Difficulty in going to market. — Oxen stolen by a neighbouring
tribe. — The Ramadan. — Circumcision. — The feast of Tabasky. —
Gum trade with the Europeans. — My return to St. Louis.
We sojourned upon the shore of lake Aleg till the 20th January. The
north winds blew with violence and were very cold; part of the time
they lasted, I was kept in my tent by fever. In the course of the
month, slaves were sent to a distance with part of the cattle, because
the grass diminished around the camp; they only kept the milch cows,
as indispensibly requisite for the support of the inhabitants: they
pursue this plan to avoid removing the tents elsewhere.
The 21st January, 1825, the pastures being entirely exhausted, we
broke up the camp and went two miles to the east, over a soil covered
with ferruginous hillocks. The place at which we halted was of the
same nature, and yet covered with herbage. The slaves set out in the
morning to fetch water from the lake and did not return till night;
the camp was without water till sun-set, but fortunately the weather
was not hot or we should have suffered severely.
On the sixth of February, we returned towards the west: at the distance
of three miles W.S.W., we crossed the rivulet, and it was not till
we had gone nine miles further that we encamped upon a sandy soil,
very hard and covered with forage. I had remarked on the banks of
the rivulet the _zizyphus lotus_; here we found only the _balanites
ægyptiaca_. People were again sent to the lake for water; it was
very scarce in the camp on account of the distance; there was often
not enough for cooking the meals.
Until this time I had only seen some single Wadats; I had not seen
them in numbers. On the 10th a great number arrived, and came in front
of the tent of my marabout. This band was entirely composed of women:
they asked to see me; and were refused, but unfortunately I was not
apprised of it and went out of my tent. They then surrounded me and
tormented me worse than ever.
I would have withdrawn to my tent, to avoid the insults of every kind
which they offered; but this they opposed, and it was with difficulty
that I escaped and hid myself in a neighbouring tent. They had treated
me so ill, that the inhabitants were indignant at their conduct,
and would not allow them to stay; they gave them some millet and
dismissed them. On the 19th, the men and baggage of the king’s camp
passed us on their way to the banks of the Senegal, and on the 21st
we removed again, provided with water for two days, as we should be
that time without finding any on our route.
We traversed a sandy country, where I saw some beautiful balanites
and some mimosas. Our allowance of water was not abundant, and the
greater part of our stock was reserved for the calves, so that we
suffered dreadfully from thirst during these two days. On the first
we travelled fifteen miles W.S.W. The cattle remained behind us, and
we all went without supper. On the 22d we advanced twelve miles in
the same direction, and arrived at three in the afternoon at the place
where we were to halt; we were then three miles S.E. of the el-Awanil,
a lake to which we sent for water. On the 29th to amuse myself, I went
to visit this lake, following the slaves, who were dispatched thither
for water; the soil which surrounds it is slightly argillaceous,
and produces a great quantity of the _ziziphus lotus_, _mimosa_, and
_nauclea_. In this excursion, I was pleased to see the slaves, for
the first time, enjoying themselves a little. These poor creatures,
so sad and gloomy in the presence of their cruel masters, profiting
by the first moment of freedom from constraint, give themselves up to
their natural cheerfulness, and passed the time in dancing, singing,
and amusing themselves. I was as pleased with their mirth as they
could be themselves, for I was weary of seeing them tormented. When
their gambols were over, they filled their skins again, and took the
road towards the camp, which we reached in an hour.
I hoped that the camp would continue to approach nearer to the river;
but I was informed that we were not going further westward. I was
in a state of complete destitution; my clothes were in rags, and
it was extremely unpleasant to me to live upon alms, as I had done
since I came amongst the Moors. I wished to inform the governor of
the Senegal of my condition, and to request assistance from him;
but this I could not do without going to the mart. I communicated
to my marabout the desire I felt to make this journey, assigning
as a reason, that I wanted to get new clothes, and to send for my
goods. He consented at first, but after a moment’s reflection,
he proposed to conduct me to the king’s camp, where I might write,
and whence I might send my letter by one of the sons of Moctar-Boubou,
chief of Podor, who would bring back the goods. This plan did not
suit me: I told him therefore that they would not deliver my goods
to a messenger, that I must write to the settlement, and that I must
moreover go myself to procure some clothing. He raised some additional
obstacles, which were the result of suspicion. Perceiving the cause,
I assured him that if he objected to my journey I would give it up,
and I would rather renounce my goods entirely than do any thing to
displease him. This inspired him with confidence, and he promised to
provide me with the means of undertaking the journey, but it was only
after much hesitation and tardiness on his part that I was enabled
to set off on the 9th of March. The preparations for this journey
did not occupy much time, but they were embarrassing, for I had no
means of hiding my notes, the seeds which I had collected, and some
mineral specimens which I wished to take with me. I bethought myself
of borrowing from my marabout’s wife two leathern bags, which I
told her were to hold the merchandise that I should bring back from
the settlement; when I proposed to take my own, Fatme objected, and
told me I should not want it; I took out some of my notes, and told her
that all these papers were the inventory and receipts for my goods, so
that they were indispensible for me to establish my claims; upon which
she allowed me to take them. I put over them the bags she had lent
me and a pagne, and when any body was inquisitive as to my baggage,
I shewed them the bags and pagne, without letting them see the rest.
On the 9th of March, at nine in the morning, I set off, accompanied
by one of the sons of my marabout. Six miles to the west, we came
to the marigot of Koundy, which I had passed eight months before
with Boubou-Fanfale; we forded it and continued our journey through
a thick wood, followed by a valley, magnificent from the vegetation
of the plants by which it was bordered.
All the inundated lands situated between the marigot and the river
are sown with millet among the trees, without any previous preparation
of the ground, and even without the dead branches being removed. All
the low grounds are argillaceous, and in many places I have seen
ferruginous rocks.
We had travelled three miles from the marigot when we perceived smoke
rising out of the wood; some travellers who had joined us went to see
whence it arose, and told us, on their return, that some zenagues
had made a fire to cook their victuals. They regretted extremely
that they had not arrived in time to levy a contribution upon these
poor wretches, traces of whom only had been found, and who had, no
doubt, hidden themselves at our approach. We quitted the valley and
proceeded to a camp half a mile to the south, in a place so woody
that there was scarcely room to pitch the tents; this spot is called
_Teneque_. We passed the night there, and were supplied for supper
with some ewes’ milk of a detestable flavour; but we were forced to
drink it, for we had no choice and were dying of hunger, not having
tasted a morsel that day. We had still nine miles further to go to
the bank of the river; and the next day, at dawn, we continued our
journey. We met many travellers who were coming from Podor and from
the settlement. At two o’clock we reached the bank of the river,
which we crossed in a canoe, and proceeded to Moctar-Boubou’s, where
I had lodged when I first came amongst the Moors. We remained there
three days, during all which time my guide endeavoured to dissuade me
from going to the mart; being apprehensive that, on my arrival there,
I should leave him and return to the christians.
The Braknas do not eat fish but hold it in the greatest abhorrence;
it is not, however, forbidden by the laws of Mahomet, but they dislike
it on account of its strong smell. The marabout who accompanied me
abstained for three days from couscous, rather than eat what had been
boiled with fish. This dislike is not universal amongst the Moors;
I have seen the Trarzas eat fish, and have been told that those who
live on the coast are fishermen. I mentioned this to my companion; he
replied, that the Trarzas, being nearer neighbours to the christians,
easily learn to eat any thing, and even to drink wine, and that they
are infidels.
On the 14th, my guide at last resolved to take me to the mart; we
arrived early in the day. I went on board la Désirée, belonging
to a merchant of St. Louis, and borrowed of his agent a piece of
Guinea cloth, some sugar, tobacco, and a little paper; I then wrote
to the governor to acquaint him with my situation, and to beg him
to give orders for the delivery of some goods, of which I had urgent
need. As it would have been too long to wait at the port for an answer,
and the anxiety of the Moor, my guide, increased daily, I resolved
not to stay, but to return to the camp; I told him so, to his great
surprise, but he begged me to wait till the next day; we passed the
night on board. On the 15th of March, we returned to Podor for our
beasts; and at two o’clock crossed the river again. An hassane,
of the tribe of Oulad-Sihi, joined us; on the road we met a laratine,
whom he asked for tobacco, and the hassane wanted to take his coussabe
from him, but the other resisting, the hassane drew his poniard to
stab him. This behaviour disgusted and incensed me the more, because
we had just finished our prayers, and I did not comprehend how a man,
who pretended to be a Musulman, could pass immediately from an act
of devotion to robbery. At my intreaty, my companions went to the
assistance of the poor laratine, and I could not restrain myself from
reprimanding the offender, and threatening to report his conduct
to Hamet-Dou; he replied, in an insolent tone, that I might tell
him if I pleased, for he was not afraid of him. This fact shows how
completely persons of his class despise authority; they acknowledge no
law but that of the stronger. My reprimand irritated him, and I verily
believe that, had it not been for my character of marabout, I should
have suffered for my imprudent zeal. This event gave rise to many
painful reflections: I said to myself, if they behave thus to their
own countrymen, what would they not do to a stranger, a christian,
without protection, in a country where no laws shield the indigent,
and where the very circumstance of their being poor seems to expose
them to greater persecution? What would become of me if my secret
were discovered? A speedy death would be the greatest favour that I
could expect, from their hatred to christians.
On my return, however, I was welcomed with many and hearty
salutations. The Moors were persuaded when I went away that I should
never come back, and that I should escape from the port; many of them
had advised Mohammed-Sidy-Moctar not to let me go. When they saw me
again they all testified their great joy, and no longer doubted my
conversion; they vied with each other in doing me honour.
We passed the night in a camp of marabouts, who were superintending the
cultivation of the lands. I remarked a great many seeds of _nymphæa_
which were drying, and I was told that this seed is used to flavour the
sangleh. I ate a little of it, but its taste was unpleasant. They also
eat the bulbous root of this plant boiled in water, it has a pleasant
flavour and is slightly astringent. This plant, the greatest ornament
of the lakes and marigots, grows in profusion in all the lands which
have been inundated, and is of great service to the Moors who live
on the banks of the river. I have since learnt at St. Louis that
the negroes also make use of this plant; they eat the root, boiled;
and employ the seed more particularly to season their fish.
On the 16th we arrived at our camp, where I was received with fresh
congratulations. The grand marabout especially was proud of my return,
and seemed to attribute it to the effect which his superior wisdom
had produced upon me; it was not my business to undeceive him, and
it was very easy to confirm him in his error.
Hamet-Fal, his eldest son, took me aside to question me as to the
reception I had met with on board the vessels. I told him, and his
brother could witness the truth of what I said, that persuasions had
been used to induce me to return to the whites, and that I had rejected
their propositions; that I liked better to eat a little sangleh with
Musulmans than to return to the christians to live in luxury; and that
I hoped this sacrifice would be well pleasing to God. He took my hand,
lifted it to his forehead, and then exclaimed in extacy: “Do not
doubt it, Abdallah; all the good things of this world are not to be
compared with those which you may expect in Heaven; in this life all
is transitory; but the riches which God reserves for the faithful are
eternal. The christians are rich; they have abundance of every thing;
they eat a great deal, they drink wine, and spirituous liquors; they
will not acknowledge the prophet: they will go to hell; this world
is their paradise. As for us, we have nothing but oxen and sheep;
we eat nothing but a little sangleh and drink nothing but milk and
water; but we pray to God who will reward us in heaven. Nothing is
to be compared with the bliss which is there enjoyed; it is renewed
every hour, every minute; you have only to wish in order to obtain in
abundance whatever you desire. Four great rivers flow through Paradise;
one of water, one of milk, one of honey, and the fourth of brandy; but
this brandy is far superior to what the christians drink and what God
forbids: it is the most exquisite beverage that can be drunk. There,
are to be found bowls of butter, of dates, of sangleh, in a word,
all that renders life agreeable; and beauties the freshness of whose
bloom never fades. Look at this fruit,” said he (holding in his hand
a fruit of the _zizyphus lotus_); “on earth it is very small; but
in Paradise it is as big as a very large liquor bottle.” (He chose
this comparison because he had seen some very large liquor bottles
on board the vessels at the port). “You Abdallah,” continued he,
“you will occupy the first place; you will have more merit in the
sight of God than all other Musulmans together, because you have
renounced the comforts of life, and all the advantages which you were
called to share, in order to come amongst us, subjecting yourself to
privations which you never had suffered before.”
Such was the address of my marabout’s son. This man was about
forty years old; he had been at St. Louis, was able to appreciate
the sacrifice which I had made, and became in consequence one of my
warmest friends. All doubts as to the sincerity of my conversion were
now dispelled, and from this moment I was considered as a true disciple
of the prophet. I was in the highest esteem with all the Moors, and
hoped that this esteem would enable me to put into execution a project
which I had long ago formed, of visiting all the most interesting
parts of the desert; travelling as a merchant and pilgrim to Mecca,
and there effecting my return through Egypt into France. My proposition
however, as will hereafter be seen, was but ill received.
On the following days, I went to visit the marabouts of the camp;
they all received me equally well. I will mention an anecdote which I
think characteristic. One of them had killed an ox during my absence,
and he knew that I had brought back some goods; he offered me a meal
on condition of my giving him some tobacco; I consented. He brought
a little bit of meat on a board, and began eating it with me. While
he was swallowing it as fast as he could, he preached to me about
abstinence, and assured me that he who eats little is beloved by God,
because he likes better to pray than to satisfy his hunger (which
they call being _koran-stomached_); and that he who thinks only of
satisfying his appetite is an infidel. He flattered me much and told me
that I had a Koran stomach. I gave him to understand that his device
was easily seen through, and told him that though I ate little it
was because I had little to eat, and that I believed other Musulmans
were abstinent for the same reason. I pointed to an old man who was
seated near us, and seemed half-famished; “Look at this good old
man,” said I, “he has eaten nothing to-day: I will answer for it,
that if you will give him some sangleh, he will show no Koran stomach,
but eat it up directly.” The poor man replied: “It is true that I
have tasted nothing since last night, when I had a little milk for my
supper; and I shall bless him who gives me a good dinner to-day.”
I told my host that if he himself made but one meal a day, it was
for want of means, and not for the love of God; and I added, that if
he could meet with any body who would give him as much as he liked,
he would not require much pressing to eat it. “Ah,” said he,
“the hassanes would perhaps take advantage of such a circumstance
to eat immoderately; but a marabout would never do so.” I mentioned
an occurrence which took place at the port, on board the Désirée,
and to which Mohammed-Sidy-Moctar’s son was witness. Four marabouts
came on board to sell a package of gum; as it is the custom to supply
them with food till the goods are delivered, a supper was prepared for
them. An enormous dish of rice boiled with meat, on which was poured
a great quantity of butter, of which they are very fond, though they
rarely eat it at home, was handed to one of the party who seemed to
be the leader; he hid himself in a corner to devour it, and presently
after came back and asked for supper for his three companions. The
astonished agent inquired what he had done with the dish of rice
which contained supper for four. “Pooh,” said the Moor, “I
have eaten it all, and I am not half satisfied.” Supper was brought
after this for the three others; but the greedy fellow was punished,
for he had like to have died of an indigestion. My host censured the
want of moderation which his colleague had shown, but I am convinced
that he would not have been more discreet in a similar situation.
On the 24th of March I set out again for the port hoping to find
an answer from the governor as it was now thirteen days since I
wrote. We travelled W.N.W. that we might proceed direct to the
port without going through Podor. On the way I was shown some of
the genuine gum-trees, from which the gum had been gathered. On
the 31st I arrived at the vessels. The pinnace which had taken my
letter to St. Louis had returned without bringing me any answer, and
I concluded that she had not waited, I took up some goods belonging
to M. René Valentin, a resident at St. Louis, and I cannot speak
too highly of this gentleman’s generosity towards me. On the 3rd
of April I set out on my return to the camp. We wished to keep the
same course which we had taken in coming, but the woods were so thick
and the road so ill defined, that we lost ourselves. We travelled
on at random without knowing whither, till ten o’clock at night,
when we met with a marabout who was tending his flock. We requested
him to direct us to the camp; he gave us equivocal answers, and told
us first one way and then another, leaving us more uncertain than
ever as to which we should take. We suffered terribly from thirst,
for we had found no water on our journey, and followed the marabout
for a long time, begging him for the love of God to show us the way;
the holy man amused himself at our expense, and purposely kept back
his cattle. We perceived that he was afraid lest we should attend
him home, and oblige him to give us a supper; we were very hungry but
we assured him that we did not want any thing to eat, and cared for
nothing but a drop of water. He hesitated a long time, and at last,
yielding to our entreaties, he gave us a cow to serve as our guide. As
soon as the poor animal was set at liberty, she ran towards the camp,
lowing; and we soon heard her calf answer: the cow proceeded to the
thorn enclosure, and we to the tents, where we were better received
than the behaviour of the marabout had led us to expect. All the
marabouts welcomed me with great politeness, and made me recite
prayers that they might judge of my progress by the number I could
repeat; after this the marabout’s son and I had sangleh for supper,
but our companions had nothing but milk.
On the 5th of April, we arrived at the camp; it had removed three miles
to the east since we left, and was now near a marsh named Tiartiaka.
On the 6th, I was told that the governor had passed the port on his
way to Podor, and that on his return he would stop to have an interview
with king Hamet-Dou; I was informed also that he had expressed a wish
to see me. I desired most ardently to have an interview with him and
did all that lay in my power to set off again immediately. But it
was not till the 8th that I could set out again for the port, where I
arrived on the 10th, two days after the departure of the governor for
St. Louis. I expected to find a letter, but had the mortification to
learn that he had not left one for me; he had however authorized the
officer who commanded the brig on that station to make some advances
on my behalf; but when I applied to this officer, he told me that
he had no government effects on board, and that the advance which he
was ordered to make was very trifling. My wants however were urgent,
and I asked for two pieces of Guinea cloth; they gave me two pieces of
burham pooter,[31] but so very bad that I could not have exchanged them
for millet. I wrote again to the governor, but received no answer. I
suspected from that time that opposition would be made to my scheme,
and my fears were afterwards realized.
Before I left the mart, I took up some more goods belonging to
M. René Valentin, who had the generosity to let me have them without
security. I set off on my return to the camp with a heavy heart and
a head wearied with the thoughts that crowded upon me, on losing
the hope which I had cherished of assistance from government for the
completion of my design. I scarcely noticed what was passing around
me; it was not till we halted near a lake called Tichilite el Bedane,
that I perceived that my companions had purchased a sheep with the
Guinea cloth which I had received on board. Two zenagues, who had
followed us in the hope of coming in for a share of the sheep which
they had sold, were charged with the business of dressing it. When
it was cooked, the two marabouts were very generous at my expense,
and we found about fifteen persons ready to partake of it: they had
the precaution, however, to reserve a piece uncooked for the morrow;
the marabouts took their share apart, and did not eat with the rest. On
a journey they always affect to be people of prodigious importance,
and shew a great deal of pride in all their actions.
The next day, when we wanted to cook the part we had saved, we were
rather embarrassed by having neither gun nor flint to strike fire. I
was then witness to an operation which I had never seen before,
though I had heard of its being practised; the Moors took two pieces
of wood, and rubbed them violently together, till they took fire,
which was not for some time; the wood which they used was very hard.
The camp had again changed its situation; it was a mile further
to the east, near a rivulet called Rekiza. On our arrival, we were
informed that Hamet-Dou was at war with the Oulad-Hamets, and that the
latter, who were greatly inferior in number, were flying from their
enemies. The cause of hostilities was this: the laratine slaves of the
tribe of Oulad-Hamet had quarrelled with those of the king, and had
ravaged their fields of millet; the slaves complained to their master,
who went with his people to seize the flocks of the Oulad-Hamets,
in order to make them pay for the damage done in his territory. All
the women of the tribe came to implore the king’s mercy, and he
restored the cattle without insisting upon any indemnification for the
damage. So far from being thankful for the goodness of the prince,
these wretches attacked Hamet-Dou’s people again, surprised them
in their tents, and killed four of them; they met with a vigorous
resistance, however, for they retired with the loss of seven men. This
atrocious conduct on the part of the aggressors excited the indignation
of the king; he swore that he would be revenged, and declared war
against the whole tribe. The Oulad-Hamets, knowing that they should
have nothing to gain in this contest, entered into a negociation,
and the king pardoned them once more.
The tribe of the Oulad-Hamets is the most perfidious of all the
Braknas; they spare nothing, not even the people of their own
tribe. When they meet travellers, they strip them if they can; and if
chance conducts a stranger to their camps, he never escapes till he
is plundered of every thing he has with him; of course care is taken
to keep out of their way. Their atrocious character causes them to
be detested by all the other tribes, and they are never spoken of
but with horror.
The same day, word was brought that the Trarzas[32] had fallen upon
the oxen in the woods, and were driving them off. Our people were
greatly embarrassed, for there were very few men in the camp, most
of them having left it at the approach of the Ramadan; seven or eight
only were at hand to pursue the robbers. I observed that they had no
guns, but I was assured that the Trarza hassanes would make no use
of theirs, and that the matter would be decided with sticks. During
the absence of the men, the women collected in groups, and discussed
the probable result of the affair; there was much quarrelling amongst
them, for some asserted that the Trarzas would carry off the oxen,
and others maintained, on the contrary, that they would be beaten, and
that the marabouts would oblige them to relinquish their prize. Towards
the end of the day, these disputes were decided by the return of the
marabouts, who reported that the robbers had fled at their approach
and abandoned their prey.
At night, the new moon appeared; it was that of the Ramadan; and
the fast was about to commence: long prayers were said, and a great
quantity of sangleh was made. We supped later than usual, because we
were to fast the next day. Before light I was roused to drink, for
it is not lawful to take any thing while the sun is above the horizon.
The truly devout Moors observe a most rigorous fast; they make only
one meal in the middle of the night, and not only take no food in
the day-time, but neither drink nor smoke. As the Ramadan often
happens in hot weather, and the fast is more painful on account
of the dreadful thirst which is experienced, the less zealous take
the opportunity of travelling just at this time, because they are
excused from observing the fast when they are on a journey. It was
for this reason that there were so few men in the camp, when the oxen
were carried off; they had all set out on their travels a few days
before. This emigration does not exempt them from fasting altogether,
but it affords them the advantage of chusing their own season; they
always fast in preference in cold weather, because they are not then
liable to suffer so much from thirst.
The first day I bore the fast pretty well, but I suffered severely from
thirst, and sighed for the setting of the sun; it was only a quarter of
an hour after sun-set that the _cheni_ was brought, and this quarter
of an hour appeared as long as a day. Impatience increased my thirst
to such a degree, that I could not restrain myself, and drank more
than was prudent. My body was covered with a violent perspiration;
my legs failed; I fell motionless upon the mat, where I remained
for half an hour, but without losing sensation. At last my strength
returned by degrees, and I was able to get up to go to prayer.
At eleven o’clock at night, some sangleh was brought for supper;
I remarked that a greater quantity had been made than usual, but I
ate very little, for thirst had taken away my appetite and I felt
feverish. The women had all intended to fast, but at noon they were
obliged to drink, and their fast was broken. For my part, I persevered
for the next few days, and my sufferings increased, as my strength
diminished. On the sixth day, I thought that I could no longer endure
these privations. The east wind blew violently; the heat increased;
my throat was parched, my tongue, dry and chapped, was like a rasp
in my mouth, and I thought I should sink under my sufferings. I was
not the only one who was in this state; every body around me was
tormented in the same way. The marabouts, at last, bathed the face,
head, and part of the body, and I was allowed to do the same; but
I was watched very closely, and could only have deceived my Arguses
at the risk of my life, in case I had been seen to swallow a drop of
water. When my sufferings were excessive, and a murmur escaped me,
they told me, for my encouragement, that when I died Mahomet would
receive me into heaven, present me with a vase of delicious liquor to
quench my thirst, and reward me for the pains and privations I had
endured. One day I contrived to enjoy this treat beforehand, as the
law permits you to wash your mouth, and to snuff up water through
the nose, provided you spit it out again; I seized the moment when
my marabout, being engaged in washing himself, could not observe me,
to swallow part of the water that I had in my mouth: it seemed to me
as if the prophet was that moment opening the gates of heaven to me,
for I had never tasted any thing so delicious. This was the only time
that I could elude their vigilance, and I did it then with fear and
trembling. I fasted thus for seventeen days, and on the eighteenth I
was attacked with a fever; a dispensation from fasting was then granted
me, if a man can be said not to fast because he drinks a little water
in the course of the day: they gave me absolutely nothing to eat.
Besides being compelled to observe a most rigorous fast, I had to
bear the insolence of a number of travelling hassanes, with whom
my sufferings were a subject of ridicule. If they found me lying
upon my mat, and expiring of thirst and exhaustion, they pulled me
by my clothes, and pinched me, and tormented me in a thousand ways
to force me to answer their questions, which were all intended to
insult me. They commonly concluded by asking me if I would not drink
a little brandy and eat pork, and whether I did not intend to be
circumcised. At each of these questions, to which I refused to reply,
they laughed violently, and answered for me, affecting the most cutting
contempt. The marabouts did not like this, but they could not protect
me from the annoyance, and it was not till after the departure of
the hassanes that they censured them and called them infidels.
I observed, that the marabouts were not so strict with their countrymen
as they were with me, for I often saw young men who were eating in
the day-time. When I asked why they were not obliged to fast like
the rest of us, I was told that they could not have got through the
day without eating. This pretext they employed whenever they were
disposed to break the fast.
To amuse themselves, and make the days seem less tedious during the
Ramadan, the Moors have a game called _sigue_. It consists of six
flat pieces of wood, rounded at the ends in an oval form, white on
one side, and black on the other. The game is played by two, four, or
six persons, but always divided into two parties. Three rows of holes
are made in the sand, twenty-four in each; the outside rows are taken
by the different parties, who cover each of the holes with a straw,
taking care that the straws of the two parties shall be of different
colours, so as to be easily distinguished; the middle row of holes
is left open. One of the players takes five bits of wood in his hand,
shakes them and drops them on the ground; if all the pieces of wood are
of the same colour, or all but one, this is called _making the sigue_,
and counts for one: the player continues with six pieces until he
fails to make the sigue; then another plays, and so on. Every time
a player makes the sigue he puts a straw into one of the holes of
the middle row, and moves it forward as many places as he has thrown
pieces of wood of the colour adopted by his party. When a player has
reached the last hole in the middle row, he leaves his straw there;
if his adversary arrives at it also, the first straw is thrown out,
and the player begins again as before. When all the holes in the middle
row are taken, the player begins upon his adversary’s, and they go
on with the game, taking straws out of all the holes which they win
from him; when either party has lost all its holes the game is over.
They have another game which they seldom play because it requires more
exertion. They set up several small flat bones in a row, and a number
of men with four stones each throw at the bones from a distance;
he who knocks down the greatest number fillips the noses of his
companions. The princes sometimes play at this game. The boys, who
are not so lethargic as the men, and love running about, have a game
which really gives them some exercise. They form a large circle; one
of them places himself in the middle, and all the others annoy him as
they run round; one strikes him, another pushes, or pulls him by his
coussabe. The one in the middle endeavours to catch his assailants,
and when he succeeds they change places. This is a very noisy game,
for they all shout and scream as they run round. The girls also play
at this game amongst themselves.
It is during the Ramadan that the boys are circumcised, between the
ages of four and twelve; a marabout always performs the operation. The
child is not to shew any sign of pain, but is required to hold a
bit of wood in his mouth, and pick his teeth with it during the
operation. Nothing is applied to the wound but some ass dung mixed
with water, and this plaster is allowed to drop off of itself. The
boys who have been circumcised run off into the woods, armed with
bows and arrows, and amuse themselves with shooting at birds; they
do not return to the camp till two o’clock, when they eat sangleh;
at night they have nothing but milk for supper. To prevent them from
hurting themselves at night while asleep, stakes are driven into the
ground about the place where they lie, so that they have not room
to turn. The interval between the operation and their entire cure
is a privileged time, when they play all sorts of roguish tricks
on their parents; but I have been assured that they do not steal,
as I have seen the children do amongst the negroes. The girls are
circumcised at a year old; the hassanes, like the zenagues, always
employ a marabout to perform the operation.
At the end of the fast, they celebrate a feast (the Tabasky) which is
considered as a great solemnity. All put on their best apparel; a ram
is killed, and plenty of sangleh is made: every one has abundance to
satisfy his hunger, and it is perhaps the only day in the year when
their appetite is completely satisfied. They present one another with
millet; but it is rather an exchange than a gift, for they always
give to those who have the ability to give to them and not to the poor.
This is purely a religious festival amongst the marabouts, and the
greater part of the day is passed in prayer; it is a sort of Easter,
when custom permits them to eat more than usual. The hassanes make it a
day of rejoicing; the men fire off their guns, and perform evolutions
on horseback, and the women, assembling round the guéhués, sing to
their music, and accompany it by clapping their hands. The feasts of
the hassanes are usually gayer than those of the marabouts, because
the guéhués, who are present at the former, enliven them by their
songs, their music, and their tricks.
On the 18th of April, my marabout’s sons returned from the port,
whither they had been carrying gum, and told us that Hamet-Dou was
going to St. Louis. Mohammed-Sidy-Moctar advised me to go thither too
and look after my goods. “They would not dare,” said he, “to
detain you while the king is there, and if they should refuse to
deliver your goods, the king will take you under his protection.”
This proposal suited me exactly; for I could no longer remain among
them in the state in which I was, and I wanted to solicit from
the governor the means of finishing my education and completing my
journey. I did not betray my eagerness however, but, pretending to
be guided by his advice, set off for the port with his second son
Abdallah; we arrived on the 20th. On our way we passed the night in
a camp of zenagues, and I heard a Moor who was talking of me say,
“I should like him to die in my tent when he comes back with his
merchandise.” “Do not say so,” replied a woman. “Why not,”
rejoined the Moor, “would not he be very well off? He would go to
paradise, and I should have his goods.” I heard all this distinctly,
but I did not take the trouble to thank him for his good intentions
towards me.
The king had set off from St. Louis two days before we arrived
at the port, and we had to wait for an opportunity of following
him. In the mean time I visited all the supercargoes on board their
vessels; my guide followed me every where and made inquiries about
me, my shipwreck, and my goods. He seemed very uneasy, but as I had
cautioned all these gentlemen, they took care not to contradict my
story. His curiosity nevertheless annoyed me a good deal, because I
knew that he would find people at St. Louis who might undeceive him,
even without intending to injure me; and, as I foresaw that I should
have difficulty in obtaining what I meant to solicit from the governor,
I did not wish that any thing Abdallah might hear should destroy the
good opinion which his countrymen had formed of me, and induce them to
thwart my schemes hereafter. I should for this reason have been very
glad to get rid of my companion, and I had some hopes of being able to
do so, for a short time, after a conversation which passed between us.
Every time that we left a vessel he reproved me for not begging of the
christians, and when I told him that I was not in want of any thing he
replied: “That is nothing to the purpose; you should always ask for
something. If they give, so much the better; if they refuse, so much
the worse. They are infidels, and you should always get as much as
you can from them. Do you think that the Musulmans who are here come
to see the whites? No such thing; they come to get their Guinea cloth
whenever they can. Perhaps you imagine that I am going to St. Louis
to see the town, and the christians?” I replied that I concluded
he was, as he had expressed a wish to that effect, before we quitted
the camp; “Besides,” said I, “what else should you go for?”
“What should I go for?” said he, “do not suppose that I go to
see the infidels and their country. I go to try if I cannot get some
goods out of them, and that you may pay me three or four pieces of
Guinea cloth and a gun for my company.” Though I was no stranger to
the rapacity of his countrymen, yet this confession really surprised
as much as it incensed me. I durst not give vent to my indignation,
so I contented myself with saying, that if he had reckoned upon my
generosity, he would find himself mistaken, because he had no claim
upon it; that I thought myself indebted to his brother, and that
he alone should receive the presents which I intended as a return
for his kindness. He was disconcerted, and told me that if that was
the case he should return to the camp and I might go to St. Louis by
myself. I should have been heartily glad to do so; but when he saw
me about to embark, he joined me. Before I leave the port, I must
give a short sketch of the mode in which the gum trade is carried on.
At the appointed time, the government of St. Louis sends a king’s
ship to the port under the command of an officer, who is charged
with the police of the port, in all that concerns navigation, and the
stationing of the different vessels; he is also empowered to decide
all disputes with the marabouts and the Moors. The Moorish king
on his side sends his plenipotentiaries, who remain at the port to
settle the customs[33] and which are to be paid by the merchants. Any
difficulties which arise are settled between them and the commander
of the vessel on the station.
When a merchant ship arrives at the port, she remains at anchor in the
middle of the river till the duty is fixed; a point which is seldom
settled without a long discussion, for the Moors always persist in
the hope of gaining some advantage, though the tax is governed by the
tonnage of the vessel; it is often necessary to have recourse to the
king to terminate the dispute. It is not till the agreement has been
signed that business can be transacted, and the _aloums_ (or Moorish
agents) watch on the shore, to see that no gum is taken on board. These
same agents watch the vessels when their right to trade is suspended.
The duties which the merchants pay are considerable. A vessel capable
of carrying from twenty-five to thirty thousand pounds of gum pays
in general one hundred and twenty or one hundred and thirty pieces
of Guinea cloth[34] in fixed customs; to this may be added three or
four pieces more in the shape of presents to the princes, which they
call their _supper_, and two or three for the aloums, who, if they
were not feed, would give the preference to other vessels.
All the preliminaries being settled, the ship begins to trade; she
approaches the shore, to which a bridge is thrown to facilitate the
communication; the trader has a hut built on the beach where the women
whose business it is to pound the millet are lodged; where all cooking
operations for the ship’s crew are performed; and where the master
may repose when he comes on shore. He must now have an interpreter
to carry on conversation between himself and the marabouts, and this
interpreter is paid and fed on board; the aloums are also fed at the
joint expense of all the merchants. The princes and princesses who
come to the port must also be fed, and any one who should refuse to
conform to this practice would lose his right of trading.
When a prince arrives, he sometimes takes up his abode on board
one of the ships, where he is politely received, and allowed to
be as troublesome as he pleases, for fear he should interrupt the
traffic. He takes possession of the cabin, throws himself on the
master’s bed, calls for treacle and water to drink, and worries
his host with incessant questions. At dinner, he sits down at table
without invitation, thrusts his fingers into all the dishes, tastes
all the victuals, and puts back what he dislikes after it has been in
his mouth; he touches every thing with his dirty hands, takes bread,
sugar, and whatever he pleases, pretending all the time, that he
likes nothing, and boasting of the good cheer that is to be found in
his own camp.
It may seem possible that a Mulatto born at Senegal, accustomed from
his childhood to such behaviour, and having but an imperfect notion
of European manners, should put up with this treatment; but how
a European, and a Frenchman, can endure it, is what I never could
comprehend, though I have seen it. It is true that it is in general
the clerks of traders at St. Louis who are forced to submit to these
customs, for fear of compromising the interests of the houses by which
they are sent. They have only one chance of avoiding the annoyance
of such guests, and eating their meals in peace; and that is, to
have every thing cooked with bacon or pork; the Moor, in that case,
will eat what has been prepared for him in a corner by himself; but
he exercises the same rapacity upon bread, sugar and every thing else
that pleases his gluttonous palate. Sometimes the dealers, wearied out,
attempt to dismiss the princes; but they avoid coming to a quarrel,
because, if a blow should be struck, the right of trading would
be suspended; fresh negociations must take place, and they would
only terminate in the payment of a fine of several pieces of Guinea
cloth. When the zenagues come on board to walk about, there is no
such thing as getting rid of them without making them some present,
or at least giving them a calabash of molasses and water.
The traffic generally commences in the month of January, and ends
the 31st of July. Towards the end of May, the king comes to the port;
he sometimes lodges on board the station-ship, but more commonly on
shore in a hut that the dealers have built for him. During his stay,
which sometimes lasts two months, the dealers are obliged to feed
all his attendants, and to pay a daily tax of two or three pieces
of Guinea cloth; this is called, as I said before, _the king’s
supper_. He visits one or other of the ships every day, receives
presents, and never forgets to call for an enormous calabash of sugar
and water for himself and his suite. He is always received with the
greatest politeness on board all the ships, for he would break off
the traffic if any dealer were not to behave well to him. In this
way he is sure of obtaining whatever he desires.
Whilst he stays at the port, he levies another tax, which has been
established for some years under the name of a “forced present.” He
requires from each dealer one hundred pieces or more of Guinea cloth,
and if this quantity is not delivered to him within a fixed time,
he breaks off the trade. The dealers then contribute each of them
according to the tonnage of his vessel, and when the quantity required
is made up, it is delivered to the king, who permits them to resume
their traffic. A whim, or the slightest complaint made to the king,
is enough to interrupt it; nay, I have known it to be broken off
because Fatme-Anted-Moctar (the king’s aunt) complained that one
of the supercargoes had given her some coffee which she did not like.
It may be supposed perhaps, that the price at which the gum is
bought makes amends for all these annoyances by the profit which it
affords. No such thing! the profit might indeed be immense if the
dealers understood their own interest; instead of which they enter
into a ruinous competition with one another, to the advantage of
the Moors. If they know that a caravan is on the way to the port,
each dispatches his interpreter to meet it and make offers to the
marabouts. They go on shore themselves to try to gain the chief by
promises and presents, and to get him on board their own vessel. The
consequence of all this eagerness is that the Moor becomes more
and more greedy and obstinate; he suspects that he is selling his
gum too cheap, hesitates a long time before he closes the bargain,
runs backwards and forwards to all the ships, and decides at last in
favour of the highest bidder.
From the arrival of the caravan to the delivery of the gum, all the
marabouts belonging to it are fed by the dealers; and every time a
Moor goes on board a ship to sell the smallest package of gum, he and
all who are with him are treated. Five or six of them will often go
about with twelve or fifteen pounds of gum, hawk it about for two or
three days, and at last, when they have sold it, require a dinner into
the bargain. The bargains are usually made very slowly; the marabouts,
for fear of being cheated, measure their gum before they expose it for
sale, with a small measure, the weight of which they know, that they
may ascertain beforehand the quantity of Guinea cloth which it ought
to produce them. In general a certain weight in gum is agreed upon as
the value of one piece of calico. This price varies according as the
season is more or less productive; when I was at the Cock station a
piece would fetch fifty or sixty pounds of gum, sometimes it is up
at one hundred, and sometimes down to thirty or even lower.
When the price of the piece of stuff is fixed, the bargain is not
concluded; it is still to be settled what presents shall be made
to the marabout. These presents consist in gunpowder, sugar, small
trunks, looking-glasses, knives, scissors, &c.; and this last part of
the bargain is often longer in being concluded than the first: after
all, when the things are delivered, and every thing settled, he stays
a longer time, teazing the purchaser for further presents. However
outrageous his demands, he always thinks that he receives too little
for his gum; so valuable do the Moors suppose it to be to us.
These expenses and these presents, added to the price paid for
the gum, raise the price to such a height, that it costs more at
the port than it will fetch at St. Louis. The dealers endeavour
to cover themselves by practising a thousand tricks on the Moors;
the latter, however, being always on their guard, are not often
deceived. The Europeans frequently suffer considerable losses, and
will continue to do so as long as the trade is founded on fraud. Their
leisure moments are all employed in devising some new cheat; and the
successful inventor conceals his scheme from the other dealers, and,
reckoning upon his ingenuity, offers his cloths at a low price to
attract the marabouts. His rivals all the time watch him narrowly,
and set their wits to work, so that they are never long in finding
out his contrivance, or inventing one of their own that may enable
them to sell at the same rate. It is evident that people are not all
equally qualified for a traffic of this kind; we may even assert that
it requires a particular course of study to make a good gum-merchant.
It would certainly be doing a great service to the inhabitants of
Senegal to put this commerce on a more honourable footing; but,
if such a thing is suggested, they take fright and protest that
it is impossible to deal honestly with the Moors. Government alone
could set matters right, by forming a company, in which each member
might hold a share proportionate to his capital, and then appointing
two agents to traffic at each port, subject to the inspection of
a government-officer, whose business it would be to see that the
conditions on each side were fulfilled. By these means, competition
would be annihilated, and the expenses considerably reduced, because
a single ship would be sufficient at each port, and the gum would be
conveyed to St. Louis in boats. The Moors would be unwilling to submit
to any alteration at first, but when they should have ascertained that
there was no other intention than that of dealing fairly with them, a
mutual confidence would soon take place between them and the dealers,
which would permit the latter to behave in a manner more suitable
to the dignity of the French character. The merchants allege that
the Moors in this case would take their gum to Portendick; but they
would not take it all thither; and government would have it in its
power to adopt measures for diminishing the competition which the
English are creating at that port.
During the traffic, many camps of the zenagues establish themselves
near the port, to be ready to sell the produce of their herds and
flocks. Morning and evening the women bring milk and butter to barter
for Guinea cloth, gunpowder, glass wares, etc. A pound of butter
sells for about seven pence halfpenny, and a calabash of milk for
two pence halfpenny.
Those Moors who have no gum, and who cannot procure the means of
subsistence at the port, force themselves into the camps of these poor
creatures, live upon them, and devour the profits which they have
made by the sale of their commodities. It is indeed an established
principle, that this class should be continually plundered by the
others.
As commerce attracts to this spot a vast number of dealers and
visiters, there is a perpetual bustle. While the trade lasts, the
port is like a tumultuous fair; on one side are the camels and oxen
of the caravans, driven out to graze or to the river to water; on
another a flock of sheep, which a zenague is endeavouring to sell;
here a caravan just arrived from the desert, with dealers besetting
it and quarrelling with one another; laptots[35] fighting, and women
squabbling; further on, hassanes on horseback, or mounted on camels,
running to and fro, and heightening, by their violence, the confusion
of all the groupes which were already too turbulent.
On the 31st of July in the evening, the station-ship fires a gun,
which is the signal for the close of the traffic and the departure
of the vessels. Such of the Moors as have not sold their gum take it
away, and dig holes in the ground, where they keep it till the next
season. The remainder of the customs is paid at this time; for the
dealers never pay in advance, lest the Moors should send off their
gum to some other place, in order to obtain double dues. Neither
is it till after the return of the station-ship to St. Louis that
the king receives the allowance granted by government to insure the
protection of the trade. She sails on the 1st of August, and all the
merchant ships usually follow.
On the 11th of May I embarked for St. Louis; my guide accompanied me,
and we arrived on the sixteenth. I took every possible precaution on
the way, to prevent him from having an interview with Schims, the
chief of the Dawalache tribe;[36] but my efforts were frustrated,
and they met in a village not far from his post. They had a long
conversation together, in which Schims informed my marabout that I had
been with him before I went to the Braknas, and that I had proposed
to receive my education from him; entering at the same time pretty
fully into his motive for not receiving me, which he said was founded
upon the accounts he had heard of me. As soon as Schims perceived
me, he dropped the subject and congratulated me on my conversion; I
reproached him for his refusal to take me into his camp, and he then
repeated what he had just said, and laid great stress upon the bad
account that the _children of the Senegal_[37] had given him of me;
but for this, he said, he should not have hesitated to receive me
and to treat me as his own son.
I strove during the rest of the conversation to counteract the bad
impression which these imputations had made upon my marabout; but
I saw that I had lost all his confidence, and that it was only by a
speedy return, and an apparent resolution to settle in his country,
that I could impose upon him or his nation.