THE END OF RUSSIAN 'LEGALIST' MARXISM

The Russian 'legalist' Marxists, and Tugan Baranovski above all, can

claim the credit, in their struggle against the doubters of capitalist

accumulation, of having enriched economic theory by an application of

Marx's analysis of the social reproductive process and its schematic

representation in the second volume of _Capital_. But in view of the

fact that this same Tugan Baranovski quite wrongly regarded said diagram

as the solution to the problem instead of its formulation, his

conclusions were bound to reverse the basic order of Marx's doctrine.

Tugan Baranovski's approach, according to which capitalist production

can create unlimited markets and is independent of consumption, leads

him straight on to the thesis of Say-Ricardo, i.e. a natural balance

between production and consumption, between supply and demand. The

difference is simply that those two only thought in terms of simple

commodity circulation, whilst Tugan Baranovski applies the same doctrine

to the circulation of capital. His theory of crises being caused by a

'lack of proportion' is in effect just a paraphrase of Say's old trite

absurdity: the over-production of any one commodity only goes to show

under-production of another; and Tugan Baranovski simply translates this

nonsense into the terminology used in Marx's analysis of the

reproductive process. Even though he declares that, Say notwithstanding,

general over-production is quite possible in the light of the

circulation of money which the former had entirely neglected, yet it is

in fact this very same neglect, the besetting sin of Say and Ricardo in

their dealings with the problem of crises which is the condition for his

delightful manipulations with Marx's diagram. As soon as it is applied

to the circulation of money, 'diagram No. 2' begins to bristle with

spikes and barbs. Bulgakov was caught in these spikes when he attempted

to follow up Marx's interrupted analysis to a logical conclusion. This

compound of forms of thought borrowed from Marx with contents derived

from Say and Ricardo is what Tugan Baranovski modestly calls his

'attempt at a synthesis between Marx's theory and classical economics'.

After almost a century, the theory of optimism which holds, in the face

of petty-bourgeois doubts, that capitalist production is capable of

development, returns, by way of Marx's doctrine and its 'legalist'

champions, to its point of departure, to Say and Ricardo. The three

'Marxists' join forces with the bourgeois 'harmonists' of the Golden Age

shortly before the Fall when bourgeois economics was expelled from the

Garden of Innocence--the circle is closed.

There can be no doubt that the 'legalist' Russian Marxists achieved a

victory over their opponents, the 'populists', but that victory was

rather too thorough. In the heat of battle, all three--Struve, Bulgakov

and Tugan Baranovski--overstated their case. The question was whether

capitalism in general, and Russian capitalism in particular, is capable

of development; these Marxists, however, proved this capacity to the

extent of even offering theoretical proof that capitalism can go on for

ever. Assuming the accumulation of capital to be without limits, one has

obviously proved the unlimited capacity of capitalism to survive!

Accumulation is the specifically capitalist method of expanding

production, of furthering labour productivity, of developing the

productive forces, of economic progress. If the capitalist mode of

production can ensure boundless expansion of the productive forces, of

economic progress, it is invincible indeed. The most important objective

argument in support of socialist theory breaks down; socialist political

action and the ideological import of the proletarian class struggle

cease to reflect economic events, and socialism no longer appears an

historical necessity. Setting out to show that capitalism is possible,

this trend of reasoning ends up by showing that socialism is impossible.

The three Russian Marxists were fully aware that in the course of the

dispute they had made an about-turn, though Struve, in his enthusiasm

for the cultural mission of capitalism, does not worry about giving up a

useful warrant.[329] Bulgakov tried to stop the gaps now made in

socialist theory with another fragment of the same theory as best he

could: he hoped that capitalist society might yet perish, in spite of

the immanent balance between production and consumption, because of the

declining profit rate. But it was he himself who finally cut away the

ground from under this somewhat precarious comfort. Forgetting the straw

he had offered for the salvation of socialism, he turned on Tugan

Baranovski with the teaching that, in the case of large capitals, the

relative decline in the profit rate is compensated by the absolute

growth of capital.[330] More consistent than the others, Tugan

Baranovski finally with the crude joy of a barbarian destroys all

objective economic arguments in support of socialism, thus building in

his own spirit 'a more beautiful world' on an ethical foundation. 'The

individual protests against an economic order which transforms the end

(man) into a means (production) and the means (production) into an

end.'[331]

Our three Marxists demonstrated in person that the new foundations of

socialism had been frail and jerry-built. They had hardly laid down the

new basis for socialism before they turned their backs on it. When the

masses of Russia were staking their lives in the fight for the ideals of

a social order to come, which would put the end (man) before the means

(production), the 'individual' went into retreat, to find philosophical

and ethical solace with Kant. In actual fact, the 'legalist' bourgeois

Marxists ended up just where we should expect them to from their

theoretical position--in the camp of bourgeois harmonies.

The Accumulation of Capital · 第 97 / 118 题