There is some difference of opinion as to the exact number

of copies circulated, all founded on the facts given in the

_Spectator_ itself. In No. 10, Addison says that there were

already 3000 copies distributed every day. "So that if I allow

Twenty Readers to every Paper, which I look upon as a modeſt

Computation, I may reckon about Threeſcore thouſand

Diſciples in London and Weſtminster". On July 23, 1711, he

wrote: "... my Bookſeller tells me, the Demand for theſe

my Papers increaſes daily," and on December 31 he repeated,

"I find that the Demand for my Papers has encreaſed every

Month ſince their firſt appearance in the World." On the

1st of August, 1712, St. John's Stamp Act came into force, by

which a halfpenny stamp was imposed upon all newspapers and

periodical sheets. This attempt to suppress free expression

of opinion succeeded to some extent; many of the papers of the

day ceased to exist. The _Spectator_ continued as before,

but the price was raised from one penny to twopence. "... A

payment of over £20. a week for stamp duty represents a daily

circulation of more than 1,600 copies, or 10,000 a week,

from the 1st August to the 6th December 1712, and the

daily circulation before the 1st August would therefore be,

according to Steele's statement, nearly 4000."

Two hundred and seventy-four of the 635 papers are attributed

to Addison, and from 236 to 240 to Steele. Addison usually

signed his essays with one of the letters of the name Clio,

and Steele wrote over the initials T. and R. Besides the two

principal writers, Budgell, Hughes, Parnell, Pope and Tickell

are thought to have contributed papers, but considerable

uncertainty exists with regard to their work.

Folio.

COLLATION: _In numbers._

DANIEL DEFOE

(1661?-1731)

41. The | Life | And | Strange Surprizing | Adventures | Of | Robinson

Crusoe, | Of York, Mariner: | [Nine lines] Written by Himſelf. |

London: | Printed for W. Taylor at the Ship in Pater-Noſter- | Row.

MDCCXIX.

The story is told of how Defoe's manuscript was refused by

many of the London publishers before William Taylor, one of

the most esteemed and successful of them, accepted it. The

book came out April 25, and its success was immediate; a

second edition was called for only seventeen days after the

first; a third followed twenty-five days later, and a fourth

on the 8th of August. _The Farther | Adventures | Of Robinson

Crusoe; | Being the Second and Laſt Part | Of His | Life ...

To which is added a Map of the World_ ... was issued in August

of the same year, and was followed on August 6, 1720, by a

sequel called _Serious Reflections | During | The | Life ...

of Robinson Crusoe_. Further evidence of the popularity of the

work is furnished by the piracies, numerous imitations, and

translations that appeared within a short time after its

publication.

Lowndes and others repeat an error of Dibdin's in saying that

_Robinson Crusoe_ first appeared in the _Original London

Post, or Heathcot's Intelligence_, from No. 125 to No. 289

inclusive, the latter dated October 7, 1719. The story

was _reprinted_ in that paper, "with a care to divert and

entertain the reader," but _beginning_ October 7, 1719, and

ending with No. 289, dated October 19, 1720. The unsigned

folding map was used in this last as well as in the fourth

edition of the first part. An engraving representing the hero

of the story is placed sometimes as a frontispiece. It is

signed, like the map of the island, "Clark & Pine Sc.," and,

while not remarkable for artistic merit, is certainly notable

as having been the model of all future conceptions.

Defoe sold all his property in _Robinson Crusoe_ to Taylor,

who gained a very large fortune by it and its successors. When

that worthy man died, only five years after the publication of

the book, he was reputed to be worth between forty and fifty

thousand pounds. He added an introduction to _The Serious

Reflections_, in which he says:

"The ſucceſs the two former Parts have met with, has been

known by the Envy it has brought upon the Editor, expreſs'd

in a thouſand hard Words from the Men of Trade; the Effect

of that Regret which they entertain'd at their having no Share

in it: And I muſt do the Author the Justice to ſay that

not a Dog has wag'd his Tongue at the Work itſelf, nor has a

Word been ſaid to leſſen the Value of it, but which has

been the viſible Effect of that Envy at the good Fortune of

the Bookſeller."

A guarantee of this good fortune may be seen in the imprint

of the book, which now reads: "At the Ship and _Black-Swan_

in Pater-noſter Row," that last-named property having been

purchased out of the proceeds of its sale. After Taylor's

death, the business was sold to Thomas Longman, the founder

of the firm of Longmans, Green & Co., for over three thousand

pounds.

Octavo.

COLLATION: _3 l., pp. 364. [4 l.] pp. 373. [9 l.], pp. 270,

84 [2 l.]_

JONATHAN SWIFT

(1667-1745)

42. Travels | Into Several | Remote Nations | Of The | World. | In

Four Parts. | By Lemuel Gulliver, | Firſt a Surgeon, and then a

Cap- | tain of ſeveral Ships. | Vol. I. | London: | Printed for Benj.

Motte, at the | Middle Temple-Gate in Fleet-ſtreet. | MDCCXXVI.

"I have employed my time, (beside ditching) in finishing,

correcting, amending, and transcribing my travels in four

parts complete, newly augmented and intended for the press,

when the world shall deserve them, or rather when a printer

shall be found brave enough to venture his ears." This is what

Swift says in a letter written to Pope, and thus it will be

seen that there could have been no real doubt among Swift's

friends as to the authorship of the book, though for very

obvious reasons it was found desirable to have it published

anonymously. Even after it was issued, and had proved a

success, the pretense of ignorance of the author's identity

was kept up. Pope himself writes, November 16, 1726 (the work

appeared October 28):

"I congratulate you first on what you call your cousin's

wonderful book, which is _publica trita manu_ at present, and

I prophesy will hereafter be the admiration of all men...."

"Motte," (the publisher who had been brave enough to risk

his ears), "received the copy, he tells me, he knew not from

whence, nor from whom, dropped at his house in the dark, from

a hackney coach. By computating the time I found it was after

you left England, so for my part, I suspend my judgement."

Swift was staying with Pope when the manuscript was so

mysteriously left at Motte's door by Charles Ford, his

intermediary, through whom, and Erasmus Lewis, all the

business was conducted. Writing under the assumed name of

Sympson, Swift demanded that Motte should give him £200, which

the publisher agreed to do after six months if the success of

the book would allow. The whole issue was exhausted within

a week after its appearance, and a second edition speedily

followed, making the payment, which we learn was promptly

effected, an easy matter. We are told that Swift used to leave

the profits of his writing to the booksellers; but _Gulliver_

proved the exception to the rule. He says, in 1735, "I never

got a farthing by anything I writ, except one about eight

years ago, and that was by Mr. Pope's prudent arrangement for

me." Motte, like Taylor with _Robinson Crusoe_, grew rich out

of it; or, as Swift puts it to Knightley Chetwood in a letter

dated February 14, 1726-7, in which he still keeps up the

mystery of the authorship, "... in Engl^d I hear it hath made

a bookseller almost rich enough to be an alderman."

Of its success, Arbuthnot says, November 8, 1726: "_Gulliver's

Travels_, I believe, will have as great a run as John Bunyan.

It is in everybody's hands...." Gay wrote a few days later:

"The whole impression sold in a week. From the highest to the

lowest it is universally read, from the cabinet council to the

nursery." "Here is a book come out," says Lady Mary Wortley

Montagu, "that all our people of taste run mad about...."

It speaks well for Motte's sagacity that he should have been

willing to undertake the publishing of so violent a book at

all, and we are little surprised that he balked at certain

passages, and that, to avoid offense, "he got those

alterations and insertions made" which Swift afterward so

bitterly resented. In the letter to Knightley Chetwood quoted

above, Swift said: "In my Judgment I should think it hath been

mangled in the press, for in some parts it doth not seem of

a piece, but I shall hear more when I am in England." In a

letter to Ford written more than six years later, we find him

still recurring to the matter:

"Now you may please to remember how much I complained of

Motte's suffering some friend of his (I suppose it was Mr.

Tooke, a clergyman, now dead) not onely to blot out some

things that he thought might give offence, but to insert

a good deal contrary to the author's manner and style and

intention. I think you had a Gulliver interleaved and set

right in those mangled and murdered pages.... To say the truth

I cannot with patience endure that mingled and mangled manner

as it came from Motte's hands, and it will be extremely

difficult for me to correct it by other means, with so ill a

memory and so bad a state of health." Swift had good reason to

complain about this matter as he did, personally and through

Ford, who wrote to Motte blaming him for the printer's gross

errors. "Besides the whole sting is absent out of several

passages in order to soften them. Thus the style is debased,

the humours quite lost, and the matter insipid," cries the

enraged author. The interleaved copy was forthcoming, and the

text as corrected was printed in Dublin in 1735.

The bibliography of the book is perplexing. There seem to have

been four distinct issues, or, rather, editions, during

the first year; while copies of the same edition show many

variations. The edition to which the large paper copies belong

is usually called the first. In it the four parts are paged

separately, and the portrait of Gulliver, signed "Sturt et.

Sheppard. Sc.," is found in two states. One of these states,

evidently the first, has the inscription, "Captain Lemuel

Gulliver, of Redriff Ætat. ſuæ 58.," in two lines below

the oval. The other has the inscription around the oval,

as follows: "Captain Lemuel Gulliver Of Redriff Ætat. Suæ

LVIII.," and beneath, where the name was before, a quotation

from Persius now appears.

The three other editions have distinct differences of type,

setting and ornaments. The portrait in all of these is of

the second state. Two of these editions have the parts paged

separately, but one has a continuous pagination for each

volume. One edition was reissued in 1727, with verses by Pope

prefixed. On the title-page of the first volume it is called

"second edition," and on that of the second volume, "second

edition corrected." This edition was probably considered

by the publisher to be the most correct, and was therefore,

probably, the last issued in 1726.

Octavo.

COLLATION: _Two volumes._ Volume I: _1 l., xvi, 148 pp.; 3 ll.,

164 pp._ Volume II: _3 ll., 155 pp.; 4 ll., 199 pp._ Portrait,

four maps.

ALEXANDER POPE

(1688-1744)

43. An | Essay | On | Man | Addreſs'd to a Friend. | Part I. |

[Printer's ornament] London: | Printed for J. Wilford, at the Three

Flower-de-luces, be- | hind the Chapter-Houſe, St. Pauls. | [Price

One Shilling.]

The friend to whom, under the name of Lælius, the four

Epistles that make up the _Essay_ were addressed, was Henry

Saint John, first Viscount Bolingbroke, the object of Pope's

reverence, and the inspirer of much of his poetry. It seems to

be agreed that Bolingbroke's philosophical fragments gave the

"philosophical stamina" to this work also.

The first part appeared in February, the second, about April,

1733; they were undated and anonymous, for fear of charges

against the author's orthodoxy. Pope went to considerable

lengths to mislead the public in this matter, but, as Dr.

Crowley says, the applause received "took off all the alarm

which the writer might have felt at his new experiment in the

marriage of metaphysics with immortal verse." "The design of

concealing myself," said our author, "was good, and had its

full effect. I was thought a divine, a philosopher and what

not? and my doctrine had a sanction I could not have given to

it."

In "Epistle II," as the second part is called on the

title-page, there is a note "To the Reader" which says:

"The Author has been induced to publiſh theſe Epiſtles

ſeparately for two Reaſons; The one, that he might not

impoſe upon the Publick too much at once of what he thinks

incorrect; The other, that by this Method he might profit of

its Judgement on the Parts, in order to make the Whole leſs

unworthy of it." At the end of "Epistle III," which came out

the same year, is a note as follows: "N. B. The Reſt of this

Work will be publiſhed the next Winter." And at the end of

the fourth Epistle, issued about the middle of January, 1734:

"Lately Publiſhed the three former Parts of An Essay on Man.

In Epiſtles to a Friend. Sold by J. Wilford at the Three

Flower-de-Luces, behind the Chapter-Houſe in St. Paul's

Church-yard."

All four parts were issued in octavo and quarto, as well as

in folio. The quarto edition bears the dates of publication. A

second edition of the first part, called "Epistle I, corrected

by the Author," contained a table of contents to the first

three Epistles. The fourth Epistle was originally issued with

such a table called, "The Contents, Of the Nature and State of

Man, with reſpect to Happiness."

Pope intrusted the publication of the book to John Wilford,

who was afterward summoned before the House of Lords for

breach of privilege in publishing, with the bookseller,

Edmund Curll, the names of the titled correspondents in the

advertisement to the quasi-unauthorized _Letters_. Pope

made the change from Bernard Lintot, his usual publisher, to

Wilford in order to conceal his identity the more completely,

and to add to the mystery of authorship.

The volume is handsome in appearance: it is ornamented

with initial letters, and woodcut and type-metal head- and

tail-pieces.

Folio.

COLLATION: _19 pp., 1 l., 18, 20 pp., 2 ll., 18 pp., 1 l._

JOSEPH BUTLER

BISHOP OF DURHAM

(1692-1752)

44. The | Analogy | Of | Religion, | Natural and Revealed, | [Six

lines] By | Joseph Butler, L.L.D. Rector of | Stanhope, in the

Biſhoprick of Durham. | [Quotation] London: | Printed for James,

John and Paul Knapton, at the | Crown in Ludgate Street. MDCCXXXVI.

The _Analogy_ ran into edition after edition, and is reprinted

even now. "Few productions of the human mind," Allibone tells

us, "have elicited the labours of so many learned commentators

as have employed their talents in the exposition of Butler's

Analogy." He gives seventeen editions with commentaries,

printed before 1858. In recent times no less a name than that

of Gladstone may be counted among the number.

The Knaptons were the publishers of Butler's first printed

volume, _Fifteen Sermons_, 1726.

Quarto.

COLLATION: _5 ll., x, 11-320 pp._

THOMAS PERCY

BISHOP OF DROMORE

(1729-1811)

45. Reliques | Of | Ancient English Poetry: | [Five lines] Volume The

First. | [Vignette with the words] _Durat Opus Vatum._ | London: |

Printed for J. Dodsley in Pall-Mall. | MDCCLXV.

Although his name does not appear upon the title-page, the

author signed it to the dedication to Elizabeth, Countess

of Northumberland. He offers the book, he says, with some

hesitation, yet hopes that the names of so many men of

learning and character among his patrons and subscribers will

"ſerve as an amulet to guard him from every unfavourable

cenſure for having beſtowed any attention on a parcel of

Old Ballads."

The book came out in February, after four or five years of

active preparation. Johnson criticised it, but in the main the

work was received with the verdict, which has held ever since,

that it marked an epoch. Dibdin says that when it appeared,

the critics "roared aloud for a sight of the MS.!" especially

Joseph Ritson, the antiquary, who denied its existence.

Dibdin, however, saw the folio, and describes it at some

length, besides quoting notes in the Bishop's handwriting, one

of which is of especial interest:

"Memorandum. _Northumberland House, Nov. 7, 1769._ This very

curious old Manuscript in its present mutilated state, but

unbound and sadly torn, I rescued from destruction, and begged

at the hands of my worthy friend _Humphrey Pitt, Esq._ then

living at Shiffnal in Shropshire, afterwards of Prior Lee near

that town; who died very lately at Bath: viz. in Summer,

1769. I saw it lying dirty on the Floor under a Bureau in ye

Parlour: being used by the Maids to light the fire. It was

afterwards sent most unfortunately to an ignorant Bookbinder,

who pared the margin, when I put it into Boards in order to

lend it to Dr. Johnson."

James Dodsley, the printer of our charming volumes, was the

younger brother of Robert, with whom, as _R. & J. Dodsley_,

he was for some time a partner, until, in 1759, he became

the sole proprietor of the house. He lacked the elder

man's energy, but he carried on an extensive and profitable

business. He is said to have paid Percy 100 guineas for the

first edition of the _Reliques_--not a very large sum for such

a work. Pickford tells us, however, that "as the _Reliques_

became popular, and as other editions were in request, so did

the sums paid to Percy increase; and best of all, the book

attracted the notice of those in a high class, in whose power

it was to forward and promote the interests of the editor."

Whatever the basis of his relations with Dodsley, we have his

own word for it that when the third edition was published he

"had no share in the property of the impression." Those "in

a high class" promoted our author from one thing to another,

until, as Granger had hoped he would do, "he found himself

sung into a throne," a reward quite as much to his mind, no

doubt, as anything Dodsley could have arranged.

It is only fair to say that few authors of the period were

better served by their publisher than Percy was by his in the

matter of typography. The ornament used is also especially

good. A frontispiece to the first volume, surmounted by the

inscription, "Non Omnis Moriar," and representing a harper

delighting an audience, is signed by Samuel Wale, who was

chiefly employed in designing vignettes and illustrations for

books. He had studied with Francis Hayman, a printer and maker

of illustrations, who, with N. Blakey, was employed by Messrs.

Knapton and Dodsley to execute the first series of historical

prints designed by Englishmen. The plate was engraved by

Charles Grignion, or Grignon, a pupil of Gravelot and Le Bas,

who, like Wale, was much employed by publishers. Together they

illustrated a large number of books; but the charm of their

work seems to be chiefly due to Grignion. The vignettes, with

the motto "Durat Opus Vatum" on the title-pages and the head-

and tail-pieces, though unsigned, were evidently designed and

engraved by the same hands.

There are three parts to each volume, and each part begins and

ends with a copper-plate engraving illustrative of a ballad.

The head-pieces refer to the first ballad in the book, but the

tail-pieces have legends showing where the poem is found. On

page 24 of the second volume, the following note is attached

to the poem "For the Victory of Agincourt": "This ſong or

hymn is given meerly as a curioſity, and is printed from a

MS copy in the Pepys collection, vol. I. folio. It is there

accompanied with the muſical notes, which are copied in a

ſmall plate at the end of this volume."

A table of "Errata" for all three volumes, an "Advertisement,"

and a note "To the Binder" are found at the end of the first

volume. The Advertisement reads: "The Editor's diſtance from

the preſs has occaſioned ſome miſtakes and confuſion

in the Numbers of the ſeveral Poems, and in the References

from one Volume to another: the latter will be ſet right by

the Table of Errata, and the former by the Tables of Contents.

In the Second Volume, page 129 follows page 112: this was

merely an overſight in the Printer; nothing is there

omitted."

The binder finds this caution addressed to him: "The Binder

is deſired to take Notice that the marginal Numbers of the

1ſt and 3^d Volumes are wrong: that the Sheets marked Vol.

i. are to be bound up as Volume The Third: and that thoſe

noted Vol. III. as Volume The First." Neither author nor

printer thought to tell us of the addition of "George

Barnwell" in eight leaves, at page 224 of Volume III; but

perhaps the inclusion was decided upon too late for the

crowding in of another note.

The notes are interesting, and are quoted here as showing that

Percy made many changes in the work even after it was ready

to be sewed, perhaps after some copies had been issued. For

instance, there seems to be no reason to doubt that he changed

the order of the volumes after they were all printed, making

the first last, in order to bring the ballads of "Chevy Chase"

and the Robin Hood cycle at the beginning. Two volumes of the

_Reliques_ without imprints, preserved in the Douce collection

of the Bodleian Library, are interesting in this connection

since they contain many pieces not in the published edition.

A note by Furnivall, added to Rev. J. Pickford's Life of Percy

which prefaced the Hales and Furnivall _Bishop Percy's Folio

Manuscript_, 1867, gives the omission and changes in detail.

We quote only the following: "... and the engraving at the end

of Douce's volume ii., instead of being the published rustic

sketch, is a coat of arms, with a lion and unicorn at the

side with the Percy motto 'Esperance en Dieu.' This was wisely

cancelled, no doubt, as the Countess of Northumberland might

not then have appreciated the compliment of the grocer's son

claiming kinship with her."

Octavo.

COLLATION: _Three volumes_.

WILLIAM COLLINS

(1721-1759)

46. Odes | On Several | Deſcriptive and Allegoric | Subjects. |

By William Collins. | [Quotation, Vignette] London: | Printed for A.

Millar, in the Strand. | M.DCC.XLVII. | (Price One Shilling.)

Collins and his friend Joseph Warton, the critic, both at the

time unknown, proposed to issue a volume of poems together:

"Collins met me in Surrey, at Guildford races, when I wrote

out for him my odes, and he likewise communicated some of his

to me; and being both in very high spirits, we took courage,

and resolved to join our forces, and to publish them

immediately." The plan, however, fell through and they finally

published separately, though almost simultaneously. This work,

though dated 1747, really appeared in December, 1746. Warton's

_Odes on various Subjects, London, 1746_, reached a second

edition, but Collins's book was not a success, and it is said

that, in disgust, he burned the larger part of the unsold

edition.

"Each," wrote Gray, "is the half of a considerable man, and

one the counterpart of the other. The first [i.e. Warton] has

but little invention, very poetical choice of expression, and

a good ear. The second [i.e. Collins] a fine fancy, modelled

upon the antique, a bad ear, great variety of words, and

images with no choice at all. They both deserve to last some

years, but will not." Time has set Collins right.

The vignette on the title-page, representing a pan-pipe and

harp surrounded by a wreath of fruit, laurel, oak, and palm,

with heads of Pan and Apollo at the top, is by Gerard (?) Van

der Gucht. Thin woodcut head-bands at the beginning of some

of the odes, and a tail-piece after the first one, furnish all

the ornament for this pathetic volume.

Octavo.

COLLATION: _2 ll., 52 pp._

SAMUEL RICHARDSON

(1689-1761)

47. Clarissa. | Or, The | History | Of A | Young Lady: | [Six lines]

Publiſhed by the Editor of Pamela. | Vol. I. | London: | Printed

for S. Richardſon: | And Sold by A. Millar, over-againſt

Catharine-ſtreet in the Strand: | J. and Ja. Rivington, in St.

Paul's Church-yard: | John Osborn, in Pater-noſter Row; | And by J.

Leake, at Bath. | M.DCC.XLVIII.

_Pamela_ was written at the suggestion of two booksellers,

Rivington and Osborne, who published it in four volumes

in 1741-42; and as it proved a great success its "Editor"

followed it with _Clarissa_. Only the last five volumes

appeared in 1748, the first two having come out the previous

year.

In connection with the mistaken idea, which has existed, that

there were eight volumes in the first edition, Mr. Dobson,

in his life of Richardson, gives us these quotations from the

author himself:

"There were in fact, in the first edition, not eight volumes

but seven. "I take the liberty to join the 4 Vols. you have

of _Clarissa_, by two more," says Richardson to Hill in an

unpublished letter of November 7, 1748. "The Whole will make

Seven; that is, one more to attend these two. Eight crowded

into Seven by a smaller Type. Ashamed as I am of the

Prolixity, I thought I owed the Public Eight Vols. in Quantity

for the Price of Seven"; and he adds a later footnote to

explain that the 12mo book "was at first published in Seven

Vols. [and] Afterwards by deferred Restorations made Eight as

now."" Then Mr. Dobson goes on to add the following:

Bibliographic Notes on One Hundred Books Famous in English Literature · 第 7 / 15 段