French emissaries from the settlements on the Mississippi made the

Indians believe that they would be soon driven by the English from

their forest homes and hunting grounds, and that their only hope was in

assisting France to restore her power in America. Many of these Indian

tribes, as well as French settlers, believed until the proclamation of

the treaty of Paris that Canada would be restored to the French.

Indian sympathy for France was intensified by the contumely and neglect

with which they were treated by the English traders and authorities.

The French, who thoroughly understood the Indian character, had never

failed to administer to their vanity and pride--to treat them as allies

and friends and not as a conquered and subject race. By the judicious

distribution of those gifts, on which the tribes had begun to depend

and receive as a matter of right, the French cemented the attachment of

the Indians. The English, on the other hand, soon ceased to make these

presents, and neglected the Indians in other ways, which excited their

indignation and wounded their pride.

Among the Western chiefs was Pontiac, whose name is as prominent in the

history of the past as the names of the Onondaga Garangula, the Huron

Kondiaronk (Rat), the Mohawk Thayendenagea (Brant), and the Shawanoese

Tecumseh. He was the son of an Ottawa chief and an Ojibway mother, and

had a high reputation and large influence among the {271} tribes of the

upper lakes. He showed in his career all the strength and weaknesses

of the Indian character--great courage, treachery, vanity, and

generosity, according to the impulses of the moment. The war in which

he took so prominent a part is generally called by his name; his is the

central figure in the striking drama which was enacted in the Western

and Ohio country for two years and a half before peace generally

reigned and Canada could be considered secure from Indian attacks.

At Detroit, where Major Gladwin was in command, Pontiac hoped to seize

the fort by a stratagem. The Ottawas and other Indians under that

chief were to meet the English officers in council within the fort at

an appointed time. They had filed off the tops of the barrels of their

muskets so as to conceal them easily under their garments. While in

council Pontiac was to give a signal which would tell the assembled

warriors that the time had come for falling on the garrison and taking

possession of the fort.[1] Some writers give credence to the story

that an Indian maiden, the mistress of Gladwin, warned him of the

scheme of the Indian chief, who came to the council, in accordance with

his intention, and found the garrison in arms and ready for any

treacherous movement on his part. He left the fort in anger, and soon

afterwards attacked it with all his force, though to no purpose, as

Gladwin was able to hold it for many months, until aid reached him from

{272} the east. As one Indian woman's devotion saved Detroit, so the

treachery of a Delaware girl gave Fort Miami and its little garrison to

the Indians encamped on the Maumee. Holmes, the commandant, was her

lover, and believed her when she told him that a squaw, who was

seriously ill in one of the wigwams, wished to see him. He proceeded

on his charitable mission, and was shot dead while about entering the

place of his destination. At Michillimackinac Captain Etherington was

surprised by a clever piece of strategy on the part of a body of Sacs

and Ojibways, who invited him to witness a contest between them at

their favourite sport of Lacrosse, which in these modern times has been

made the national game of Canadians. While the game was going on, the

gate was left open while the officers and soldiers stood in groups

outside, close to the palisades, watching the Indians as they tossed

the ball to and fro between the goals on the level ground opposite the

fort. The squaws, wrapped in their blankets, passed in and out the

fort, without attracting any attention from the interested spectators.

Suddenly, when the game was most hotly contested, the ball was

violently driven in the direction of the pickets of the fort. A crowd

of the savage players tumultuously followed the ball, and in a moment

were inside the fort where they snatched weapons from the squaws. One

officer and several soldiers were instantly killed, but Etherington and

the remainder of the garrison were taken prisoners. Etherington and a

well-known trader of the West, Alexander Henry, eventually escaped,

after having {273} been on several occasions on the point of death. In

six weeks' time from the first attack on Detroit, on the 9th of May,

1763, all the forts in the Western and Ohio country had been seized and

destroyed by the Indians, except Fort Pitt at the forks of the Ohio,

the one at Green Bay which was abandoned, and another at Ligonier. The

garrisons were massacred or made prisoners, and in many cases tortured

and even eaten. The frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania were laid

waste by hordes of savages, who burned the homes of the settlers,

murdered a large number, and carried off many prisoners, men, women,

and children, to their savage fastnesses in the western wilderness.

The war never ended until Virginia and Pennsylvania--where the Quaker

element still prevailed--were aroused from their apathy and gave the

requisite aid to an expedition under the command of an able officer,

Colonel Bouquet, who had been one of Brigadier Forbes's officers during

the campaign of 1759 in the Ohio valley. He rescued Fort Pitt, after

administering to the Indians a severe defeat at Bushy Run. A year

later he succeeded in taking a large force into the very heart of a

country where the Indians thought themselves safe from any attack of

their white enemy. His unexpected appearance on the banks of the

Muskingkum awed the Delawares, Shawanoes, and Mingoes, who gladly

agreed to terms of peace, especially as they knew that Colonel

Bradstreet was in their rear on the banks of Lake Erie. The prisoners,

whom the Indians had taken during their raids on the frontier

settlements of Virginia and {274} Pennsylvania, were restored to their

friends and relatives who had, in the majority of cases, never hoped to

see them again. The annals of those days tell us strange stories of

the infatuation which some young women felt for the savage warriors

whom they had wedded in Indian fashion. Some children had forgotten

their mothers, and Parkman relates in his graphic narrative of those

memorable times that one girl only recalled her childhood when she

heard her distracted mother sing a song with which she had often lulled

her daughter to sleep in happier days.

Peace again reigned in the West. Detroit, after repulsing Pontiac so

successfully, was at last relieved, and the red cross of England

floated above the forts of Chartres and Vincennes, which were given up

by the French.

By the end of the autumn of 1765 France possessed only a few acres of

rock, constantly enveloped in fog, on the southern coast of

Newfoundland, of all the great dominion she once claimed in North

America. Pontiac now disappears from history, and is believed to have

been killed by an Indian warrior of the Illinois nation, after a

drunken bout at the village of Cahokia--an ignominious ending to the

career of a great chief whose name was for so many months a menace to

English authority in that wilderness region, which was declared in

later years by an imperial statute, the Quebec Act, to be a part of

Canada's illimitable domain.

While this Indian war was going on, George III., in the autumn of 1763,

issued a proclamation establishing four new governments in North

America; {275} Quebec, East Florida, West Florida, and Grenada. The

governors were empowered to summon general assemblies, and to make laws

and ordinances for good government with the consent of the councils.

and the representatives of the people, and to establish courts of

justice. Members elected to the proposed assemblies had to take the

oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and the declaration against

transubstantiation. No assembly, however, ever met, as the French

Canadian population were unwilling to take the test oath, and the

government of the province was carried on solely by the

Governor-General--General Murray--with the assistance of an executive

council, composed of certain officials and leading residents in the

colony. From 1763 to 1774 the province remained in a very unsettled

state, chiefly on account of the uncertainty that prevailed as to the

laws actually in force. The "new subjects," or French Canadians,

contended that justice, so far as they were concerned, should be

administered in accordance with their ancient customs and usages. On

the other hand, "the old," or English subjects, argued from the

proclamation of 1763, that it was His Majesty's intention at once to

abolish the old jurisprudence of the country, and to establish English

law in its place.

Not the least important part of the proclamation of 1763 was that

relating to the Indians, who were not to be disturbed in the possession

of their hunting grounds. Lands could be alienated by the Indians only

at some public meeting or assembly called for that special purpose by

the Governor or {276} commander-in-chief where such lands were

situated. This was the commencement of that just and honest policy

towards the Indians which has ever since been followed by the

government of Canada. One hundred and ten years later, an interesting

spectacle was witnessed in the great Northwest Territory of Canada.

The lieutenant-governor of the new province of Manitoba, constituted in

1870 out of the prairie lands of that rich region, met in council the

representatives of the Indian tribes, and solemnly entered into

treaties with them for the transfer to Canada of immense tracts of

prairie lands where we now see wide stretches of fields of nodding

grain.

Governor Murray conducted his government on principles of justice and

forbearance towards the French Canadians, and refused to listen to the

unwise and arbitrary counsel of the four or five hundred "old

subjects," who wished to rule the province. He succeeded in inspiring

the old inhabitants of the province, or "new subjects," with confidence

in his intentions. The majority of the "old subjects," who were

desirous of ruling Canada, are described by the Governor in a letter to

Lord Shelburne, as "men of mean education, traders, mechanics,

publicans, followers of the army,"--a somewhat prejudiced statement.

As a rule, however, the judges, magistrates, and officials at that time

were men of little or no knowledge.

In 1774, Parliament intervened for the first time in Canadian affairs,

and passed the Quebec Act, which greatly extended the boundaries of the

province of Quebec, as defined by the proclamation of {277} 1763. On

one side, the province now extended to the frontiers of New England,

Pennsylvania, New York province, the Ohio, and the left bank of the

Mississippi; on the other, to the Hudson's Bay Territory. Labrador,

Anticosti, and the Magdalen islands, annexed to Newfoundland by the

proclamation of 1763, were made part of the province of Quebec.

The Quebec Act created much debate in the House of Commons. The Earl

of Chatham, in the House of Lords, described it as "a most cruel, and

odious measure." The opposition in the province was among the British

inhabitants, who sent over a petition for its repeal or amendment.

Their principal grievance was that it substituted the laws and usages

of Canada for English law. The Act of 1774 was exceedingly unpopular

in the English-speaking colonies, then at the commencement of the

revolution on account of the extension of the limits of the province so

as to include the country long known as the old Northwest in American

history, and the consequent confinement of the Thirteen Colonies

between the Atlantic coast and the Alleghany Mountains, beyond which

the hardy and bold frontiersmen of Virginia and Pennsylvania were

already passing into the great valley of the Ohio. Parliament,

however, appears to have been influenced by a desire to adjust the

government of the province so as to conciliate the majority of the

Canadian people at this critical time.

The advice of Sir Guy Carleton, afterwards Lord Dorchester, who

succeeded General Murray as {278} Governor-General, had much to do with

the liberality of the Quebec Act towards the French Canadians. After a

careful study of the country he came to the conclusion that the French

civil law ought to be retained, although he was met by the earnest

advice to the contrary of two able lawyers, Chief-Justice Hay and

Attorney-General Masères, who believed a code adopted from English and

French principles was preferable. Masères, who was of Huguenot descent

and much prejudiced against Roman Catholics, was also an advocate of a

legislative assembly to be exclusively Protestant--in other words, of

giving all power practically into the hands of a small British

minority. When the subject of a new Canadian Constitution came to be

discussed in England, Carleton crossed the Atlantic in 1769 and

remained absent from Canada for four years. He returned to carry out

the Quebec Act, which was the foundation of the large political and

religious liberties which French Canada has ever since enjoyed.

The new constitution came into force in October, 1774. It provided

that Roman Catholics should be no longer obliged to take the test oath,

but only the oath of allegiance. The government of the province was

entrusted to a governor and a legislative council, appointed by the

Crown, inasmuch as it was "inexpedient to call an assembly." This

council had the power, with the consent of the Governor, to make

ordinances for the good government of the province. In all matters of

controversy, relative to property and civil rights, recourse should be

had to the French civil procedure, whilst the law of {279} England

should obtain in criminal cases. Roman Catholics were permitted to

observe their religion with perfect freedom, and their clergy were to

enjoy their "accustomed dues and rights," with respect to such persons

as professed that creed.

Sir Guy Carleton nominated a legislative council of twenty-three

members, of whom eight were Roman Catholics. This body sat, as a rule,

with closed doors; both languages were employed in the debates, and the

ordinances agreed to were drawn up in English and French. In 1776 the

Governor-General called to his assistance an advisory privy council of

five members.

When Canada came under the operation of the Quebec Act, the Thirteen

Colonies were on the eve of that revolution which ended in the

establishment of a federal republic, and had also most important

influence on the fortunes of the country through which the St. Lawrence

flows.

[1] The siege of Detroit by Pontiac inspired one of the best historic

novels ever written by a Canadian--_Wacousta, or the Prophecy_, by

Major Richardson, who was the author of several other books.

{280}

XX.

THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION--INVASION OF

CANADA--DEATH OF MONTGOMERY--PEACE.

(1774-1783.)

The Canadian people had now entered on one of the most important

periods of their history. Their country was invaded, and for a time

seemed on the point of passing under the control of the congress of the

old Thirteen Colonies, now in rebellion against England. The genius of

an able English governor-general, however, saved the valley of the St.

Lawrence for the English Crown, and the close of the war for American

independence led to radical changes in the governments of British North

America. A large population, imbued with the loftiest principles of

patriotism and self-sacrifice, came in and founded new provinces, and

laid the basis of the present Dominion of Canada.

During the revolution emphatic appeals were made to the Canadian French

to join the English colonies in their rebellion against England. With

a curious ignorance of the conditions of a people, {281} who could not

read and rarely saw a printed book, and never owned a printing-press[1]

during the French régime, references were made by the congress that

assembled at Philadelphia in September in 1774, to the writings of

Beccaria and the spirit of the "immortal Montesquieu." The delegates

attacked the Quebec Act as an exhibition of Roman Catholic tyranny at

the very time they were asking the aid and sympathy of French Canadians

in the struggle for independence. A few weeks later the same congress

ignored the ill-advised address and appealed to the Canadians to join

them on the broad grounds of continental freedom. The time, however,

was too short to convince the clergy and leading men of the province

that there was a change in the feeling of the majority in the congress

with respect to the Roman Catholic religion. The mass of the French

Canadians, especially in the rural districts, no doubt looked with

great indifference on the progress of the conflict between the King of

England and his former subjects, but in Quebec and Montreal,

principally in the latter town, there were found English, as well as

French-speaking persons quite ready to welcome and assist the forces of

congress when they invaded Canada. On the other hand, the influences

of the Quebec Act and of the judicious administrations of Murray and

Carleton were obvious from the outset, and the bishop, Monseigneur

Briand--who had been chosen with the silent acquiescence of the English

Government--the {282} clergy of the Roman Catholic Church, and the

leading seigniors combined to maintain Canada under the dominion of a

generous Power which had already given such undoubted guaranties for

the preservation of the civil and religious rights of the "new

subjects." In fact, the enemies of England were to be found chiefly

among the "old subjects," who had attempted to obtain an assembly in

which the French Canadians would be ignored, and had been, and were

still bitterly antagonistic to the Quebec Act, with its concessions to

the French Canadian majority. Many of these disaffected persons were

mere adventurers who were carrying on a secret correspondence with the

leaders of the American Revolution, and even went so far as to attempt

to create discontent among the French Canadians by making them believe

that their liberties were in jeopardy, and that they would have to

submit to forced military service, and all those exactions which had so

grievously burdened them in the days of the French dominion. The

_habitants_, ignorant and credulous, however, remained generally inert

during the events which threatened the security of Canada. It was left

to a few enlightened men, chiefly priests and officers of the old

French service, to understand the exact nature of the emergency, and to

show their appreciation of what England had done for them since the

cession.

When the first Continental Congress met at Philadelphia, on September

5, 1774, the colonies were on the eve of independence as a result of

the coercive measures forced on Parliament by the King's pliable

ministers, led by Lord North. The "declaration," {283} however, was

not finally proclaimed until nearly two years later--on July 4,

1776,--when the Thirteen Colonies declared themselves "free and

independent States," absolved of their allegiance to the British Crown.

But many months before this great epoch-making event, war had actually

commenced on Lake Champlain. On an April day, in the now memorable

year, 1775, the "embattled farmers" had fired at Concord and Lexington,

the shots "heard round the world," and a few weeks later the forts of

Crown Point and Ticonderoga, then defended by very feeble garrisons,

were in the possession of Colonial troops led by Ethan Allen and Seth

Warner, two of the "Green Mountain Boys," who organised this

expedition. Canada was at this time in a very defenceless condition.

Only eight hundred regular troops altogether were in the colony, very

many of the English residents of Montreal and Quebec were of doubtful

loyalty, the majority of the French Canadians were indifferent, and

could not be induced to rally in any numbers to the defence of the

province. Happily for the best interests of Canada at this crisis

there was at the head of the administration one of the ablest men who

have ever been sent to Canada--a governor-general who may well be

compared with Frontenac as a soldier and Lord Elgin as a statesman--and

that was Sir Guy Carleton, the friend of Wolfe, with whom he had served

at Quebec. His conciliatory attitude towards the French Canadian

population, and his influence in moulding the Quebec Act, gave him

great weight with the bishop and clergy of the Roman Catholic {284}

faith and leading men of the majority. The British Government, with

culpable neglect of his warnings and appeals, left him unsupported

until the very last moment, when the fate of Canada was literally

trembling in the balance. In the autumn of 1775 General Montgomery, at

the head of a considerable force of congress troops, captured the forts

of Chambly and St. Johns on the Richelieu, and a few days later

occupied Montreal, which had been hastily evacuated by Carleton, who at

once recognised the impracticability of defending it with any chance of

success, since he had an insufficient force, and could not even depend

on the fealty of the inhabitants. Quebec, at this juncture, was the

key to Canada, and there he determined to make his fight. He passed in

the night-time the batteries which the congress troops had built at

Sorel and the adjacent islands. The oars of his boat were muffled, and

when in close proximity to the enemy the men used the palms of their

hands. He reached Quebec safely, and at once inspired the garrison and

loyal residents with his courageous spirit. He arrived not a moment

too soon. General Benedict Arnold--a name discredited in history--had

succeeded in reaching Quebec by the route of the Kennebec and Chaudière

rivers--a route which in early times had been followed by the Abenakis,

those firm allies of the Canadians. Arnold was not able to commence

any active operations against Quebec until the arrival of Montgomery

from Montreal, with a force of fifteen hundred men, of whom a very

small number were French Canadians. At this time there were in {285}

Quebec only some eighteen hundred regular and militia troops, of whom

over five hundred were French Canadians, under Colonel Voyer. No doubt

the American commanders confidently expected to find in Quebec many

active sympathisers who would sooner or later contrive to give the town

into their hands, when these learned that all Canada except the capital

was in the possession of the invading forces.

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