they be chosen simply to be the _summæ potestates_, without naming any
particular powers either by concession or restraint, then as to ruling
they are absolute as to men, and limited only by God, from whose
highest power they can never be exempt, who in nature and Scripture
restraineth them from all that is impious and unjust, against his laws
and honour, or against the public happiness and safety. And here also
remember, that if any shall imagine that God restraineth a magistrate
when it is not so, and that the commands of their governors are
contrary to the word of God, when it is no such matter, their error
will not justify their disobedience.
Though I have answered these passages of this reverend author, it is
not to draw any to undervalue his learned writings, but to set right
the reader in the principles of his obedience, on which the practice
doth so much depend.
And I confess, that other authors of politics say as much as Mr.
Hooker saith, both papists and protestants; but not all, nor I think
the soundest: I will instance now in Alstedius only, (an excellent
person, but in this mistaken,) who saith, Encyclop. lib. xxiii. Polit.
cap. 3. p. 178. _Populus universus dignior et potior est tum
magistratu tum ephoris.--Hinc recte docent Doct. Politici, populum
obtinere regnum et jura majestatis proprietate et dominio: principem
et ephoros usu et administratione_ (whereas the people have not the
_regnum vel jura majestatis_ any way at all).--_Si administratores
officium suum facere nolint, si impia, et iniqua mandent, si contra
dilectionem Dei et proximi agant, populus propriæ salutis curam
arripiet, imperium male utentibus abrogabit, et in locum eorum alios
substituet.--Porro ephori validiora ipso rege imperia obtinent:
principem enim constituunt et deponunt; id quod amplissimum est
præeminentiæ argumentum. Atque hæc prærogative mutuis pactis
stabilitur.--Interim princeps summam potestatem obtinere dicitur,
quatenus ephori administrationem imperii, et cumulum potestatis ipsi
committunt. Denique optimatum universorum potestas non est infinita et
absoluta, sed certis veluti rhetris et clathris definita, utpote non
ad propriam libidinem, sed ad utilitatem et salutem populi alligata.
Hinc illorum munia sunt regem designare, constituere, inaugurare,
constitutum consiliis et auxiliis juvare; sine consensu et
approbatione principis, quamdiu ille suum officium facit, nihil in
reipublicæ negotiis suscipere: nonnunquam conventum inscio principe
agere, necessitate reipublicæ exigente.--Populum contra omnis generis
turbatores et violatores defendere._--I suppose Mr. Hooker's
principles and Alstedius's were much the same. I will not venture to
recite the conclusion, cap. 12. p. 199. R. 5. de resistendo Tyranno.
Many other authors go the same way, and say that people have the
_majestas realis_ (both papists, and protestants, and heathens). But
I suppose that what I have said against Hooker will serve to show the
weakness of their grounds: though it is none of my purpose to
contradict either Hooker or any other, so far as they open the
odiousness of the sin of tyranny, (which at this day keepeth out the
gospel from the far greatest part of the world, and is the greatest
enemy to the kingdom of Christ,) nor yet as they plead for the just
liberties of the people; but I am not for their authority.
_Direct._ II. Begin with an absolute, universal, resolved obedience
to God, your Creator and Redeemer, who is your sovereign King, and
will be your final, righteous Judge. As he that is no loyal subject to
the king, can never well obey his officers; so he that subjecteth not
his soul to the original power of his Creator, can never well obey the
derivative power of earthly governors.
_Object._ But, you may say, experience teacheth us, that many ungodly
people are obedient to their superiors as well as others. I answer,
materially they are, but not formally, and from a right principle, and
to right ends: as a rebel against the king, may obey a justice of
peace for his own ends, as long as he will let him alone, or take his
part; but not formally, as he is the king's officer; so ungodly men
may flatter princes and magistrates for their own ends, or on some low
and by-account, but not sincerely as the officers of God. He is not
like to be truly obedient to man, that is so foolish, dishonest, and
impious, as to rebel against his Maker; nor to obey that authority
which he first denieth, in its original and first efficient cause.
Whatever Satan and his servants may say, and however some hypocrites
may contradict in their practices the religion which they profess, yet
nothing is more certain, than that the most serious, godly christians,
are the best subjects upon earth; as their principles themselves will
easily demonstrate.
_Direct._ III. Having begun with God, obey your governors as the
officers of God, with an obedience ultimately divine.[49] All things
must be done in holiness by the holy. That is, God must be discerned,
obeyed, and intended in all; and therefore in magistrates in a special
manner. In two respects magistrates are obeyed, or rather flattered,
by the ungodly; first, as they are men that are able to do them
corporal good or hurt: as a horse, or dog, or other brute will follow
you for his belly, and loveth to be where he fareth best. Secondly, as
the head of his party, and encourager of him in his evil way, when he
meets with rulers that will be so bad. Wicked men love wicked
magistrates for being the servants of Satan; but faithful men must
honour and obey a magistrate, as an officer of God; even a magistrate
as a magistrate, and not only as holy, is an officer of the Lord of
all. Therefore the fifth commandment is as the hinge of the two
tables; many of the ancients thought that it was the last commandment
of the first table, and the moderns think it is the first commandment
of the last table; for it commandeth our duty to the noblest sort of
men; but not merely as men, but as the officers of God. They debase
magistrates that look at them merely as those that master other men,
as the strongest beast doth by the weaker: nothing will make you
sincere and constant in your honouring and obeying them, but taking
them as the officers of God, and remembering by whose commission they
rule, and whose work they do; that "they are the ministers of God to
us for good," Rom. xiii. 1-5. If you do not this, 1. You wrong God,
whose servants they are; for he that despiseth, despiseth not man but
God. 2. You wrong the magistrate, as much as you should do an
ambassador, if you took him to be the messenger of some Jack Straw, or
some fellow that signifieth no more than his personal worth importeth.
3. And you wrong yourselves; for while you neglect the interest and
authority of God in your rulers, you forfeit the acceptance,
protection, and reward of God. Subjects as well as servants must learn
that great lesson, Col. iii. 23-25, "Whatsoever ye do, do it heartily
as to the Lord, and not unto men: knowing that of the Lord ye shall
receive the reward of the inheritance, for ye serve the Lord Christ:
but he that doth wrong shall receive for the wrong, which he hath
done; and there is no respect of persons." So Eph. vi. 5-8.
Magistrates are as truly God's officers as preachers: and therefore as
he that heareth preachers heareth him, so he that obeyeth rulers
obeyeth him: the exceptions are but the like in both cases: it is not
every thing that we must receive from preachers; nor every thing that
we must do at the command of rulers; but both in their proper place
and work, must be regarded as the officers of God; and not as men that
have no higher authority than their own to bear them out.
_Direct._ IV. Let no vices of the person cause you to forget the
dignity of his office, The authority of a sinful ruler is of God, and
must accordingly be obeyed: of this read Bishop Bilson at large in his
excellent treatise of Christian Subjection; against the papists that
excommunicate and depose princes whom they account heretics, or
favourers of them. Those sins which will damn a man's soul, and
deprive him of heaven, will not deprive him of his kingdom, nor
disoblige the subjects from their obedience. An infidel, or an ungodly
christian, (that is, a hypocrite,) is capable of being a prince, as
well as being a parent, husband, master; and the apostle hath taught
all, as well as servants, their duty to such. 1 Pet. ii. 18-21,
"Servants, be subject to your masters with all fear; and not only to
the good and gentle, but also to the froward; for this is thankworthy,
if a man for conscience toward God, endure grief, suffering
wrongfully. For what glory is it if when you are buffeted for your
faults, you take it patiently? but if when ye do well and suffer for
it ye take it patiently, this is acceptable with God; for even
hereunto were ye called." Though it be a rare mercy to have godly
rulers, and a great judgment to have ungodly ones, it is such as must
be borne.[50]
_Direct._ V. Do not either divulge or aggravate the vices of your
governors to their dishonour; for their honour is necessary to the
public good. If they have not care of their own honour, yet their
subjects must have a care of it. If once they be dishonoured, they
will the more easily be contemned, hated, and disobeyed. Therefore the
dishonouring of the rulers tendeth to the dissolution of the
government, and ruin of the commonwealth. Only in two cases did the
ancient christians aggravate the wickedness of their governors. 1. In
case they were such cruel monsters as Nero, who lived to the misery of
mankind. 2. In case they were not only open enemies of the church of
Christ, but their honour stood in competition with the honour of
christianity, piety, and honesty, as in Julian's case; I confess
against Nero and Julian both living and dead, (and many like them,)
the tongues and pens of wise and sober persons have been very free;
but the fifth commandment is not to be forgotten, "Honour thy father
and mother;" and 1 Pet. ii. 17, "Fear God, honour the king;"[51]
though you must not call evil good, yet you may conceal and hide evil:
Ham was cursed for opening his father's nakedness. Though you must
flatter none in their sins, nor hinder their repentance, but further
it by all righteous means, yet must you speak honourably of your
rulers, and endeavour to breed an honourable esteem of them in the
people's minds; and not as some, that think they do well, if they can
secretly make their rulers seem odious, by opening and aggravating
their faults.
_Direct._ VI. Subdue your passions, that no injuries which you may
suffer by them, may disturb your reason, and make you dishonour them
by way of revenge. If you may not revenge yourselves on private men,
much less on magistrates; and the tongue may be an unjust revenger, as
well as the hand. Passion will provoke you to be telling all men, Thus
and thus I was used, and to persuade you that it is no sin to tell the
truth of what you suffered: but remember, that the public good, and
the honour of God's officers, are of greater value, than the righting
of a particular person that is injured. Many a discontented person
hath set kingdoms on fire, by divulging the faults of governors for
the righting of themselves.
_Object._ But shall cruel and unrighteous or persecuting men do
mischief, and not hear of it, nor be humbled for it?
_Answ._ 1. Preachers of the gospel, and others that have opportunity,
may privately tell them of it, to bring them to repentance, (if they
will endure it,) without dishonouring them by making it public. 2.
Historians will tell posterity of it, to their perpetual infamy (if
repentance and well-doing recover not their honour).[52] Flatterers
abuse the living, but truth will dishonour their wickedness when they
are dead: for it is God's own decree, "That the memory of the just is
blessed, but the name of the wicked shall rot," Prov. x. 7. 3. And God
himself will fully be avenged upon the impenitent for ever, having
told you, "That it were better for him that offendeth one of his
little ones, that a millstone were hanged about his neck, and he were
drowned in the depth of the sea."[53] And is not all this enough,
without the revenge of your passionate tongues? To speak evil of
dignities, and despise dominion, and bring railing accusations, are
the sins of the old licentious heretics. Christ left us his example,
not to revile the meanest, when we are reviled, 1 Pet. ii. 23. If you
believe, that God will justify the innocent, and avenge them speedily,
Luke xviii. 7, 8, what need you be so forward to justify and avenge
yourselves?
_Object._ If God will have their names to rot, and spoken evil of
when they are dead, why may I not do it while they are alive?
_Answ._ There is a great deal of difference between a true historian
and a self-avenger in the reason of the thing, and in the effects: to
dishonour bad rulers while they live, doth tend to excite the people
to rebellion, and to disable them to govern; but for truth to be
spoken of them when they are dead, doth only lay an odium upon the
sin, and is a warning to others, that they follow them not in evil:
and this no wicked prince was ever so great and powerful as to
prevent; for it is a part of God's resolved judgment. Yet must
historians so open the faults of the person, as not to bring the
office into contempt, but preserve the reverence due to the authority
and place of governors.[54]
_Direct._ VII. By all means overcome a selfish mind, and get such a
holy and a public spirit, as more regardeth God's honour, and the
public interest, than your own. It is selfishness that is the great
rebel and enemy of God, and of the king, and of our neighbour. A
selfish, private spirit careth not what the commonwealth suffereth, if
he himself may be a gainer by it. To revenge himself, or to rise up to
some higher place, or increase his riches, he will betray and ruin his
king, his country, and his nearest friends. A selfish, ambitious,
covetous man, is faithful to no man, longer than he serveth his ends;
nor is he any further to be trusted, than his own interest will allow.
Self-denial, and a public spirit, are necessary to every faithful
subject.
_Direct._ VIII. Wish not evil to your governors in your secret
thoughts; but if any such thought would enter into your hearts, reject
it with abhorrence. Eccles. x. 20, "Curse not the king, no, not in thy
thoughts; and curse not the rich in thy bedchamber; for a bird of the
air shall carry the voice, and that which hath wings shall tell the
matter." A feverish, misguided zeal for religion, and a passionate
discontent for personal injuries, do make many greatly guilty in this
point; they would be much pleased, if God would show some grievous
judgment upon persecutors; and take no warning by Christ's rebukes of
James and John, but secretly are wishing for fire from heaven, not
knowing what manner of spirit they are of. They cherish such thoughts
as are pleasing to them, though they dare not utter them in words. And
he that dare wish hurt, is in danger of being drawn by temptation to
do hurt.
_Object._ But may we not pray for the cutting off of persecutors?
And may we not give God thanks for it, if he do it himself, without
any sinful means of ours?
_Answ._ 1. Every ruler that casteth down one sect or party of
christians, and setteth up another, (perhaps as true to the interest
of christianity as they,) is not to be prayed against, and his
destruction wished by the suffering party. 2. If he be a persecutor of
christianity and piety itself, as heathens and infidels are, yet if
his government do more good than his persecution doth harm, you may
not so much as wish his downfall. 3. If he were a Nero, or a Julian,
you must pray first for his conversion; and if that may not be, then
next for his restraint, and never for his destruction, but on
supposition that neither of the former may be attained (which you
cannot say). 4. You must pray for the deliverance of the persecuted
church, and leave the way and means to God, and not prescribe to him.
Hurtful desires and prayers are seldom of God. 5. You may freelier
rejoice afterwards, than desire it before: because when a Julian is
cut off, you know that God's righteous will is accomplished; when
before you knew not that it was his will: yet after, it is the
deliverance of the church, and not the hurt of a persecutor as such,
that you must give thanks for: be very suspicious here, lest
partiality and passion blind you.[55]
_Direct._ IX. Learn how to suffer; and know what use God can make of
your sufferings, and think not better of prosperity, and worse of
suffering, than you have cause.[56] It is a carnal, unbelieving heart,
that maketh so great a matter of poverty, imprisonment, banishment, or
death, as if they were undone, if they suffer for Christ, or be sent
to heaven before the time; as if kingdoms must be disturbed to save
you from suffering: this better beseems an infidel or a worldling,
that takes his earthly prosperity for his portion, and thinks he hath
no other to win or lose. Do you not know what the church hath gained
by suffering? how pure it hath been when the fire of persecution hath
refined it? and how prosperity hath been the very thing that hath
polluted it, and shattered it all to pieces; by letting in all the
ungodly world into the visible communion of the saints, and by setting
the bishops on contending for superiority, and overtopping emperors
and kings? Many thousands that would be excellent persons in
adversity, cannot bear a high or prosperous state, but their brains
are turned, and pride and contention maketh them the scorn of the
adversaries that observe them.
_Direct._ X. Trust God, and live by faith; and then you will find no
need of rebellious or any sinful means. Do you believe, that both the
hearts and lives of kings, and all their affairs, are in the hands of
God? If not, you are atheists. If you do, then do you not think that
God is fitter than you to dispose of them? He that believeth, will not
make haste. Deliverance from persecutions must be prayed and waited
for, and not snatched by violence, as a hungry dog will snatch the
meat out of his master's hands, and bite his fingers. Do you believe,
"That all shall work together for good to them that love God?" Rom.
viii. 28. And do you believe, that the godly are more than conquerors;
when they are killed all day, and counted as sheep unto the slaughter?
ver. 32-35. And do you believe, that it is cause of exceeding joy,
when for the sake of righteousness you are hated and persecuted, and
all manner of evil is falsely spoken of you? Matt. v. 10-12. If you do
not, you believe not Christ; if you do, will you strive by sinful
means against your own good, and happiness, and joy? Will you desire
to conquer, when you may be more than conquerors? Certainly, the use
of sinful means doth come from secret unbelief and diffidence. Learn
to trust God, and you will easily be subject to your governors.
_Direct_ XI. Look not for too great matters in the world: take it but
for that wilderness which is the way to the promised land of rest. And
then you will not count it strange to meet with hard usage and
sufferings from almost all. "Beloved, think it not strange concerning
the fiery trial, which is to try you, as if some strange thing
happened to you; but rejoice in that ye are partakers of the
sufferings of Christ," 1 Pet. iv. 12, 13. Are you content with God and
heaven for your portion? If not, how are you christians? if you are,
you have small temptation to rebel or use unlawful means for earthly
privileges.[57] Paul saith, he "took pleasure in persecutions," 2 Cor.
xii. 10. Learn you to do so, and you will easily bear them.
_Direct._ XII. Abhor the popular spirit of envy, which maketh the
poor, for the most part, think odiously of the rich and their
superiors; because they have that which they had rather have
themselves. I have long observed it, that the poor labouring people
are very apt to speak of the rich, as sober men speak of drunkards; as
if their very estates, and dignity, and greatness, were a vice.[58]
And it is very much to flatter their own conscience, and delude
themselves with ungrounded hopes of heaven. When they have not the
spirit of regeneration and holiness, to witness their title to eternal
life, they think their poverty will serve the turn; and they will
ordinarily say, that they hope God will not punish them in another
world, because they have had their part in this: but they will easily
believe, that almost all rich and great men go to hell; and when they
read Luke xvi. of the rich man and Lazarus, they think they are the
Lazaruses, and read it as if God would save men merely for being poor,
and damn men for being great and rich; when yet they would themselves
be as rich and great, if they knew how to attain it. They think that
they are the maintainers of the commonwealth, and the rich are the
caterpillars of it, that live upon their labours, like drones in the
hive, or mice and vermin that eat the honey, which the poor labouring
bees have long been gathering. For they are unacquainted with the
labours and cares of their governors, and sensible only of their own.
This envious spirit exceedingly disposeth the poor to discontents, and
tumults, and rebellions; but it is not of God, James iii. 15-17.
_Direct._ XIII. Keep not company with envious murmurers at government;
for their words fret like a canker, and their sin is of an infecting
kind. What a multitude were drawn into the rebellion of Korah, who, no
doubt, were provoked by the leader's discontented words.[59] It
seemeth they were for popularity. "Ye take too much upon you, seeing
all the congregation are holy, every one of them, and the Lord is
among them: wherefore then lift you up yourselves above the
congregation of the Lord?--Is it a small thing that thou hast brought
us up out of a land that floweth with milk and honey, to kill us in
the wilderness; except thou make thyself altogether a prince over
us?--Wilt thou put out the eyes of these men?" Numb. xvi. 3, 13, 14.
What confidence, and what fair pretences are here! so probable and
plausible to the people, that it is no wonder that multitudes were
carried to rebellion by it! Though God disowned them by a dreadful
judgment, and showed whom he had chosen to be the governors of his
people.
_Direct._ XIV. Keep humble, and take heed of pride. The humble are
ready to obey and yield, and not only to be subject to magistrates,
but to all men, even voluntarily to be subject to them that cannot
constrain them. "Be all of you subject one to another," 1 Pet. v. 5.
It is no hard matter for a twig to bow, and for a humble soul to yield
and obey another, in any thing that is lawful. But the proud take
subjection for vassalage, and obedience for slavery, and say, Who is
lord over us? our tongues are our own: what lord shall control us?
Will we be made slaves to such and such?[60] "Only from pride cometh
contention," Prov. xiii. 10. By causing impatience, it causeth
disobedience and sedition.
_Direct._ XV. Meddle not uncalled with the matters of superiors,
and take not upon you to censure their actions, whom you have neither
ability, fitness, or authority to censure. How commonly will every
tradesman and labourer at his work, be censuring the counsels and
government of the king; and speaking of things, which they never had
means sufficiently to understand! Unless you had been upon the place,
and heard all the debates and consultations, and understood all the
circumstances and reasons of the business, how can you imagine that at
so great a distance you are competent judges? Fear God, and judge not
that you be not judged.[61] If busy-bodies and meddlers with other
men's matters, among equals, are condemned, 2 Thess. iii. 11; 1 Tim.
v. 13; 1 Pet. iv. 15; much more when they meddle, and that
censoriously, with the matters of their governors. If you would please
God, know and keep your places, as soldiers in an army, which is their
comely order and their strength.
_Direct._ XVI. Consider the great temptations of the rich and great;
and pity them that stand in so dangerous a station, instead of
murmuring at them, or envying their greatness. You little know what
you should be yourselves, if you were in their places, and the world,
and the flesh, had so great a stroke at you, as they have at them. He
that can swim in calmer water, may be carried down a violent stream.
It is harder for that bird to fly, that hath many pound weights tied
to keep her down, than that which hath but a straw to carry to her
nest. It is harder mounting heaven-wards with lordships and kingdoms,
than with your less impediments. Why do you not pity them that stand
on the top of barren mountains, in the stroke of every storm and wind,
when you dwell in the quiet, fruitful vales? Do you envy them that
must go to heaven, as a camel through a needle's eye, if ever they
come there? And are you discontented, that you are not in their
condition? Will you rebel and fight to make your salvation as
difficult as theirs? Are you so unthankful to God for your safer
station, that you murmur at it, and long to be in the more dangerous
place?
_Direct._ XVII. Pray constantly and heartily for the spiritual and
corporal welfare of your governors. And you have reason to believe,
that God who hath commanded you to put up such prayers, will not
suffer them to be wholly lost, but will answer them some way to the
benefit of them that perform the duty, 1 Tim. ii. 1-3. And the very
performance of it will do us much good of itself; for it will keep the
heart well disposed to our governors, and keep out all sinful desires
of their hurt; or control them and cast them out, if they come in:
prayer is the exercise of love and good desires; and exercise
increaseth and confirmeth habits. If any ill wishes against your
governors should steal into your minds, the next time you pray for
them, conscience will accuse you of hypocrisy, and either the sinful
desires will corrupt or end your prayers, or else your prayers will
cast out those ill desires. Certainly the faithful, fervent prayers of
the righteous, do prevail much with God: and things would go better
than they do in the world, if we prayed for rulers as heartily as we
ought.
_Object._ For all the prayers of the church, five parts of six of the
world are yet idolaters, heathens, infidels, and Mahometans; and for
all the prayers of the reformed churches, most of the christian part
of the world are drowned in popery, or gross ignorance and
superstition, and the poor Greek churches have Mahometan or tyrannical
governors, and carnal, proud, usurping prelates domineer over the
Roman church; and there are but three protestant kings on the whole
earth! And among the Israelites themselves, who have priests and
prophets to pray for their princes, a good king was so rare, that when
you have named five or six over Judah, (and never a one after the
division over Israel,) you scarce know where to find the rest. What
good then do your prayers for kings and magistrates?
_Answ._ 1. As I said before, they keep the hearts of subjects in an
obedient, holy frame. 2. Were it not for prayers, those few good ones
would be fewer, or worse than they are; and the bad ones might be
worse, or at least do more hurt to the church than they now do. 3. It
is not to be expected, that all should be granted in kind that
believers pray for; for then not only kings, but all the world should
be converted and saved; for we should pray for every one. But God who
knoweth best how to distribute his mercies, and to honour himself, and
refine his church by the malice and persecution of his enemies, will
make his people's prayers a means of that measure of good which he
will do for rulers, and by them in the world; and that is enough to
encourage us to pray. 4. And indeed, if when proud, ungodly worldlings
have sold their souls by wicked means, to climb up into places of
power, and command, and domineer over others, the prayers of the
faithful should presently convert and save them all, because they are
governors; this would seem to charge God with respect of persons, and
defect of justice, and would drown the world in wickedness, treasons,
bloodshed, and confusion, by encouraging men by flatteries, or
treacheries, or murders, to usurp such places, in which they may both
gratify their lusts, and after save their souls, while the godly are
obliged to pray them into heaven. It is no such hearing of prayers for
governors which God hath promised. 5. And yet, I must observe, that
most christians are so cold and formal in their prayers for the rulers
of the world, and of the church, that we have great reason to impute
the unhappiness of governors very much to their neglect; almost all
men are taken up so much with their own concernments, that they put
off the public concernments of the world, and of the church and state,
with a few customary, heartless words; and understand not the meaning
of the three first petitions of the Lord's prayer, and the reason of
their precedency, or put them not up with that feeling as they do the
other three. If we could once observe, that the generality of
christians were more earnest and importunate with God, for the
hallowing of his name through all the world, and the coming of his
kingdom, and the obeying of his will in earth, as it is in heaven, and
the conversion of the kings and kingdoms of the world, than for any of
their personal concernments, I should take it for a better prognostic
of the happiness of kings and kingdoms, than any that hath yet
appeared in our days. And those that are taken up with the
expectations of Christ's visible reign on earth, would find it a more
lawful and comfortable way, to promote his government thus by his own
appointed officers, than to rebel against kings, and seek to pull them
down, on pretence of setting up him that hath appointed them, whose
kingdom (personally) is not of this world.[62]
_Direct._ XVIII. When you are tempted to dishonourable thoughts
of your governors, look over the face of all the earth, and compare
your case with the nations of the world; and then your murmurings may
be turned into thankfulness for so great a mercy. What cause hath God
to difference us from other nations, and give us any more than an
equal proportion of mercy with the rest of the world? Have we deserved
to have a christian king, when five parts of the world have rulers
that are heathens and Mahometans? Have we deserved to have a
protestant king, when all the world hath but two more? How happy were
the world, if it were so with all nations, as it is with us! Remember
how unthankfulness forfeiteth our happiness.
_Direct._ XIX. Consider as well the benefits which you receive by
governors, as the sufferings which you undergo; and especially
consider of the common benefits, and value them above your own. He
that knoweth what man is, and what the world is, and what the
temptations of great men are, and what he himself deserveth, and what
need the best have of affliction, and what good they may get by the
right improvement of it, will never wonder nor grudge to have his
earthly mercies mixed with crosses, and to find some salt or sourness
in the sauce of his pleasant dishes. For the most luscious is not of
best concoction. And he that will more observe his few afflictions,
than his many benefits, hath much more selfish tenderness of the
flesh, than ingenuous thankfulness to his Benefactor. It is for your
good that rulers are the ministers of God, Rom. xiii. 3-5. Perhaps you
will think it strange, that I say to you (what I have oft said) that I
think there are not very many rulers, no, not tyrants and persecutors,
so bad, but that the godly that live under them, do receive from their
government more good than hurt; and (though it must be confessed, that
better governors would do better, yet) almost the worst are better
than none. And none are more beholden to God for magistrates, than the
godly are, however none suffer so much by them in most places of the
world.[63] My reason is, 1. Because the multitude of the needy, and
the dissolute prodigals, if they were all ungoverned, would tear out
the throats of the more wealthy and industrious; and as robbers use
men in their houses, and on the highway, so would such persons use all
about them, and turn all into a constant war. And hereby all honest
industry would be overthrown, while the fruit of men's labours were
all at the mercy of every one that is stronger than the owner; and a
robber can take away all in a night, which you have been labouring for
many years, or may set all on fire over your heads; and more persons
would be killed in these wars by those that sought their goods, than
tyrants and persecutors use to kill (unless they be of the most cruel
sort of all). 2. And it is plain, that in most countries, the
universal enmity of corrupted nature to serious godliness would
inflame the rabble, if they were but ungoverned, to commit more
murders and cruelties upon the godly, than most of the persecutors in
the world have committed. Yet I deny not, in most places there are a
sober sort of men of the middle rank that will hear reason, and are
more equal to religion than the highest or the lowest usually are. But
suppose these sober men were the more numerous, yet is the vulgar
rabble the more violent, and if rulers restrained them not, would
leave few of the faithful alive on earth. As many volumes as are
written of the martyrs, who have suffered by persecutors, I think they
saved the lives of many more than they murdered. Though this is no
thanks to them, it is a mercy to others. As many as Queen Mary
martyred, they had been far more if she had but turned the rabble
loose upon them and never meddled with them by authority. I do not
think Nero or Dioclesian martyred near so many, as the people turned
loose upon them would have done. Much more was Julian a protector of
the church from the popular rage, though, in comparison of a
Constantine or a Theodosius, he was a plague. If you will but consider
thus the benefits of your common protection, your thankfulness for
rulers would overcome your murmurings. In some places, and at some
times, perhaps the people would favour the gospel, and flock after
Christ, if rulers hindered them not; but that would not be the
ordinary case, and their unconstancy is so great, that what they built
up one day in their zeal, the next day they would pull down in fury.
_Direct._ XX. Think not that any change of the form of government,
would cure that which is caused by the people's sin, or the common
pravity of human nature. Some think they can contrive such forms of
government, as that rulers shall be able to do no hurt: but either
they will disable them to do good, or else their engine is but glass,
and will fail or break when it comes to execution. Men that are
themselves so bad and unhumbled, as not to know how bad they are, and
how bad mankind is, are still laying the blame upon the form of
government when any thing is amiss, and think by a change to find a
cure. As if when an army is infected with the plague, or composed of
cowards, the change of the general, or form of government, would prove
a cure. But if a monarch be faulty, in an aristocracy you will but
have many faulty governors for one; and in a democracy a multitude of
tyrants.[64]
_Direct._ XXI. Set yourselves much more to study your duty to
your governors, than the duty of your governors to you; as knowing,
that both your temporal and eternal happiness depend much more upon
yourselves, than upon them.[65] God doth not call you to study other
men's duties so much as your own. If your rulers sin, you shall not
answer for it; but if you sin yourselves, you shall. If you should live
under the Turk, that would oppress and persecute you, your souls shall
speed never the worse for this; it is not you, but he that should be
damned for it. If you say, But it is we that should be oppressed by
it; I answer, 1. How small are temporal things to a true believer, in
comparison of eternal things! Have not you a greater hurt to fear,
than the killing of your bodies by men? Luke xii. 4. 2. And even for
this life, do you not believe that your lives and liberties are in the
power of God, and that he can relieve you from the oppression of all
the world, by less than a word, even by his will? If you believe not
this, you are atheists; if you do, you must needs perceive that it
concerneth you more to care for your duty to your governors, than for
theirs to you; and not so much to regard what you receive, as what you
do; nor how you are used by others, as how you behave yourselves to
them. Be much more afraid lest you should be guilty of murmuring,
dishonouring, disobeying, flattering, not praying for your governors,
than lest you suffer any thing unjustly from them. 1 Pet. iv. 13-17,
"Let none of you suffer as a murderer, or as a thief, or as an
evil-doer, or as a busybody in other men's matters; yet if any man
suffer as a christian, let him not be ashamed, but let him glorify God
on this behalf.--If ye be reproached for the name of Christ, ye are
happy." Live so, that all your adversaries may be forced to say, as it
was said of Daniel, "We shall not find any occasion against this
Daniel, except we find it against him concerning the law of his God,"
Dan. vi. 5. Let none be able justly to punish you as drunkards, or
thieves, or slanderers, or fornicators, or perjured, or deceivers, or
rebellious, or seditious; and then never fear any suffering for the
sake of Christ or righteousness. Yea, though you suffer as Christ
himself did, under a false accusation of disloyalty, fear not the
suffering nor the infamy, as long as you are free from the guilt. See
that all be well at home, and that you be not faulty against God or
your governors, and then you may boldly commit yourselves to God,
1 Pet. ii. 23, 24.
_Direct._ XXII. The more religious any are, the more obedient
should they be in all things lawful. Excel others in loyalty, as well
as in piety. Religion is so far from being a just pretence of
rebellion, that it is the only effectual bond of sincere subjection
and obedience.
_Direct._ XXIII. Therefore believe not them that would exempt the
clergy from subjection to the civil powers. As none should know the
law of God so well as they, so none should be more obedient to kings
and states, when the law of God so evidently commandeth it. Of this
read "Bilson of Christian Subjection" (who besides many others, saith
enough of this). The arguments of the papists from the supposed
incapacity of princes, would exempt physicians, and others arts and
sciences, from under their government, as well as the clergy.
_Direct._ XXIV. Abase not magistrates so far, as to think their
office and power extend not to matters of religion and the worship of
God. Were they only for the low and contemptible matters of this
world, their office would be contemptible and low. To help you out in
this, I shall answer some of the commonest doubts.
_Quest._ I. Is the civil magistrate judge in controversies of
faith or worship?
[Sidenote: Who shall be judge in points of faith and worship?]
_Answ._ It hath many a time grieved me to hear so easy a question
frequently propounded, and pitifully answered, by such as the public
good required to have had more understanding in such things. In a
word, judgment is public or private. The private judgment, which is
nothing but a rational discerning of truth and duty, in order to our
own choice and practice, belongeth to every rational person. The
public judgment is ever in order to execution. Now the execution is of
two sorts, 1. By the sword. 2. By God's word applied to the case and
person. One is upon the body or estate; the other is upon the
conscience of the person, or of the church, to bring him to
repentance, or to bind him to avoid communion with the church, and the
church to avoid communion with him.[66] And thus public judgment is
civil or ecclesiastical; coercive and violent in the execution; or
only upon consenters and volunteers. In the first, the magistrate is
the only judge, and the pastors in the second. About faith or worship,
if the question be, Who shall be protected as orthodox, and who shall
be punished by the sword as heretical, idolatrous, or irreligious?
here the magistrate is the only judge. If the question be, Who shall
be admitted to church communion as orthodox, or ejected and
excommunicated as heretical or profane? here the pastors are the
proper judges. This is the truth, and this is enough to end all the
voluminous wranglings upon the question, Who shall be judge? and to
answer the cavils of the papists against the power of princes in
matters of religion. It is pity that such gross and silly sophisms, in
a case that a child may answer, should debase christian princes, and
take away their chief power, and give it to a proud and wrangling
clergy, to persecute and divide the church with.[67]
[Sidenote: Of the oath of supremacy.]
_Quest._ II. May our oath of supremacy be lawfully taken, wherein
the king is pronounced supreme governor in all causes ecclesiastical
as well as civil?
_Answ._ There is no reason of scruple to him that understandeth,
1. That the title causes ecclesiastical is taken from the ancient
usurpation of the pope and his prelates, who brought much of the
magistrate's work into their courts, under the name of causes
ecclesiastical. 2. That our canons, and many declarations of our
princes, have expounded it fully, by disclaiming all proper pastoral
power. 3. That by governor is meant only one that governeth
coercively, or by sword; so that it is no more than to swear That in
all causes ecclesiastical, so far as coercive government is required,
it belongeth not to pope or prelates under him; but to the king and
his officers or courts alone: or, That the king is chief in governing
by the sword in causes ecclesiastical as well as civil. So that if you
put spiritual instead of ecclesiastical, the word is taken materially,
and not formally; not that the king is chief in the spiritual
government, by the keys of excommunication and absolution, but that he
is chief in the coercive government about spiritual matters, as before
explained.[68]
_Quest._ III. Is not this to confound the church and state, and
to give the pastor's power to the magistrate?
_Answ._ Not at all; it is but to say that there may be need of
the use both of the word and sword against the same persons, for the
same offence; and the magistrate only must use one, and the pastors
the other. An heretical preacher may be silenced by the king upon pain of
banishment, and silenced by the church upon pain of excommunication.
And what confusion is there in this?
_Quest._ IV. But hath not the king power in cases of church
discipline, and excommunication itself?
_Answ._ There is a magistrate's discipline, and a pastoral
discipline. Discipline by the sword, is the magistrate's work;
discipline by the word is the pastor's work. And there is a coercive
excommunication, and a pastoral excommunication. To command upon pain
of corporal punishment, that a heretic or impenitent, wicked man shall
forbear the sacred ordinances and privileges, a magistrate may do; but
to command it only upon divine and spiritual penalties, belongeth to
the pastors of the church. The magistrate hath power over their very
pastoral work, though he have not power in it, so as to do it himself.
Suppose but all the physicians of the nation to be of divine
institution, with their colleges and hospitals, and in the similitude
you will see all the difficulties resolved, and the next question
fully answered.[69]
_Quest._ V. Seeing the king, and the pastors of the church, may
command and judge to several ends in the same cause, suppose they
should differ, which of them should the church obey?
_Answ._ Distinguish here, 1. Between a right judgment and a
wrong. 2. Between the matter in question; which is either, 1. Proper
in its primary state to the magistrate. 2. Or proper primarily to the
pastor. 3. Or common to both (though in several sorts of judgment).
And so I answer the question thus.
1. If it be a matter wherein God himself hath first determined, and
his officers do but judge in subordination to his law, and declare his
will, then we must obey him that speaketh according to the word of
God, if we can truly discern it; and not him that we know goeth
contrary to God.[70] As if the magistrate should forbid communion with
Arians or heretics, and the pastors command us to hold communion with
them as no heretics; here the magistrate is to be obeyed (because God
is to be obeyed) before the pastors, though it be in a matter of faith
and worship. If you say, Thus you make all the people judges; I answer
you, And so you must make them such private judges, to discern their
own duty, and so must every man; or else you must rule them as beasts
or madmen, and prove that there is no heaven or hell for any in the
world but kings and pastors; or, at least, that the people shall be
saved or damned for nothing, but obeying or not obeying their
governors; and if you could prove that, you are never the nearer
reconciling the contradictory commands of those governors.
2. But if the matter be not fore-determined by God, but left to man;
then, 1. If it be the magistrate's proper work, we must obey the
magistrate only. 2. If it be about the pastor's proper work, the
pastor is to be obeyed; though the magistrate gainsay it, so be it he
proceed according to the general rules of his instructions, and the
matter be of weight. As if the magistrate and the pastors of the
church do command different translations or expositions of the Bible
to be used, or one forbiddeth and another commandeth the same
individual person to be baptized, or receive the sacrament of the
Lord's supper, or to be esteemed a member of the church; if the people
know not which of them judgeth right, it seemeth to me they should
first obey their pastors, because it is only in matters intimately
pertaining to their office. I speak only of formal obedience, and that
of the people only, for, materially, prudence may require us rather to
do as the magistrate commandeth, _quod_, _non quia_, to avoid a
greater evil. And it is always supposed that we patiently bear the
magistrate's penalties, when we obey not his commands. 3. But in
points common to them both, the case is more difficult. But here you
must further distinguish, first, between points equally common, and
points unequally common; secondly, between determinations of good, or
bad, or indifferent consequence as to the main end and interest of God
and souls. 1. In points equally common to both, the magistrate is to
be obeyed against the pastors; because he is more properly a
commanding governor, and they are but the guides or governors of
volunteers; and because, in such cases, the pastors themselves should
obey the magistrate; and therefore the people should first obey
him.[71] 2. Much more in points unequally common, which the magistrate
is more concerned in than the pastors, the magistrate is undoubtedly
to be first obeyed. Of both, there might instances be given about the
circumstantials or adjuncts of God's worship. As the place of public
worship, the situation, form, bells, fonts, pulpits, seats, precedency
in seats, tables, cups, and other utensils; church bounds by parishes,
church ornaments, gestures, habits, some councils, and their order,
with other such like; in all which, _cæteris paribus_, for my part I
would rather obey the laws of the king, than the canons of the
bishops, if they should disagree. 3. But in cases common to both, in
which the pastor's office is more nearly and fully concerned than the
magistrate's, the case is more difficult: as at what hour the church
shall assemble; what part of Scripture shall be read; what text the
minister shall preach on; how long prayer, or sermon, or other church
exercises shall be; what prayers the minister shall use; in what
method he shall preach; and what doctrine he shall deliver, and the
people hear; with many such like. These do most nearly belong to the
pastoral office, to judge of as well as to execute; but yet in some
cases the magistrate may interpose his authority. And herein, 1. If
the one party do determine clearly to the necessary preservation of
religion, and the other to the ruin of it, the disparity of
consequents maketh a great disparity in the case; for here God himself
hath predetermined, who commandeth that "all be done to edification."
As for instance, if a christian magistrate ordain, that no assembly
shall consist of above forty or a hundred persons, when there are so
many preachers and places of meeting, that it is no detriment to
men's souls; and especially, when the danger of infection, or other
evil, warranteth it, then I would obey that command of the magistrate,
though the pastors of the church were against it, and commanded fuller
meetings. But if a Julian should command the same thing, on purpose to
wear out the christian religion, and when it tendeth to the ruin of
men's souls, (as when preachers are so few, that either more must meet
together, or most must be untaught, and excluded from God's worship,)
here I would rather obey the pastors that command the contrary,
because they do but deliver the command of God, who determineth
consequently of the necessary means, when he determineth of the end.
But if the consequents of the magistrate's and the pastor's commands
should be equally indifferent, and neither of them discernibly good or
bad, the difficulty then would be at the highest, and such as I shall
not here presume to determine.[72]
No doubt but the king is the supreme governor over all the schools,
and physicians, and hospitals in the land, that is, he is the supreme
in the civil coercive government: he is supreme magistrate over
divines, physicians, and schoolmasters; but not the supreme divine,
physician, or schoolmaster. When there is any work for the office of
the magistrate, that is, for the sword, among any of them, it
belongeth only to him, and not at all to them: but when there is any
work for the divine, the physician, the schoolmaster, or if you will,
for the shoemaker, the tailor, the watchmaker, this belongeth not to
the king to do, or give particular commands for: but yet it is all to
be done under his government; and on special causes he may make laws
to force them all to do their several works aright, and to restrain
them from abuses. As (to clear the case in hand) the king is informed
that physicians take too great fees of their patients, that some
through ignorance, and some through covetousness, give ill compounded
medicines and pernicious drugs: no doubt but the king, by the advice
of understanding men, may forbid the use of such drugs as are found
pernicious to his subjects, and may regulate not only the fees, but
the compositions and attendances of physicians. But if he should
command, that a man in a fever, or dropsy, or consumption, shall have
no medicine, but this or that, and so oft, and in such or such a dose,
and with such or such a diet; and the physicians, whom my reason
bindeth me to trust, (and perhaps my own experience also,) do tell me
that all these things are bad for me, and different tempers and
accidents require different remedies, and that I am like to die, or
hazard my health, if I obey not them contrary to the king's commands,
here I should rather obey my physicians: partly, because else I should
sin against God, who commandeth me the preservation of my life; and
partly, because this matter more belongeth to the physician, than to the
magistrate. Mr. Richard Hooker, Eccles. Polit. lib. viii. p. 223, 224,
giveth you the reason more fully.[73]
_Direct._ XXV. Give not the magistrate's power to any other;
whether to the people, on pretence of their _majestatis realis_, (as
they call it,) or the pope, or prelates, or pastors of the church,
upon pretence of authority from Christ, or of the distinction of
ecclesiastical government and civil. The people's pretensions to
natural authority, or real majesty, or collation of power, I have
confuted before, and more elsewhere. The pope's, prelate's, and
pastor's power of the sword in causes ecclesiastical, is disproved so
fully by Bishop Bilson _ubi supra_, and many more, that it is needless
to say much more of it.[74] All protestants, so far as I know, are
agreed that no bishop or pastor hath any power of the sword, that is,
of coercion, or force upon men's bodies, liberties, or estates, except
as magistrates derived from their sovereign. Their spiritual power is
only upon consenters, in the use of God's word upon the conscience,
either generally in preaching, or with personal application in
discipline. No courts or commands can compel any to appear or submit,
nor lay the mulct of a penny upon any, but by their own consent, or
the magistrate's authority. But this the papists will few of them
confess: for if once the sword were taken from them, the world would
quickly see that their church had the hearts of few of those
multitudes, whom by fire and sword they forced to seem their members;
or at least, that, when the windows were opened, the light would
quickly deliver poor souls from the servitude of those men of
darkness. For then few would fear the unrighteous excommunication of
mere usurpers.[75] It is a manifold usurpation by which their kingdom
is upheld. (For a kingdom it is rather to be called than a church.) 1.
They usurp the power of the keys or ecclesiastical government over all
the world, and make themselves pastors of those churches, which they
have nothing to do to govern. Their excommunications of princes or
people, in other lands or churches that never took them for their
pastors, is a usurpation the more odious, by how much the power
usurped is more holy, and the performance in so large a parish as the
whole world, is naturally impossible to the Roman usurper. 2. Under
the name of ecclesiastical jurisdiction, they usurp the magistrate's
coercive power in such causes as they call ecclesiastical. 3. Yea, and
they claim an immunity to their clergy from the civil government, as
if they were no subjects of the king, or the king had not power to
punish his offending subjects. 4. _In ordine ad spiritualia_, they
claim yet more of the magistrate's power. 5. And one part of them give
the pope directly in temporals a power over kings and kingdoms. 6.
Their most eminent divines do ordinarily maintain, that the pope may
excommunicate kings and interdict kingdoms, and that an excommunicated
king is no king, and may be killed. It is an article of their
religion, determined of in one of their approved general councils,
(Later. sub. Innoc. III. can. 3,) That if temporal lords will not
exterminate heretics from their lands, (such as the Albigenses, that
denied transubstantiation, mentioned can. 2,) the pope may give their
dominions to others, and absolve their vassals from their fealty. And
when some of late would have so far salved their honour, as to
invalidate the authority of that council, they will not endure it, but
have strenuously vindicated it; and indeed whatever it be to us, with
them it is already enrolled among the approved general councils.
Between the Erastians, who would have no government but by
magistrates, and papists, who give the magistrate's power to the pope
and his prelates, the truth is in the middle; that the pastors have a
nunciative and directive power from Christ, and a discipline to
exercise by the word alone, or volunteers; much like the power of a
philosopher in his school, or a physician in his hospital, supposing
them to be by divine right.
_Direct._ XXVI. Refuse not to swear allegiance to your lawful
sovereign. Though oaths are fearful, and not to be taken without
weighty cause, yet are they not to be refused when the cause is
weighty, as here it is. Must the sovereign be sworn to do his office
for you, and must he undertake so hard and perilous a charge for you,
which he is no way able to go through, if his subjects be not faithful
to him? And shall those subjects refuse to promise and swear fidelity?
This is against all reason and equity.
_Direct._ XXVII. Think not that either the pope, or any power in
the world, can dispense with this your oath, or absolve you from the
bond of it, or save you from the punishment due from God, to the
perjured and perfidious. Of this see what I have written before
against perjury.
_Direct._ XXVIII. Do nothing that tendeth to bring the sacred
bonds of oaths into an irreligious contempt, or to make men take the
horrid crime of perjury to be a little sin. Sovereigns have no
sufficient security of the fidelity of their subjects, or of their
lives, or kingdoms; if once oaths and covenants be made light of, and
men can play fast and loose with the bonds of God, which lie upon
them. He is virtually a traitor to princes and states, who would bring
perjury and perfidiousness into credit, and teacheth men to violate
oaths and vows. For there is no keeping up human societies and
governments, where there is no trust to be put in one another. And
there is no trust to be put in that man, that maketh no conscience of
an oath or vow.[76]
_Direct._ XXIX. Be ready to your power to defend your governors,
against all treasons, conspiracies, and rebellions.[77] For this is a
great part of the duty of your relation. The wisdom and goodness
necessary to government, is much personal in the governors themselves;
but the strength (without which laws cannot be executed, nor the
people preserved) is in the people, and the prince's interest in them;
therefore if you withdraw your help in time of need, you desert and
betray your rulers, whom you should defend. If you say, it is they
that are your protectors. I answer, true; but by yourselves. They
protect you by wisdom, council, and authority, and you must protect
them by obedience and strength. Would you have them protect you rather
by mercenaries or foreigners? If not, you must be willing to do your
parts, and not think it enough in treasons, invasions, or rebellions,
to sit still and save yourselves, and let him that can lay hold on the
crown, possess it. What prince would be the governor of a people, that
he knew would forsake him in his need?
_Direct._ XXX. Murmur not at the payment of those necessary
tributes, by which the common safety must be preserved, and the due
honour of your governors kept up. Sordid covetousness hath been the
ruin of many a commonwealth. When every one is shifting for himself,
and saving his own, and murmuring at the charge by which their safety
must be defended, as if kings could fight for them, without men and
money; this selfishness is the most pernicious enemy to government,
and to the common good. Tribute and honour must be paid to whom it
doth belong. Rom. xiii. 6, 7, "For they are God's ministers, attending
continually on this very thing." And none of your goods or cabins will
be saved, if by your covetousness the ship should perish.
_Direct._ XXXI. Resist not, where you cannot actually obey: and
let no appearance of probable good that might come to yourselves, or
the church, by any unlawful means, (as treason, sedition, or
rebellion,) ever tempt you to it. For evil must not be done that good
may come by it: and all evil means are but palliate and deceitful
cures, that seem to help a little while, but will leave the malady
more perilous at last, than it was before. As it is possible, that
lying or perjury might be used to the seeming service of a governor at
the time, which yet would prepare for his after danger, by teaching
men perfidiousness; even so rebellions and treasons may seem at
present to be very conducible to the ends of a people or party that
think themselves oppressed; but in the end it will leave them much
worse than it found them.[78]
_Object._ But if we must let rulers destroy us at their pleasure,
the gospel will be rooted out of the earth: when they know that we
hold it unlawful to resist them, they will be imboldened to destroy
us, and sport themselves in our blood; as the papists did by the poor
Albigenses, &c.
_Answ._ All this did signify something if there were no God, that
can easilier restrain and destroy them at his pleasure, than they can
destroy or injure you. But if there be a God, and all the world is in
his hand, and with a word he can speak them all into dust; and if this
God be engaged to protect you, and hath told you, that the very hairs
of your head are numbered, and more regardeth his honour, and gospel,
and church, than you do, and accounteth his servants as the apple of
his eye, and hath promised to hear them and avenge them speedily, and
forbid them to avenge themselves; then it is but atheistical distrust
of God, to save yourselves by sinful means, as if God either could not
or would not do it: thus he that saveth his life shall lose it. Do you
believe that you are in the hands of Christ, and that men cannot touch
you but by his permission; and that he will turn all your sufferings
to your exceeding benefit? And yet will you venture on sin and hell to
escape such sufferings from men? Wolves, and bears, and lions, that
fight most for themselves, are hated and destroyed by all; so that
there are but few of them in the land. But though a hundred sheep will
run before a little dog, the master of them taketh care for their
preservation. And little children that cannot go out of the way from a
horse or cart, every one is afraid of hurting. If christians behaved
themselves with that eminent love, and lowliness, and meekness, and
patience, and harmlessness, as their Lord hath taught them and
required, perhaps the very cruelty and malice of their enemies would
abate and relent; and "when a man's ways please God, he would make his
enemies to be at peace with him;"[79] but if not, their fury would but
hasten us to our joy and glory. Yet note, that I speak all this only
against rebellion, and unlawful arms and acts.
_Direct._ XXXII. Obey inferior magistrates according to the
authority derived to them from the supreme, but never against the
supreme, from whom it is derived. The same reasons which oblige you to
obey the personal commands of the king, do bind you also to obey the
lowest constable, or other officer: for they are necessary instruments
of the sovereign power, and if you obey not them, the obedience of the
sovereign signifieth almost nothing. But no man is bound to obey them
beyond the measure of their authority; much less against those that
give them their authority.
_Direct._ XXXIII. No human power is at all to be obeyed against
God: for they have no power, but what they receive from God; and all
that is from him, is for him. He giveth no power against himself; he
is the first efficient, the chief dirigent, and ultimate final cause
of all.[80] It is no act of authority, but resistance of his
authority, which contradicteth his law, and is against him. All human
laws are subservient to his laws, and not co-ordinate, much less
superior. Therefore they are _ipso facto_ null, or have no
obligation, which are against him: yet is not the office itself null,
when it is in some things thus abused; nor the magistrate's power
null, as to other things. No man must commit the least sin against
God, to please the greatest prince on earth, or to avoid the greatest
corporal suffering.[81] "Fear not them that can kill the body, and
after that have no more that they can do; but fear him, who is able to
destroy both body and soul in hell: yea, I say unto you, fear him,"
Luke xii. 4. "Whether we ought to obey God rather than men, judge ye,"
Acts v. 29. "Not fearing the wrath of the king: for he endured, as
seeing him that is invisible.--Others were tortured, not accepting
deliverance," &c. Heb. xi. 27, 35. "Be it known unto thee, O king,
that we will not serve thy gods, nor worship the golden image," &c.
Dan. iii. 18.
_Object._ If we are not obliged to obey, we are not obliged to
suffer; for the law obligeth primarily to obedience, and only
secondarily _ad pœnam_, for want of obedience. Therefore where
there is no primary obligation to obedience, there is no secondary
obligation to punishment.
_Answ._ The word obligation, being metaphorical, must in
controversy be explained by its proper terms. The law doth first
_constituere debitum obedientiæ, et propter inobedientiam debitum
pœnæ_. Here then you must distinguish, 1. Between obligation
_in foro conscientiæ_, and _in foro humano_. 2. Between an
obligation _ad pœnam_ by that law of man, and an obligation
_ad patiendum_ by another divine law. And so the answer is this:
first, If the higher powers, e. g. forbid the apostles to preach upon
pain of death or scourging, the dueness both of the obedience and the
penalty, is really null, in point of conscience; however _in foro
humano_ they are both due; that is, so falsely reputed in that court:
therefore the apostles are bound to preach notwithstanding the
prohibition, and so far as God alloweth they may resist the penalty,
that is, by flying: for properly there is neither _debitum obedientiæ
nec pœnæ_. Secondly, But then God himself obligeth them not to
"resist the higher powers," Rom. xiii. 1-3, and "in their patience to
possess their souls." So that from this command of God, there is a
true obligation _ad patiendum_, to patient suffering and
non-resistance, though from the law of man against their preaching,
there was no true obligation _aut ad obedientiam, aut ad pœnam_.
This is the true resolution of this sophism.
_Direct._ XXXIV. It is one of the most needful duties to
governors, for those that have a call and opportunity, (as their
pastors,) to tell them wisely and submissively of those sins which are
the greatest enemies to their souls; and not the smallest enemies to
their government, and the public peace.[82] All christians will
confess, that sin is the only forfeiture of God's protection, and the
cause of his displeasure, and consequently the only danger to the
soul, and the greatest enemy to the land. And that the sins of rulers,
whether personal, or in their government, have a far more dangerous
influence upon the public state, than the sins of other men. Yea, the
very sins which upon true repentance may be pardoned as to the
everlasting punishment, may yet be unpardoned as to the public ruin of
a state: as the sad instance of Manasseh showeth. 2 Kings xxiii. 26,
"Notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fierceness of his great
wrath, wherewith his anger was kindled against Judah, because of all
the provocations that Manasseh had provoked him withal." Chap. xxiv. 3, 4,
"Surely at the commandment of the Lord came this upon Judah, to remove
them out of his sight for the sins of Manasseh according to all that
he did; and also for the innocent blood that he shed, (for he filled
Jerusalem with innocent blood,) which the Lord would not pardon." And
yet this was after Josiah had reformed. So Solomon's sin did cause the
rending of the ten tribes from his son's kingdom: yea, the bearing
with the high places, was a provoking sin in kings, that otherwise
were upright. Therefore sin being the fire in the thatch, the
quenching of it must needs be an act of duty and fidelity to
governors; and those that tempt them to it, or soothe and flatter them
in it, are the greatest enemies they have. But yet it is not every man
that must reprove a governor, but those that have a call and opportunity;
nor must it be done by them imperiously, or reproachfully, or publicly
to their dishonour, but privately, humbly, and with love, honour,
reverence, and submissiveness.
_Object._ But great men have great spirits, and are impatient of
reproof, and I am not bound to that which will do no good, but ruin
me.
_Answ._ 1. It is an abuse of your superiors, to censure them to be so
proud and brutish, as not to consider that they are the subjects of
God, and have souls to save or lose, as well as others: will you judge
so hardly of them before trial, as if they were far worse and
foolisher than the poor, and take this abuse of them to be an excuse
for your other sin? No doubt there are good rulers in the world, that
will say to Christ's ministers, as the Prince Elector Palatine did to
Pitiscus, charging him to tell him plainly of his faults, when he
chose him to be the Pastor Aulicus.[83]
2. How know you beforehand what success your words will have? Hath the
word of God well managed no power? yea, to make even bad men good? Can
you love your rulers, and yet give up their souls in despair, and all
for fear of suffering by them?
3. What if you do suffer in the doing of your duty? Have you not
learned to serve God upon such terms as those? Or do you think it will
prove it to be no duty, because it will bring suffering on you? These
reasons savour not of faith.
_Direct._ XXXV. Think not that it is unlawful to obey in every
thing which is unlawfully commanded. It may in many cases be the
subject's duty, to obey the magistrate who sinfully commandeth him.
For all the magistrate's sins in commanding, do not enter into the
matter or substance of the thing commanded: if a prince command me to
do the greatest duty, in an ill design, to some selfish end, it is his
sin so to command; but yet that command must be obeyed (to better
ends). Nay, the matter of the command may be sinful in the commander,
and not in the obeyer. If I be commanded without any just reason to
hunt a feather, it is his sin that causelessly commandeth me so to
lose my time; and yet it may be my sin to disobey it, while the thing
is lawful; else servants and children must prove all to be needful, as
well as lawful, which is commanded them before they must obey. Or the
command may at the same time be evil by accident, and the obedience
good by accident, and _per se_. Very good accidents, consequence,
or effects, may belong to our obedience, when the accidents of the
command itself are evil. I could give you abundance of instances of
these things.
_Direct._ XXXVI. Yet is not all to be obeyed that is evil but by
accident, nor all to be disobeyed that is so: but the accidents must
be compared; and if the obedience will do more good than harm, we must
obey; if it will evidently do more harm than good, we must not do it.
Most of the sins in the world are evil by accident only, and not in
the simple act denuded of its accidents, circumstances, or
consequents. You may not sell poison to him that you know would poison
himself with it, though to sell poison of itself be lawful. Though it
be lawful simply to lend a sword, yet not to a traitor that you know
would kill the king with it, no nor to one that would kill his father,
his neighbour, or himself. A command would not excuse such an act from
sin.[84] He was slain by David, that killed Saul at his own command,
and if he had but lent him his sword to do it, it had been his sin.
Yet some evil accidents may be weighed down by greater evils, which
would evidently follow upon the not doing of the thing commanded.
_Direct._ XXXVII. In the question, whether human laws bind
conscience, the doubt is not of that nature, as to have necessary
influence upon your practice. For all agree, that they bind the
subject to obedience, and that God's law bindeth us to obey them. And
if God's law bind us to obey man's law, and so to disobey them be
materially a sin against God's law, this is as much as is needful to
resolve you in respect of practice: no doubt, man's law hath no
primitive obliging power at all, but a derivative from God, and under
him; and what is it to bind the conscience (an improper speech) but to
bind the person to judge it his duty, (_conscire_,) and so to do
it. And no doubt but he is bound to judge it his duty, that that is
immediately by human law, and remotely by divine law, and so the
contrary to be a sin proximately against man, and ultimately against
God. This is plain, and the rest is but logomachy.