While State and Church were providing a population for the country,

Colbert and Talon were devoting themselves to the encouragement of

manufactures and commerce. When the Company of the Hundred Associates,

who appear to have been robbed by their agents in the colony, fell to

pieces, they were replaced by a large organisation, known as the

Company of the West, to which was given very important privileges

throughout all the French colonies and dependencies. The company,

however, never prospered, and came to an end in 1674, after ten years'

existence, during which it inflicted much injury on the countries where

it was given so many privileges. The government hereafter controlled

all commerce and finance. Various manufactures, like shipbuilding,

leather, hemp, and beer, were encouraged, but at no time did Canada

show any manufacturing or commercial enterprise. Under the system of

monopolies and bounties fostered by Colbert and his successors, a

spirit of self-reliance was never stimulated. The whole system of

government tended to peculation and jobbery--to the enrichment of

worthless officials. The people were always extremely poor. Money was

rarely seen in the shape of specie. The few coins that came to the

colony soon found their way back to France. From 1685 down to 1759 the

government issued a {162} paper currency, known as "card money,"

because common playing cards were used. This currency bore the crown

and fleur-de-lis and signatures of officials, and gradually became

depreciated and worthless.

[Illustration: Card issue of 1729, for 12 livres.]

While the townsfolk of Massachusetts were discussing affairs in

town-meetings, the French inhabitants of Canada were never allowed to

take part in public assemblies but were taught to depend in the most

trivial matters on a paternal government. Canada was governed as far

as possible like a province of France. In the early days of the

colony, when it was under the rule of the Company of the Hundred

Associates, the governors practically exercised arbitrary power, with

the assistance of a nominal council chosen by themselves. When,

however, {163} the King took the government of the colony into his own

hands, he appointed a governor, an intendant, and a supreme or--as it

was subsequently called--a sovereign council, of which the bishop was a

member, to administer under his own direction the affairs of the

country. The governor, who was generally a soldier, was nominally at

the head of affairs, and had the direction of the defences of the

colony, but to all intents and purposes the intendant, who was a man of

legal attainments, had the greater influence. He was the finance

minister, and made special reports to the King on all Canadian matters.

He had the power of issuing ordinances which had the effect of law, and

showed the arbitrary nature of the government to which the people were

subject. Every effort to assemble the people for public purposes was

systematically crushed by the orders of the government. A public

meeting of the parishioners to consider the cost of a new church could

not be held without the special permission of the intendant. Count

Frontenac, immediately after his arrival, in 1672, attempted to

assemble the different orders of the colony, the clergy, the _noblesse_

{164} or _seigneurs_, the judiciary, and the third estate, in imitation

of the old institutions of France. The French king promptly rebuked

the haughty governor for this attempt to establish a semblance of

popular government.

[Illustration: Fifteen sol piece.]

From that moment we hear no more of the assembling of "Canadian

Estates," and an effort to elect a mayor and aldermen for Quebec also

failed through the opposition of the authorities. An attempt was then

made to elect a syndic--a representative of popular rights in

towns--but M. de Mésy, then governor, could not obtain the consent of

the bishop, who knew that his views were those of the King. The result

of the difficulties that followed was the dismissal of the governor,

who died soon afterwards, but not until he had confessed his error, and

made his peace with the haughty bishop whom he had dared to oppose.

The administration of local affairs throughout the province was

exclusively under the control of the King's officers at Quebec. The

ordinances of the intendant and of the council were the law. The

country was eventually subdivided into the following divisions for

purposes of government, settlement, and justice: 1. Districts. 2.

Seigniories. 3. Parishes. The districts were simply established for

judicial and legal purposes, and each of them bore the name of the

principal town within its limits--viz., Quebec, also called the

_Prévoté de Quebec_, Montreal, and Three Rivers. In each of these

districts there was a judge, appointed by the king, to adjudicate on

all civil and criminal matters. An appeal was allowed in the most

trivial cases to the {165} supreme or superior council, which also

exercised original jurisdiction. The customary law of Paris, which is

based on the civil law of Rome, was the fundamental law of Canada, and

still governs the civil rights of the people.

The greater part of Canada was divided into large estates or

seigniories, with the view of creating a colonial _noblesse_, and of

stimulating settlement in a wilderness. It was not necessary to be of

noble birth to be a Canadian seigneur. Any trader with a few louis

d'or and influence could obtain a patent for a Canadian lordship. The

seignior on his accession to his estate was required to pay homage to

the King, or to his feudal superior in case the lands were granted by

another than the King. The seignior received his land gratuitously

from the crown, and granted them to his vassals, who were generally

known as _habitants_, or cultivators of the soil, on condition of their

making small annual payments in money or produce known as _cens et

rente_. The _habitant_ was obliged to grind his corn at the seignior's

mill (_moulin banal_), bake his bread in the seignior's oven, give his

lord a tithe of the fish caught in his waters, and comply with other

conditions at no time onerous or strictly enforced in the days of the

French régime. This system had some advantages in a new country like

Canada, where the government managed everything, and colonisation was

not left to chance. The seignior was obliged to cultivate his estate

at a risk of forfeiture, consequently it was absolutely necessary that

he should exert himself to bring settlers upon his lands. The

obligation of the _habitant_ to grind his corn in the seignior's {166}

mill was clearly an advantage for the settlers. In the early days of

the colony, however, the seigniors were generally too poor to fulfil

this condition, and the _habitants_ had to grind corn between stones,

or in rude hand mills. The seigniors had the right of dispensing

justice in certain cases, though it was one he very rarely exercised.

As respects civil affairs, however, both lord and vassal were to all

intents and purposes on the same footing, for they were equally ignored

in matters of government.

In the days of the French régime, the only towns for many years were

Quebec, Montreal, and Three Rivers. In remote and exposed places--like

those on the Richelieu, where officers and soldiers of the

Carignan-Salières Regiment had been induced to settle--palisaded

villages had been built. The principal settlements were, in course of

time, established on the banks of the St. Lawrence, as affording in

those days the easiest means of intercommunication. As the lots of a

seigniorial grant were limited in area--four arpents in front by forty

in depth--the farms in the course of time assumed the appearance of a

continuous settlement on the river. These various settlements became

known in local phraseology as Côtes, apparently from their natural

situation on the banks of the river. This is the origin of Côte des

Neiges, Côte St. Louis, Côte St. Paul, and of many picturesque villages

in the neighbourhood of Montreal and Quebec. As the country became

settled, parishes were established for ecclesiastical purposes and the

administration of local affairs. Here the influential men were the

curé, the seignior, and the captain of the militia. The seignior, from

{167} his social position, exercised a considerable weight in the

community, but not to the degree that the representative of the Church

enjoyed. The church in the parishes was kept up by tithes, regulated

by ordinances, and first imposed by Bishop Laval for the support of the

Quebec Seminary and the clergy. Next to the curé in importance was the

captain of the militia. The whole province was formed into a militia

district, so that, in times of war, the inhabitants might be obliged to

perform military service under the French governor. In times of peace

these militia officers in the parishes executed the orders of the

governor and intendant in all matters affecting the King. In case it

was considered necessary to build a church or presbytery, the intendant

authorised the _habitants_ to assemble for the purpose of choosing from

among themselves four persons to make, with the curé, the seignior, and

the captain of the militia, an estimate of the expense of the

structure. It was the special care of the captain of the militia to

look after the work, and see that each parishioner did his full share.

It was only in church matters, in fact, that the people of a parish had

a voice, and even in these, as we see, they did not take the

initiative. The Quebec authorities must in all such cases first issue

an ordinance.

Under these circumstances it is quite intelligible that the people of

Canada were obliged to seek in the clearing of the forest, in the

cultivation of the field, in the chase, and in adventure, the means of

livelihood, and hardly ever busied themselves about public matters in

which they were not allowed to take even a humble part.

{168}

XII.

THE PERIOD OF EXPLORATION AND DISCOVERY:

PRIESTS, FUR-TRADERS, AND COUREURS DE BOIS

IN THE WEST.

(1634-1687.)

We have now come to that interesting period in the history of Canada,

when the enterprise and courage of French adventurers gave France a

claim to an immense domain, stretching from the Gulf of St. Lawrence

indefinitely beyond the Great Lakes, and from the basin of those island

seas as far as the Gulf of Mexico. The eminent intendant, Talon,

appears to have immediately understood the importance of the discovery

which had been made by the interpreter and trader, Jean Nicolet, of

Three Rivers, who, before the death of Champlain, probably in 1634,

ventured into the region of the lakes, and heard of "a great water"--no

doubt the Mississippi--while among the Mascoutins, a branch of the

Algonquin stock, whose villages were generally found in the valley of

the Fox River. He is considered to have been the first European who

reached Sault Ste. Marie--the strait between Superior and {169}

Huron--though there is no evidence that he ventured beyond the rapids,

and saw the great expanse of lake which had been, in all probability,

visited some years before by Etienne Brulé, after his escape from the

Iroquois. Nicolet also was the first Frenchman who passed through the

straits of Mackinac or Michillimackinac, though he did not realise the

importance of its situation in relation to the lakes of the western

country. It is told of him that he made his appearance among the

Winnebagos in a robe of brilliant China damask, decorated with flowers

and birds of varied colours, and holding a pistol in each hand. This

theatrical display in the western forest is adduced as evidence of his

belief in the story that he had heard among the Nipissings, at the

head-waters of the Ottawa, that there were tribes in the west, without

hair and beards, like the Chinese. No doubt, he thought he was coming

to a country where, at last, he would find that short route to the

Chinese seas which had been the dream of many Frenchmen since the days

of Cartier. We have no answer to give to the question that naturally

suggests itself, whether Champlain ever saw Nicolet on his return, and

heard from him the interesting story of his adventures. It was not

until 1641, or five years after Champlain's death, that Father Vimont

gave to the world an account of Nicolet's journey, which, no doubt,

stimulated the interest that was felt in the mysterious region of the

west. From year to year the Jesuit and the trader added something to

the geographical knowledge of the western lakes, where the secret was

soon to be {170} unlocked by means of the rivers which fed those

remarkable reservoirs of the continent. In 1641 Fathers Raymbault and

Jogues preached their Faith to a large concourse of Indians at the

Sault between Huron and Superior, where, for the first time, they heard

of the Sioux or Dacotah, those vagrants of the northwest, and where the

former died without realising the hope he had cherished, of reaching

China across the western wilderness. Then came those years of terror,

when trade and enterprise were paralysed by those raids of the

Iroquois, which culminated in the dispersion of the Hurons. For years

the Ottawa valley was almost deserted, and very few traders or

_coureurs de bois_ ventured into the country around the western lakes.

An enterprising trader of Three Rivers, Médard Chouart, Sieur de

Grosseilliers, is believed to have reached the shores of Lake Superior

in 1658, and also to have visited La Pointe, now Ashland, at its

western extremity, in the summer of 1659, in company with Pierre

d'Esprit, Sieur Radisson, whose sister he had married. Some critical

historians do not altogether discredit the assumption that these two

venturesome traders ascended the Fox and Wisconsin rivers, and even

reached the Mississippi, twelve years before Jolliet and Marquette.

With the peace that followed the destruction of the Mohawk villages by

Tracy and Courcelles, and the influx of a considerable population into

Canada, the conditions became more favourable for exploration and the

fur trade. The tame and steady life of the farm had little charm for

many restless spirits, {171} who had fought for France in the Carignan

Regiment. Not a few of them followed the roving Canadian youth into

the forest, where they had learned to love the free life of the

Indians. The priest, the _gentilhomme_, and the _coureur de bois_,

each in his way, became explorers of the western wilderness.

From the moment the French landed on the shores of Canada, they seemed

to enter into the spirit of forest life. Men of noble birth and

courtly associations adapted themselves immediately to the customs of

the Indians, and found that charm in the forest and river which seemed

wanting in the tamer life of the towns and settlements. The English

colonisers of New England were never able to win the affections of the

Indian tribes, and adapt themselves so readily to the habits of forest

life as the French Canadian adventurer.

A very remarkable instance of the infatuation which led away so many

young men into the forest, is to be found in the life of Baron de

Saint-Castin, a native of the romantic Bernese country, who came to

Canada with the Carignan Regiment during 1665, and established himself

for a time on the Richelieu. But he soon became tired of his inactive

life, and leaving his Canadian home, settled on a peninsula of

Penobscot Bay (then Pentagoët), which still bears his name. Here he

fraternised with the Abenaquis, and led the life of a forest chief,

whose name was long the terror of the New England settlers. He married

the daughter of Madocawando, the implacable enemy of the English, and

so influential did he become that, at his summons, all the tribes on

{172} the frontier between Acadia and New England would proceed on the

warpath. He amassed a fortune of three hundred thousand crowns in

"good dry gold," but we are told he only used the greater part of it to

buy presents for his Indian followers, who paid him back in beaver

skins. His life at Pentagoët, for years, was very active and

adventurous, as the annals of New England show. In 1781 he returned to

France, where he had an estate, and thenceforth disappeared from

history. His son, by his Abenaqui Baroness, then took command of his

fort and savage retainers, and after assisting in the defence of Port

Royal, and making more than one onslaught on the English settlers of

Massachusetts, he returned to Europe on the death of his father. The

poet Longfellow has made use of this romantic episode in the early life

of the Acadian settlements:

"The warm winds blow on the hills of Spain,

The birds are building and the leaves are green,

The Baron Castine, of St. Castine,

Hath come at last to his own again."

[Illustration: Canadian trapper, from La Potherie.]

Year after year saw the settlements almost denuded of their young men,

who had been lured away by the fascinations of the fur trade in the

forest fastnesses of the west. The government found all their plans

for increasing the population and colonising the country thwarted by

the nomadic habits of a restless youth. The young man, whether son of

the _gentilhomme_, or of the humble _habitant_, was carried away by his

love for forest life, and no enactments, however severe--not even the

penalty of {174} death--had the effect of restraining his restlessness.

That the majority of the _coureurs de bois_ were a reckless, dare-devil

set of fellows, it is needless to say. On their return from their

forest haunts, after months of savage liberty, they too often threw off

all restraint, and indulged in the most furious orgies. Montreal was

their favourite place of resort, for here were held the great fairs for

the sale of furs. The Ottawas, Hurons, and other tribes came from

distant parts of the North and West, and camped on the shores in the

immediate vicinity of the town. When the fair was in full operation, a

scene was represented well worthy of the bold brush of a Doré. The

royal mountain, then as now, formed a background of rare sylvan beauty.

The old town was huddled together on the low lands near the river, and

was for years a mere collection of low wooden houses and churches, all

surrounded by palisades. On the fair ground were to be seen Indians

tricked out in their savage finery; _coureurs de bois_ in equally

gorgeous apparel; black-robed priests and busy merchants from all the

towns, intent on wheedling the Indians and bush rangers out of their

choicest furs.

The principal rendezvous in the west was Mackinac or Michillimackinac.

Few places possessed a more interesting history than this old

headquarters of the Indian tribes and French voyageurs. Mackinac may

be considered, in some respects, the key of the upper lakes. Here the

tribes from the north to the south could assemble at a very short

notice and decide on questions of trade or war. It was long the

metropolis of a large portion of the Huron {175} and Ottawa nations,

and many a council, fraught with the peace of Canada, was held there in

the olden times. It was on the north side of the straits that Father

Marquette--whose name must ever live in the west--some time in 1671

founded the mission of St. Ignace, where gradually grew up the most

important settlement which the French had to the northwest of Fort

Frontenac or Cataraqui. The French built a chapel and fort, and the

Hurons and Ottawas lived in palisaded villages in the neighbourhood.

The _coureurs de bois_ were always to be seen at a point where they

could be sure to find Indians in large numbers. Contemporary writers

state that the presence of so many unruly elements at this distant

outpost frequently threw the whole settlement into a sad state of

confusion and excitement, which the priests were at times entirely

unable to restrain. Indians, soldiers, and traders became at last so

demoralised, that one of the priests wrote, in his despair, that there

seemed no course open except "deserting the missions and giving them up

to the brandy-sellers as a domain of drunkenness and debauchery."

But it would be a mistake to judge all the _coureurs de bois_ by the

behaviour of a majority, who were made up necessarily from the ruder

elements of the Canadian population. Even the most reckless of their

class had their work to do in the opening up of this continent.

Despising danger in every form, they wandered over rivers and lakes and

through virgin forests, and "blazed" a track, as it were, for the

future pioneer. They were the first to lift the {176} veil of mystery

that hung, until they came, on many a solitary river and forest. The

posts they raised by the side of the western lakes and rivers, were so

many videttes of that army of colonisers who have built up great

commonwealths in that vast country, where the bushranger was the only

European two centuries ago. The most famous amongst their leaders was

the quick-witted Nicholas Perrot--the explorer of the interior of the

continent. Another was Daniel Greysolon Duluth, who became a Canadian

Robin Hood, and had his band of bushrangers like any forest chieftain.

For years he wandered through the forests of the West, and founded

various posts at important points, where the fur trade could be

prosecuted to advantage. Posterity has been more generous to him than

it has been to others equally famous as pioneers, for it has given his

name to a city at the head of Lake Superior. Like many a forest which

they first saw in its primeval vastness, these pioneers have

disappeared into the shadowy domain of an almost forgotten past, and

their memory is only recalled as we pass by some storm-beat cape, or

land-locked bay, or silent river, to which may still cling the names

they gave as they swept along in the days of the old régime.

{177}

XIII.

THE PERIOD OF EXPLORATION AND DISCOVERY:

FRANCE IN THE VALLEY OF THE MISSISSIPPI.

(1672-1687.)

Sault St. Marie was the scene of a memorable episode in the history of

New France during the summer of 1671. Simon François Daumont, Sieur

St. Lusson, received a commission from the government of Quebec to

proceed to Lake Superior to search for copper mines, and also to take

formal possession of the basin of the lakes and its tributary rivers.

With him were two men, who became more famous than himself--Nicholas

Perrot and Louis Jolliet, the noted explorers and rangers of the West.

On an elevation overlooking the rapids, around which modern enterprise

has built two ship-canals, St. Lusson erected a cross and post of

cedar, with the arms of France, in the presence of priests in their

black robes, Indians bedecked with tawdry finery, and bushrangers in

motley dress. In the name of the "most high, mighty, and redoubted

monarch, Louis XIV. of that name, most Christian King of France and of

{178} Navarre," he declared France the owner of Sault Ste. Marie, Lakes

Huron and Superior, and Isle of Mackinac, and "all of adjacent

countries, rivers, and lakes, and contiguous streams." As far as

boastful words and, priestly blessings could go, France was mistress of

an empire in the great West.

Three names stand out in bold letters on the records of western

discovery: Jolliet, the enterprising trader, Marquette, the faithful

missionary, and La Salle, the bold explorer. The story of their

adventures takes up many pages in the histories of this fascinating

epoch. Talon may be fairly considered to have laid the foundations of

western exploration, and it was left for Louis de Baude, Comte de

Frontenac, who succeeded Courcelles as governor in 1672, to carry out

the plans of the able intendant when he left the St. Lawrence.

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