Je voudrais que la rose Would that each rose were growing

Fût encore au rosier, Still on the rose-tree gay,

Et que le rosier même And that the fated rose-tree

Fût dans la mer jeté. Deep in the ocean lay.

Lui ya longtemps que je t'aime, I 've loved thee long and dearly,

Jamais je ne t'oublierai. I 'll love thee, sweet, for aye.

_À la Claire Fontaine_ has been claimed for Franche-Comté, Brittany,

and Normandy, but the best authorities have come to the conclusion,

from a comparison of the different versions, that it is Norman. In

_Malbrouck s'en va-t-en-guerre_, we have a song which was sung in the

time of the _Grand Monarque_. Of its popularity with the French

Canadians, we have an example in General Strange's reply to the 65th, a

French Canadian regiment, during the second Northwest rebellion. One

morning, after weeks of tedious and toilsome marching, just as the men

were about to fall in, the General {454} overhead the remark--"Ah! when

will we get home?" "Ah, mes garçons," laughed the General--

"Malbrouck s'en va-t-en guerre

Mais quand reviendra-t-il?"

"Malbrouck has gone a-fighting,

But when will he return?"

and with their characteristic light-heartedness the men caught up the

famous old air and the march was resumed without a murmur.

These _chansons populaires_ of French Canada afford some evidence of

the tenacity with which the people cling to the customs, traditions,

and associations of the land of their origin. Indeed, a love for Old

France lies still deep in the hearts of the people, and both young and

old study her best literature, and find their greatest pride in her

recognition of their poets and writers. But while there exists among

the more influential and cultured class a sentimental attachment to Old

France, there is a still deeper feeling, strengthened by the political

freedom and material progress of the past forty years, that the

connection with the British Empire gives the best guaranty for the

preservation of their liberties and rights. This feeling has found

frequent expression in the forcible utterances of Sir Wilfrid, the late

Premier of the Dominion. No doubt the influence of the Roman Catholic

priesthood has had much to do with perpetuating the connexion with

England. They feel that it is {455} not by a connexion with France or

the United States that their religious and civil institutions can be

best conserved.

All classes now agree as to the necessity of preserving the federal

system in its entirety, since it ensures better than any other system

of government the rights and interests of the French Canadian

population in all those matters most deeply affecting a people speaking

a language, professing a religion, and retaining certain institutions

different from those of the majority of the people of the Dominion.

[Illustration: A characteristic snapshot of Sir Robert Borden at the

Peace Conference, 1919.]

No French Canadian writer or politician of weight in the country now

urges so impossible or suicidal a scheme as the foundation of an

independent French nationality on the banks of the St. Lawrence. The

history of the fifty years that have elapsed since the dark days of

Canada, when Papineau wished to establish a "Nation Canadienne," goes

to show that the governing classes of the English and French

nationalities have ceased to feel towards each other that intense

spirit of jealousy which was likely at one time to develop itself into

a dangerous hatred. The spirit of conciliation and justice, which has

happily influenced the action of leading English and French Canadian

statesmen in the administration of public affairs, has been so far

successful in repressing the spirit of passion and demagogism which has

exhibited itself at certain political crises, and in bringing the two

nationalities into harmony with each other. As long as the same wise

counsels continue to prevail in Canada that {456} have heretofore

governed her, and carried her successfully through critical periods,

the integrity of the confederation is assured, and the two races will

ever work harmoniously together, united by the ties of a common

interest,--always the strongest bond of union--and a common allegiance

to the Empire to whose fostering care they already owe so much.

[1] The illustration represents the ancient church which was built in

1658, but was taken down a few years ago on account of its dangerous

condition, and rebuilt on the old site near the basilica, in exactly

the original form with the same materials.

[2] _Songs of Old Canada_. Translated by W. McLennan.

{457}

XXX

RECENT DEVELOPMENT OF CANADA.

In the ordinary course of events this history of the Dominion should

have closed with an account of the old French Province of Quebec, its

people, their characteristics and their progress. But so much has

happened in the second decade of the twentieth century that the impress

of France is slowly being obliterated by a Canadianism which is

peculiar to itself. Of course this does not mean that the French

language is disappearing or that all the customs of the old régime are

giving way to new. But _autres temps, autres moeurs_. For this the

Great War has been largely responsible. Previous to it, the average

French Canadian had been too prone to dwell on the ties which bound him

to La Belle France. But a part in the world-conflict convinced him

that in the hundred and fifty years he had been disassociated from the

country of his birthright, he had worked out his destiny along lines

essentially Canadian. This view is likewise affecting and influencing

the standpoint of those who have settled in the Great Northwest. The

result is a stronger feeling of Canadian nationality in that

association {458} of nations which we are pleased to term the British

Empire.

[Illustration: Silver mines at Cobalt, Ontario.]

After the tragic death of Sir John Thompson in 1892 Canada struggled

along politically under several Conservative Premiers which undoubtedly

prepared the way for Sir Wilfrid Laurier's great victory four years

afterwards. Then, surrounded by the men who had been so many years in

opposition with him, he evolved those practical principles of

Liberalism which kept his party firmly in power until he advocated free

trade in 1911. Since that time both Liberals and Conservatives have

come to the conclusion that a protective policy is the one best suited

for Canada's growing needs and future prospects. It is interesting to

recall, however, that in the dying days of Conservative rule, Nicholas

Flood Davin, a prominent member on the Government benches, introduced a

Bill for Woman's Suffrage, a reform which was not realised in the

Dominion until 1917. As for Quebec it has adhered steadily to manhood

franchise, although there is a decided possibility that women will

receive the vote in 1922. Some three years afterwards, or, to be

exact, September 29, 1898, a Prohibition plebiscite was carried in

Canada, but it was fully twenty years before it was put into effect by

the various provinces, always with the same exception--that of Quebec,

It will therefore be seen that in some respects the old province of

Lower Canada does not adopt innovations lightly, or, at least, until

they have been first tried and found to be worthy of some measure of

support.

When the outbreak of the Boers startled Canada and roused in her the

dormant desire to respond {460} to the call of the Motherland, it was

Sir Wilfrid Laurier who took up the challenge of non-intervention or

neutrality.

We acted in the full independence of our sovereign power. What we did

we did of our own free will. . . . If it should be the will of the

people of Canada at any future stage to take part in any war of

England, the people of Canada will have to have their way. . . . The

work of union and harmony between the chief races of this country is

not yet complete. . . . But there is no bond of union so strong as the

bond created by common dangers faced in common.[1]

What a prophecy. How well was it realised fourteen years afterwards.

But at the time the Canadians, believing that war would not pass their

way again, erected monuments in all the leading cities to commemorate

their losses, little thinking that the courage and traditions achieved

would be perpetuated at the second battle of Ypres, Vimy Ridge, and the

Somme.

The general election of 1900 sustained Sir Wilfrid, and from that time

until 1911 he gave to his country a vision and a courage worthy of the

great statesman who had preceded him in the premiership during many

years. Possibly the visit of the Duke and Duchess of York the

following year also opened up new vistas to him of the Empire upon

which the sun never sets. At any rate life flowed on evenly enough for

him and the Canadian people until there came one of those imperial acts

of negotiation which sorely, perhaps unwarrantably, tried the loyalty

and patience of everyone in the Dominion, irrespective of race, party,

or creed. As a result of it {461} any future Dominion Government would

be very brave indeed if it agreed to an arbitration affecting common

Canadian and American interests where the negotiators were not of

themselves. However, if the Alaska Boundary Award 1903 gave the United

States command of the ports leading to the Klondike it also gave to the

Canadians a very clear lead as to what they should do when treaties

affecting their own interests came up for consideration. Happily both

Motherland and Dominion now see eye to eye in this regard, and no

greater evidence of the solidarity resulting can be seen than in the

signing of the recent Treaty of Versailles by the Overseas delegates.

Deep as was the chagrin at the time, internal expansion and growing

wants diverted the attention of most of the settlers to the new problem

being worked out in the West. Immigrants were pouring in ceaselessly.

A charter for a Grand Trunk Pacific Railway had just been given by the

Dominion House. Everyone was ambitious. All these reasons created a

desire upon the part of the people for full provincial organisation

instead of the territorial system which could not possibly satisfy the

demands of a virile Northwest. The Autonomy Bills of Saskatchewan and

Alberta were soon presented by the Dominion Government, and on

September 1, 1905 two provinces were formally constituted from the old

territories.

There were many in the Eastern Provinces who viewed these evidences of

expansion not without certain misgivings. Most of the newly arrived

settlers were intelligent Americans of considerable {462} means. They

had brought their household furniture, agricultural implements, and

herds of horses and cattle with them. All this, however, was desirable

and praiseworthy. But what worried the older settlers of the west and

particularly the residents in the east was, did they intend to

disseminate their previous Republican ideas? In justice to them it

must be affirmed that they did not. On the contrary, they settled down

as resident Canadians, loyally supporting existing institutions and the

Crown. Many of them, however, were Canadians by birth, returning to

their native land, or the children of Canadians. But whether Canadian

by parentage or naturalisation they are a splendid asset to the west.

And their knowledge of modern farming methods is by no means the least

important of their accomplishments. In their train, there has also

arrived a large number of skilled and unskilled European labourers.

When the House of Commons on May 22, 1919, adopted a recommendation of

an address to the King not to grant further titles to Canadians, it was

asserted by some that it was primarily caused by this western invasion.

But it can be rightly maintained that such action was caused by

conditions existing at the time entirely independent of this influence.

It may be that in the future the resolution will be withdrawn.

Resolutions in Canada are not as fixed as the ancient laws of the Medes

and the Persians.

Side by side with this agricultural expansion there has been an era of

discovery in the Dominion unequalled even by the golden age of '49.

Alexander {463} Macdonald, a Scotchman from New Brunswick, found a

fortune in the great Klondike rush of 1894-8 and other Canadians did

the same at Cobalt, Ontario, in 1903, where a member of a railway

construction gang picked up a silver nugget by accident, thereby

disclosing to an eager continent the famous Cobalt silver fields.

Canada has, as a result, one of the greatest gold and silver-mining

centres in the world.

As if to keep pace with this unexpected development, Dr. Charles E.

Saunders, of the Department of Agriculture, Ottawa, announced his

successful evolution of Marquis wheat. The Doctor had been

experimenting with mid-European Red Fife and Red Calcutta ever since

1903. By successfully crossing the two, an early ripening, hard red

spring wheat with excellent milling and baking qualities was evolved.

Marquis wheat, as it was named, is now the dominant spring wheat

throughout America. Over three hundred million bushels are produced

annually, and it was largely owing to Canadian Marquis that the Allies

were able to overcome the food crisis in 1918. The wealth of the world

has thus been increased enormously by it.

In 1911 Sir Wilfrid, who had been attending the Imperial Conference in

London during May and June of that year, returned home determined to

place himself again in the hands of the electorate. Unfortunately he

had either not profited by the lesson of 1891 or he now believed that

the Dominion was ripe for reciprocity with the United States. The

contest resulted in the overwhelming defeat of his ministry. For

fifteen years he had enjoyed the same confidence of the people as was

extended to {464} Sir John A. Macdonald, and the story of his

premiership was practically the political history of Canada for that

period.

The Hon. Sir Robert Borden, who had led the Conservative party after

Sir Charles Tupper had resigned in 1901, now succeeded, and a new era

opened in Canadian politics. Throughout the ten years of his two terms

of office he invariably viewed the questions and problems before him

from a judicial standpoint. At the end of his term of office he

carried into his semi-retirement the respect and honour of the Canadian

people. If he lacked the personality and the fire of Sir John A. and

Sir Wilfrid, on the hustings and in the House, he made up for it by a

mind well balanced in statesmanship. Never was this seen to greater

advantage than on those occasions when he participated in the Imperial

Conferences and at the Peace negotiations ir Versailles.

Early in the winter of 1913, Vilhjalmur Stefansson, an Icelander from

Manitoba, set out on one of his explorations of the Arctic regions of

Canada. Public opinion had been so roused and excited over Admiral

Peary reaching the North Pole on April 6, 1909, that the Canadian

Government felt that they owed it to the Empire to make some attempt at

charting the northern regions for the Dominion. Under Government

organisation and supervision the enterprise lasted for five years.

Thousands of square miles were added to Canadian territory within the

Arctic Circle, many of which, contrary to popular conception, are green

and habitable. The geography of certain lands and seas was amplified

and corrected, interesting and useful {465} scientific material was

obtained, and much light thrown on general conditions prevailing in

those latitudes which had escaped the observation of Roald Amundsen

when he accomplished the navigation of the Northwest Passage during

1903-6.

The opening years of the second decade of the twentieth century,

however, had not been without their toll of the Empire makers in

Canada. Just before the Great War broke on an unsuspecting Dominion,

Lord Strathcona passed away in his 94th year. From an apprentice clerk

in Hudson's Bay Company he had passed from honour to honour until his

death, when he was High Commissioner for Canada in London. Not many

months later he was followed by the last surviving Father of

Confederation, Sir Charles Tupper, who had preceded him in the office.

Both of these pioneers in Canadian life wielded an influence very far

reaching in the interests of the British Empire.

At the outbreak of the war similar losses in Canadian public life

passed without much notice in the stress and strain of the struggle to

which Canada was to devote herself during the ensuing years.

The prompt action of Sir Sam Hughes, the Minister of Militia, the

sending of 400,000 men overseas to fight the great fight, the seemingly

never-ending battles of Ypres, St. Julien, Festubert, Givenchy, St.

Eloi, Sanctuary Wood, Vimy Ridge, Loos, Hill 70, Courcelette,

Passchendaele, and the Somme, under General Lord Byng and General Sir

Arthur Currie, appear too vivid in the mind as yet to be regarded as

history.

{466}

Something of the spirit of the Canadians in sharing the common

sacrifice is reflected in the beautiful though poignant lines of

Colonel Macrae of the Canadian Army Medical Corps, who himself made the

supreme sacrifice in one of the early engagements of 1915:

In Flanders fields the poppies blow

Beneath the crosses, row on row

That mark our place, and in the sky

The larks, still bravely singing, fly,

Scarce heard amid the guns below.

We are the dead. Short days ago

We lived, felt dawn, saw sunset glow,

Loved, and were loved, and now we lie

In Flanders fields.

Take up our quarrel with the foe;

To you, from falling hands, we throw

The torch. Be yours to lift it high!

If ye break faith with us who die,

We shall not sleep, though poppies blow

In Flanders fields.

As for those at home, now that the war has passed into the ages-long

annals of the Empire, no words can express their thoughts better than

those of Laurence Binyon at the entrance of the British Museum in

London, England:

They shall grow not old

As we that are left grow old.

Age shall not weary them

Nor the years condemn,

At the going down of the sun

And in the morning

We will remember them.

But the years 1914-20 were constructive ones for Canada. Hitherto she

had been content to be {467} regarded as a Dominion with a definite

place in the Empire, proud of her position in that Association of

Nations but not unmindful of her shortcomings. The world-conflict,

however, caused her to realise her own constructive ability and

possibilities only limited by population. Under the Imperial Munitions

Board factories were converted into munition works, old plants were

enlarged, and new machinery installed, so that the country is

industrially equipped to supply a population considerably larger than

it is to-day. Not only was wooden ship building revived, but also

steel ship building plants were laid down. As a result there is a

Government Merchant Marine arranged in conjunction with the Government

railways, sailing the high seas to wherever Canadian produce can find a

market. Closer international relationships are being fostered instead

of considered as outside of the Dominion's power and her desire. These

cords of commerce will undoubtedly strengthen British hegemony in the

years to come.

The General Election of December 1917, passed quietly, making no change

in the political situation, although there was a strong feeling in

Quebec against conscription, which was the dominant issue in that

province. On that question the Hon. W. L. Mackenzie King supported Sir

Wilfrid Laurier in his opposition to compulsory service, being one of

the few English Canadian Liberals to do so. In fact several of them

had already joined Sir Robert Borden so that a Coalition Government

could be formed. It was largely owing to Mr. King's support of Sir

Wilfrid on this issue that the former was chosen to {468} succeed the

latter as leader of the Liberal Party in the Convention held at Ottawa

August 5-7, 1919. The country, however, was too intent on the struggle

before it to worry about politics. If it did anything it placed Sir

Robert Borden more firmly in power to carry on the task before him,

especially endorsing the Military Service Act (Conscription) which had

been passed on August 29, previously.

It is true that the people were stunned by the disasters which occurred

in 1916 and 1917 when the Parliament Building at Ottawa was burned and

Halifax was almost razed to the ground by the explosion resulting from

the ramming of an ammunition ship. But outside of the great toll of

life these losses could be repaired and were speedily made up in the

erection of new Parliament Buildings and the creation of a more modern

city of Halifax to dominate the entrance of the great highway from the

East.

Early in the autumn of 1914, the Bank of England, realizing that it

would be impossible for American firms to ship gold to London in

payment of maturing indebtedness there, announced that deposits of gold

by such firms with the Receiver-General at Ottawa would be regarded as

if received by the Bank at London. Under this arrangement many million

dollars of the precious metal were shipped to the Dominion Capital,

where a Branch of the Royal Mint had already been established in

January, 1908. The amount in the vaults at Ottawa during the war

became almost twice the total amount held by British financial

institutions in 1913. As part of it was raw gold, the Ottawa Branch of

the Royal Mint {469} had to construct a new refinery in 1917 which had

a refining capacity of one million ounces of fine gold per month. The

Branch Mint had thus a larger capacity than any other Mint or gold

refinery in the world. Shilling blanks were also produced for the

Royal Mint in London as well as silver and bronze pieces for

Newfoundland and nickel-copper pieces for Jamaica.

Later on the gold was returned to the United States when the British

exchange became unfavourable owing to the huge purchases made in that

country. Many Canadian business men at this time advocated a

moratorium, but the Government steadfastly resisted such a suggestion

until ultimately it was found unnecessary.

Financially, the Canadian people from 1915 to 1919 were not unmindful

of their national obligations. Six domestic loans were issued during

the war period amounting to 2,203 million dollars, while War Savings

Certificates accounted for another 12 1/2 millions.

On the announcement of the Armistice in November, 1918, the Government

with the same energy and foresight which characterised their entrance

into the conflict, began to demobilise the army which they had sent

overseas. Within six months the bulk of the men were back in their

homes. The opportunity was then taken of offering to the returned men

land grants and loans for the purchase of farming implements. Up to

the end of 1920, over 3 1/2 million acres had been disposed of in this

way. In the Western Provinces alone about one million acres of it are

under cultivation {470} by returned men. As a result of this action,

new careers have been provided for men whose love of outdoor life was

stimulated by their military experience. It has at the same time

opened up from virgin soil fresh tracts of rich, arable land. As for

pensions, up to February, 1921, the Dominion has paid out 82 million

dollars and her annual pension bill now represents over 33 million

dollars. Truly Canada is a country "fit for heroes to live in."

All this, however, has been accomplished not without some internal

difficulty. At Winnipeg in May, 1919, some thousands of workmen came

out on strike for more pay, shorter hours, and the principle of

collective bargaining. Rioting took place among some of the more

disorderly elements. But after negotiation by the Hon. Arthur Meighen

and a fellow minister, aided by strong measures on the part of the

Mayor and ex-Service men, the rioters returned to work.

[Illustration: New Parliament Buildings, Ottawa.]

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