The imperious tones which Napoleon employed towards his enemies

almost always succeeded, and it produced the accustomed effect upon

Mack. On the same day that Prince Liechtenstein had been at our

headquarters Mack wrote to the Emperor, stating that he would not

have treated with any other on such terms; but that he yielded to

the ascendency of Napoleon's fortune; and on the following day

Berthier was sent into Ulm, from whence he returned with the

capitulation signed. Thus Napoleon was not mistaken respecting the

Caudine Forks of the Austrian army. The garrison of Ulm marched out

with what are called the honours of war, and were led prisoners into

France.--Bourrienne.]--

Napoleon, who was so violently irritated by any obstacle which opposed

him, and who treated with so much hauteur everybody who ventured to

resist his inflexible will, was no longer the same man when, as a

conqueror, he received the vanquished generals at Ulm. He condoled with

them on their misfortune; and this, I can affirm, was not the result of a

feeling of pride concealed beneath a feigned generosity. Although he

profited by their defeat he pitied them sincerely. How frequently has he

observed to me, "How much to be pitied is a general on the day after a

lost battle." He had himself experienced this misfortune when he was

obliged to raise the siege of St. Jean d'Acre. At that moment he would,

I believe, have strangled Djezzar; but if Djezzar had surrendered, he

would have treated him with the same attention which he showed to Mack

and the other generals of the garrison of Ulm. These generals were

seventeen in number, and among them was Prince Liechtenstein. There were

also General Klenau (Baron de Giulay), who had acquired considerable

military reputation in the preceding wars, and General Fresnel, who stood

in a more critical situation than his companions in misfortune, for he

was a Frenchman, and an emigrant.

Rapp told me that it was really painful to see these generals. They

bowed respectfully to the Emperor, having Mack at their head. They

preserved a mournful silence, and Napoleon was the first to speak, which

he did in the following terms: "Gentlemen, I feel sorry that such brave

men as you are should be the victims of the follies of a Cabinet which

cherishes insane projects, and which does not hesitate to commit the

dignity of the Austrian nation by trafficking with the services of its

generals. Your names are known to me--they are honourably known wherever

you have fought. Examine the conduct of those who have committed you.

What could be more iniquitous than to attack me without a declaration of

war? Is it not criminal to bring foreign invasion upon a country? Is it

not betraying Europe to introduce Asiatic barbarities into her disputes?

If good policy had been followed the Aulic Council, instead of attacking

me, would have sought my alliance in order to drive back the Russians to

the north. The alliance which your Cabinet has formed will appear

monstrous in history. It is the alliance of dogs, shepherds, and wolves

against sheep--such a scheme could never have been planned in the mind of

a statesman. It is fortunate for you that I have not been defeated in

the unjust struggle to which I have been provoked; if I had, the Cabinet

of Vienna would have soon perceived its error, for which, perhaps, it

will yet one day pay dearly."

What a change fifteen days of success, crowned by the capture of Ulm, had

made in affairs! At Hamburg I knew through my agents to what a degree of

folly the hopes of Napoleon's enemies had risen before he began the

campaign. The security of the Cabinet of Vienna was really inexplicable;

not only did they not dream of the series of victories which made

Napoleon master of all the Austrian monarchy, but the assistants of Drake

and all the intriguers of that sort treated France already as a conquered

country, and disposed of some of our provinces. In the excess of their

folly, to only give one instance, they promised the town of Lyons to the

King of Sardinia, to recompense him for the temporary occupation of

Piedmont.

--[In the treaties and declarations (see Martens and Thiers, tome v.

p. 355) there is rather a tendency to sell the skin of the bear

before killing him.]--

While Napoleon flattered his prisoners at the expense of their Government

he wished to express satisfaction at the conduct of his own army, and

with this view he published a remarkable proclamation, which in some

measure presented an abstract of all that had taken place since the

opening of the campaign.

This proclamation was as follows:--

SOLDIERS OF THE GRAND ARMY--In a fortnight we have finished an

entire campaign. What we proposed to do has been done. We have

driven the Austrian troops from Bavaria, and restored our ally to

the sovereignty of his dominions.

That army, which, with equal presumption and imprudence, marched

upon our frontiers, is annihilated.

But what does this signify to England? She has gained her object.

We are no longer at Boulogne, and her subsidy will be neither more

nor less.

Of a hundred thousand men who composed that army, sixty thousand are

prisoners. They will replace our conscripts in the labours of

agriculture.

Two hundred pieces of cannon, the whole park of artillery, ninety

flags, and all their generals are in our power. Fifteen thousand

men only have escaped.

Soldiers! I announced to you the result of a great battle; but,

thanks to the ill-devised schemes of the enemy, I was enabled to

secure the wished-for result without incurring any danger, and, what

is unexampled in the history of nations, that result has been gained

at the sacrifice of scarcely fifteen hundred men killed and wounded.

Soldiers! this success is due to your unlimited confidence in your

Emperor, to your patience in enduring fatigues and privations of

every kind, and to your singular courage and intrepidity.

But we will not stop here. You are impatient to commence another

campaign!

The Russian army, which English gold has brought from the

extremities of the universe, shall experience the same fate as that

which we have just defeated.

In the conflict in which we are about to engage the honour of the

French infantry is especially concerned. We shall now see another

decision of the question which has already been determined in

Switzerland and Holland; namely, whether the French infantry is the

first or the second in Europe.

Among the Russians there are no generals in contending against whom

I can acquire any glory. All I wish is to obtain the victory with

the least possible bloodshed. My soldiers are, my children.

This proclamation always appeared to me a masterpiece of military

eloquence. While he lavished praises on his troops, he excited their

emulation by hinting that the Russians were capable of disputing with

them the first rank among the infantry of Europe, and he concluded his

address by calling them his children.

The second campaign, to which Napoleon alleged they so eagerly looked

forward, speedily ensued, and hostilities were carried on with a degree

of vigour which fired the enthusiasm of the army. Heaven knows what

accounts were circulated of the Russians, who, as Bonaparte solemnly

stated in his proclamation, had come from the extremity of the world.

They were represented as half-naked savages, pillaging, destroying and

burning wherever they went. It was even asserted that they were

cannibals, and had been seen to eat children. In short, at that period

was introduced the denomination of northern barbarians which has since

been so generally applied to the Russians. Two days after the

capitulation of Ulm Murat obtained the capitulation of Trochtelfingen

from General Yarneck, and made 10,000 prisoners, so that, without

counting killed and wounded, the Austrian army had sustained a diminution

of 50,000 men after a campaign of twenty days. On the 27th of October

the French army crossed the Inn, and thus penetrated into the Austrian

territory. Salzburg and Brannan were immediately taken. The army of

Italy, under the command of Massena, was also obtaining great advantages.

On the 30th of October, that is to say, the very day on which the Grand

Army took the above-mentioned fortresses, the army of Italy, having

crossed the Adige, fought a sanguinary battle at Caldiero, and took 5000

Austrian prisoners.

In the extraordinary campaign, which has been distinguished by the name

of "the Campaign of Austerlitz," the exploits of our troops succeeded

each other with the rapidity of thought. I confess I was equally

astonished and delighted when I received a note from Duroc, sent by an

extraordinary courier, and commencing laconically with the words, "We are

in Vienna; the Emperor is well."

Duroc's letter was dated the 13th November, and the words, "We are in

Vienna," seemed to me the result of a dream. The capital of Austria,

which from time immemorial had not been occupied by foreigners--the city

which Sobieski had saved from Ottoman violence, had become the prey of

the Imperial eagle of France, which, after a lapse of three centuries,

avenged the humiliations formerly imposed upon Francis I. by the 'Aquila

Grifagna' of Charles V. Duroc had left the Emperor before the camp of

Boulogne was raised; his mission to Berlin being terminated, he rejoined

the Emperor at Lintz.

--[As soon as Bonaparte became Emperor he constituted himself the

avenger of all the insults given to the sovereigns, whom he styled

his predecessors. All that related to the honour of France was

sacred to him. Thus he removed the column of Rosbach from the

Prussian territory.--Bourrienne.]--

Before I noticed the singular mission of M. Haugwitz to the Emperor

Napoleon, and the result of that mission, which circumstances rendered

diametrically the reverse of its object, I will relate what came to my

knowledge respecting some other negotiations on the part of Austria, the

evident intent of which was to retard Napoleon's progress, and thereby to

dupe him. M. de Giulay, one of the generals included in the capitulation

of Ulm, had returned home to acquaint his sovereign with the disastrous

event. He did not conceal, either from the Emperor Francis or the

Cabinet of Vienna, the destruction of the Austrian army, and the

impossibility of arresting the rapid advance of the French. M. de Giulay

was sent with a flag of truce to the headquarters of Napoleon, to assure

him of the pacific intentions of the Emperor of Austria, and to solicit

an armistice. The snare was too clumsy not to be immediately discovered

by so crafty a man as Napoleon.

--[Metternich (tome ii. p. 346, compare French edition, tome ii.

p. 287) says, "Let us hold always the sword in one hand and the

olive branch in the other; always ready to negotiate, but only

negotiating while advancing." Here is Napoleons system.]--

He had always pretended a love for peace, though he was overjoyed at the

idea of continuing a war so successfully commenced, and he directed

General Giulay to assure the Emperor of Austria that he was not less

anxious for peace than he, and that he was ready to treat for it, but

without suspending the course of his operations. Bonaparte, indeed,

could not, without a degree of imprudence of which he was incapable,

consent to an armistice; for M. de Giulay, though entrusted with powers

from Austria, had received none from Russia. Russia, therefore, might

disavow the armistice and arrive in time to defend Vienna, the occupation

of which was so important to the French army. The Russians, indeed, were

advancing to oppose us, and the corps of our army, commanded by Mortier

on the left bank of the Danube, experienced in the first engagement a

check at Dirnstein, which not a little vexed the Emperor. This was the

first reverse of fortune we had sustained throughout the campaign. It

was trivial, to be sure, but the capture by the Russians of three French

eagles, the first that had fallen into the hands of the enemy, was very

mortifying to Napoleon, and caused him to prolong for some days his staff

at St. Folten, where he then was.

The rapid occupation of Vienna was due to the successful temerity of

Lannes and Murat, two men alike distinguished for courage and daring

spirit. A bold artifice of these generals prevented the destruction of

the Thabor bridge at Vienna, without which our army would have

experienced considerable difficulty in penetrating into the Austrian

capital. This act of courage and presence of mind, which had so great an

influence on the events of the campaign, was described to me by Lannes,

who told the story with an air of gaiety, unaccompanied by any

self-complacency, and seemed rather pleased with the trick played upon

the Austrians than proud of the brilliant action which had been

performed. Bold enterprises were so natural to Lannes that he was

frequently the only person who saw nothing extraordinary in his own

exploits. Alas! what men were sacrificed to Napoleon's ambition!

The following is the story of the Bridge of Thabor as I heard it from

Lannes:--

--[I was one day walking with Murat, on the right bank of the

Danube, and we observed on the left bank, which was occupied by the

Austrians, some works going on, the evident object of which was to

blow up the bridge on the approach of our troops. The fools had the

impudence to make these preparations under our very noses; but we

gave them a good lesson. Having arranged our plan, we returned to

give orders, and I entrusted the command of my column of grenadiers

to an officer on whose courage and intelligence I could rely. I

then returned to the bridge, accompanied by Murat and two or three

other officers. We advanced, unconcernedly, and entered into

conversation with the commander of a post in the middle of the

bridge. We spoke to him about an armistice which was to be speedily

concluded: While conversing with the Austrian officers we contrived

to make them turn their eyes towards the left bank, and then,

agreeably to the orders we had given, my column of grenadiers

advanced on the bridge. The Austrian cannoneers, on the left bank,

seeing their officers in the midst of us, did not dare to fire, and

my column advanced at a quick step. Murat and I, at the head of it,

gained the left bank. All the combustibles prepared for blowing up

the bridge were thrown into the river, and my men took possession of

the batteries erected for the defence of the bridge head. The poor

devils of Austrian officers were perfectly astounded when I told

them they were my prisoners.]--

Such, as well as I can recollect, was the account given by Lannes, who

laughed immoderately in describing the consternation of the Austrian

officers when they discovered the trick that had been played upon them.

When Lannes performed this exploit he had little idea of the, important

consequences which would attend, it. He had not only secured to the

remainder of the French army a sure and easy entrance to Vienna, but,

without being aware of it, he created an insurmountable impediment to the

junction of the Russian army with the Austrian corps, commanded by Prince

Charles, who, being pressed by Massena, hastily advanced into the heart

of the Hereditary States, where he fully expected a great battle would

take place.

As soon as the corps of Murat and Lannes had taken possession of Vienna

the Emperor ordered all the divisions of the army to march upon that

capital.

--[The story to told in much the same way in Theirs (tome vi, p.

260), Rupp (p. 57), and Savory (tome ii. p. 162), but as Erreurs

(tome i. p. 814) points out, Bourrienne makes an odd mistake in

believing the Thabor Bridge gave the French access to Vienna. The

capital is on the right bank, and was already in their power. The

possession of the bridge enabled them to pass over to the left bank,

and to advance towards Austerlitz before the Archduke Charles,

coming from Italy, could make his junction with the allied army.

See plan 48 of Thiers' Atlas, or 58 of Alison's. The immediate

result of the success of this rather doubtful artifice would have

been the destruction of the corps of Kutusoff; but Murat in his turn

was deceived by Bagration into belief in an armistice. In fact,

both sides at this time fell into curious errors.]--

Napoleon established his headquarters at Schoenbrunn, where he planned

his operations for compelling the corps of Prince Charles to retire to

Hungary, and also for advancing his own forces to meet the Russians.

Murat and Lannes always commanded the advanced guard during the forced

marches ordered by Napoleon, which were executed in a way truly

miraculous.

To keep up the appearance of wishing to conclude peace as soon as

reasonable propositions should be made to him, Napoleon sent for his

Minister for foreign Affairs, who speedily arrived at Vienna, and General

Savary was sent on a mission to the Emperor Alexander. The details of

this mission I have learned only from the account of it given by the Duc

de Rovigo in his apologetic Memoirs. In spite of the Duke's eagerness to

induce a belief in Napoleon's pacific disposition, the very facts on

which he supports his argument lead to the contrary conclusion. Napoleon

wished to dictate his conditions before the issue of a battle the success

of which might appear doubtful to the young Emperor of Russia, and these

conditions were such as he might impose when victory should be declared

in favour of our eagles. It must be clear to every reflecting person

that by always proposing what he knew could not be honourably acceded to,

he kept up the appearance of being a pacificator, while at the same time

he ensured to himself the pleasure of carrying on the war.

CHAPTER III.

1805.

My functions at Hamburg--The King of Sweden at Stralsund--

My bulletin describing the situation of the Russian armies--Duroc's

recall from Berlin--General Dumouriez--Recruiting of the English in

Hanover--The daughter of M. de Marbeof and Napoleon--Treachery of

the King of Naples--The Sun of Austerlitz--Prince Dolgiorouki

Rapp's account of the battle of Austerlitz--Gerard's picture--

Eugene's marriage.

I must now relate how, in conformity with my instructions, I was employed

in Hamburg in aiding the success of the French army. I had sent an agent

to observe the Russian troops, which were advancing by forced marches to

the banks of the Elbe. This agent transmitted to me from Gadbusch an

account of the routes taken by the different columns. It was then

supposed that they would march upon Holland by the way of Bremen and

Oldenburg. On the receipt of thus intelligence the Electorate of Hanover

was evacuated by the French, and General Barbou, who had commanded there

concentrated his forces in Hamelin.

On the 2d of November 1805 the King of Sweden arrived at Stralsund. I

immediately intimated to our Government that this circumstance would

probably give a new turn to the operations of the combined army, for

hitherto the uncertainty of its movements and the successive counter-

orders afforded no possibility of ascertaining any determined plan. The

intention seemed to be, that all the Swedo-Russian troops should cross

the Elbe at the same point; viz., Lauenburg, six miles from Hamburg.

There was not on the 5th of November a single Russian on the southern

bank of the Elbe.

The first column of the grand Russian army passed through Warsaw on the

1st of November, and on the 2d the Grand-Duke Constantine was expected

with the Guards. This column, which amounted to 6000 men, was the first

that passed through Prussian Poland.

At this time we momentarily expected to see the Hanoverian army landed on

the banks of the Weser or the Elbe, augmented by some thousands of

English. Their design apparently was either to attack Holland, or to

attempt some operation on the rear of our Grand Army.

The French Government was very anxious to receive accurate accounts of

the march of the Swedo-Russian troops through Hanover, and of the Russian

army through Poland. My agents at Warsaw and Stralsund, who were

exceedingly active and intelligent, enabled me to send off a bulletin

describing the state of Hanover, the movements of the Russians and

Swedes, together with information of the arrival of English troops in the

Elbe, and a statement of the force of the combined army in Hanover, which

consisted of 15,000 Russians, 8000 Swedes, and 12,000 English; making in

all 35,000 men.

It was probably on account of this bulletin that Napoleon expressed to

Duroc his satisfaction with my services. The Emperor on recalling Duroc

from Berlin did not manifest the least apprehension respecting Prussia.

Duroc wrote to me the following letter on the occasion of his recall:

MY DEAR BOURRIENNE--The Emperor having thought my services necessary

to the army has recalled me. I yesterday had a farewell audience of

the King and Queen, who treated me very graciously. His Majesty

presented me with his portrait set in diamonds. The Emperor

Alexander will probably depart to morrow, and the Archduke Anthony

vary speedily. We cannot but hope that their presence here will

facilitate a good understanding.

(Signed) DUROC.

Whenever foreign armies were opposing France the hopes of the emigrants

revived. They falsely imagined that the powers coalesced against

Napoleon were labouring in their cause; and many of them entered the

Russian and Austrian armies. Of this number was General Dumouriez.

I received information that he had landed at Stade on the 21st of

November; but whither he intended to proceed was not known. A man named

St. Martin, whose wife lived with Dumouriez, and who had accompanied the

general from England to Stade, came to Hamburg, where he observed great

precautions for concealment, and bought two carriages, which were

immediately forwarded to Stade. St, Martin himself immediately proceeded

to the latter place. I was blamed for not having arrested this man; but

he had a commission attesting that he was in the English service, and, as

I have before mentioned; a foreign commission was a safeguard; and the

only one which could not be violated in Hamburg.

In December 1805 the English recruiting in Hanover was kept up without

interruption, and attended with extraordinary success. Sometimes a

hundred men were raised in a day. The misery prevailing in Germany,

which had been ravaged by the war, the hatred against the French, and the

high bounty that was offered enabled the English to procure as many men

as they wished.

The King of Sweden, meditating on the stir he should make in Hanover,

took with him a camp printing-press to publish the bulletins of the grand

Swedish army.--The first of these bulletins announced to Europe that his

Swedish Majesty was about to leave Stralsund; and that his army would

take up its position partly between Nelsen and Haarburg, and partly

between Domitz and the frontiers of Hamburg.

Among the anecdotes of Napoleon connected with this campaign I find in my

notes the following, which was related to me by Rapp. Some days before

his entrance into Vienna Napoleon, who was riding on horseback along the

road, dressed in his usual uniform of the chasseurs of the Guard, met an

open carriage, in which were seated a lady and a priest. The lady was in

tears, and Napoleon could not refrain from stopping to ask her what was

the cause of her distress. "Sir," she replied, for she did not know the

Emperor, "I have been pillaged at my estate, two leagues from hence, by a

party of soldiers, who have murdered my gardener. I am going to seek

your Emperor, who knows my family, to whom he was once under great

obligations."--"What is your name?" inquired Napoleon.--"De Bunny,"

replied the lady. "I am the daughter of M de Marbeuf, formerly Governor

of Corsica."--"Madame," exclaimed Napoleon, "I am the Emperor. I am

delighted to have the opportunity of serving you."--"You cannot

conceive," continued Rapp, "the attention which the Emperor showed Madame

de Bunny. He consoled her, pitied her, almost apologised for the

misfortune she had sustained. 'Will you have the goodness, Madame,' said

he, 'to go and wait for me at my head-quarters? I will join you

speedily; every member of M. de Marbeuf's family has a claim on my

respect.' The Emperor immediately gave her a picquet of chasseurs of his

guard to escort her. He saw her again during the day, when he loaded her

with attentions, and liberally indemnified her for the losses she had

sustained."

For some time previous to the battle of Austerlitz the different corps of

the army intersected every part of Germany and Italy, all tending towards

Vienna as a central point. At the beginning of November the corps

commanded by Marshal Bernadotte arrived at Saltzburg at the moment when

the Emperor had advanced his headquarters to Braunau, where there were

numerous magazines of artillery and a vast quantity of provisions of

every kind. The junction of the corps commanded by Bernadotte in Hanover

with the Grand Army was a point of such high importance that Bonaparte

had directed the Marshal to come up with him as speedily as possible, and

to take the shortest road. This order obliged Bernadotte to pass through

the territory of the two Margravates.

At that time we were at peace with Naples. In September the Emperor had

concluded with Ferdinand IV. a treaty of neutrality. This treaty enabled

Carra St. Cyr, who occupied Naples, to evacuate that city and to join

Massena in Upper Italy; both reached the Grand Army on the 28th of

November. But no sooner had the troops commanded by Carra St. Cyr

quitted the Neapolitan territory than the King of Naples, influenced by

his Ministers, and above all by Queen Caroline, broke the treaty of

neutrality, ordered hostile preparations against France, opened his ports

to the enemies of the Emperor, and received into his States 12,000

Russians and 8000 English. It was on the receipt of this news that

Bonaparte, in one of his most violent bulletins, styled the Queen of

Naples a second Fredegonda. The victory of Austerlitz having given

powerful support to his threats, the fall of Naples was decided, and

shortly after his brother Joseph was seated on the Neapolitan throne.

At length came the grand day when, to use Napoleon's expression, the Sun

of Austerlitz rose. All our forces were concentrated on one point, at

about 40 leagues beyond Vienna. There remained nothing but the wreck of

the Austrian army, the corps of Prince Charles being by scientific

manoeuvres kept at a distance from the line of operations; but the

Russians alone were superior to us in numbers, and their army was almost

entirely composed of fresh troops. The most extraordinary illusion

prevailed in the enemy's camp. The north of Europe has its Gascons as

well as the south of France, and the junior portion of the Russian army

at this period assumed an absurd braggadocio tone. On the very eve of

the battle the Emperor Alexander sent one of his aides de camp, Prince

Dolgorouki, as a flag of truce to Napoleon. The Prince could not repress

his self-sufficiency even in the presence of the Emperor, and Rapp

informed me that on dismissing him the Emperor said, "If you were on 'the

heights of Montmartre,' I would answer such impertinence only by

cannon-balls." This observation was very remarkable, inasmuch as

subsequent events rendered it a prophecy.

As to the battle itself, I can describe it almost as well as if I had

witnessed it, for some time after I had the pleasure of seeing my friend

Rapp, who was sent an a mission to Prussia. He gave me the following

account:

"When we arrived at Austerlitz the Russians were not aware of the

scientific plans which the Emperor had laid for drawing them upon

the ground he had marked out; and seeing our advanced guards fall

back before theirs they already considered themselves conquerors.

They supposed that their Guard alone would secure an easy triumph.

But the action commenced, and they experienced an energetic

resistance on all points. At one o'clock the victory was yet

uncertain, for they fought admirably. They wished to make a last

effort by directing close masses against our centre. Their Imperial

Guard deployed; their artillery, cavalry, and infantry marched upon

a bridge which they attacked, and this movement, which was concealed

by the rising and falling of the ground, was not observed by

Napoleon. I was at that moment near the Emperor, awaiting his

orders. We heard a well-maintained firing of musketry. The

Russians were repulsing one of our brigades. The Emperor ordered me

to take some of the Mamelukes, two squadrons of chasseurs, and one

of grenadiers of the Guard, and to go and reconnoitre the state of

things. I set off at full gallop, and soon discovered the disaster.

The Russian cavalry had penetrated our squares, and was sabring our

men. I perceived in the distance some masses of cavalry and

infantry; which formed the reserve of the Russians. At that moment

the enemy advanced to meet us, bringing with him four pieces of

artillery, and ranged himself in order of battle. I had the brave

Morland on my left, and General D'Allemagne on my right. 'Forward,

my lads!' exclaimed I to my troop. 'See how your brothers and

friends are being cut to pieces. Avenge them! avenge our flag!

Forward!' These few words roused my men. We advanced as swiftly as

our horses could carry us upon the artillery, which was taken. The

enemy's cavalry, which awaited us firmly, was repulsed by the same

shock, and fled in disorder, galloping as we did over the wrecks of

our squares. The Russians rallied but a squadron of horse

grenadiers came up to reinforce me, and thus enabled me to hold

ground against the reserves of the Russian Guard. We charged again,

and this charge was terrible. The brave Morland was killed by my,

side. It was downright butchery. We were opposed man to man, and

were so mingled together that the infantry of neither one nor the

other side could venture to fire for fear of killing its own men.

At length the intrepidity of our troops overcame every obstacle, and

the Russians fled in disorder, in sight of the two Emperors of

Russia and Austria, who had stationed themselves on a height in

order to witness the battle. They saw a desperate one," said Rapp,

"and I trust they were satisfied. For my part, my dear friend, I

never spent so glorious a day. What a reception the Emperor gave me

when I returned to inform him that we had won the battle! My sword

was broken, and a wound which I received on my head was bleeding

copiously, so that I was covered with blood! He made me a General

of Division. The Russians did not return to the charge; we had

taken all their cannon and baggage, and Prince Repnin was among the

prisoners."

Thus it was that Rapp related to me this famous battle of which he was

the hero, as Kellerman had been the hero of Marengo. What now remains of

Austerlitz? The recollection, the glory, and the magnificent picture of

Gerard, the idea of which was suggested to the Emperor by the sight of

Rapp with the blood streaming from his wound.

I cannot forbear relating here a few particulars which I learned from

Rapp respecting his mission after the cure of his wound; and the marriage

of Prince Eugene to the Princess Augusta of Bavaria. The friendship

which Rapp cherished for me was of the most sincere kind. During my

disgrace he did not even conceal it from Napoleon; and whoever knows

anything of the Emperor's Court will acknowledge that that was a greater

mark of courage than the carrying of a redoubt or making the most

brilliant charge of cavalry. Rapp possessed courage of every kind, an

excellent heart, and a downright frankness, which for a time brought him

into disgrace with Napoleon. The only thing for which Rapp could be

reproached was his extreme prejudice against the nobility, which I am

convinced was the sole reason why he was not created a Duke. The Emperor

made him a Count because he wished that all his aides de camp should have

titles.

"He had been a fortnight at Schoenbrunn," said Rapp to me, "and I had

not yet resumed my duties, when the Emperor sent for me. He asked

me whether I was able to travel, and on my replying in the

affirmative, he said, 'Go then, and give an account of the battle of

Austerlitz to Marmont, and vex him for not having been at it.' I set

off, and in conformity with the instructions I had received from the

Emperor I proceeded to Gratz, where I found Marmont, who was indeed

deeply mortified at not having had a share in the great battle.

I told him, as the Emperor had directed me, that the negotiations

were commenced, but that nothing was yet concluded, and that

therefore, at all events, he must hold himself in readiness. I

ascertained the situation of his army in Styria, and the amount of

the enemy's force before him: The Emperor wished him to send a

number of spies into Hungary, and to transmit to him a detailed

report from their communications. I next proceeded to Laybach,

where I found Massena at the head of the eighth corps, and I

informed him that the Emperor wished him to march in all haste upon

Vienna, in case he should hear of the rupture of the negotiations.

I continued the itinerary marked out for me until I reached Venice,

and thence till I met the troops of Carra St. Cyr, who had received

orders to march back upon Naples as soon as the Emperor heard of the

treachery of the King of Naples and the landing of the English and

Russians. Having fulfilled these different missions I proceeded to

Klagenfurth, where I saw Marshal Ney, and I afterwards rejoined the

Emperor at Munich. There I had the pleasure of finding our friends

assembled, and among them Josephine, still as affable and amiable as

ever. How delighted I was when, an my arrival, I learned that the

Emperor had adopted Eugene. I was present at his marriage with the

Princess Augusta of Bavaria. As to me, you know I am not very fond

of fetes, and the Emperor might have dispensed with my performing

the duties of Chamberlain; Eugene had no idea of what was going on

when the Emperor sent to desire his presence at Munich with all

possible speed. He, too, remains unchanged; he is still our old

comrade. At first he was not much pleased with the idea of a

political marriage; but when he saw his bride he was quite

enchanted; and no wonder, for I assure you she is a very charming

woman."

CHAPTER IV.

1805.

Depreciation of the Bank paper--Ouvrard--His great discretion--

Bonaparte's opinion of the rich--Ouvrard's imprisonment--His

partnership with the King of Spain--His connection with Waalenberghe

and Desprez--Bonaparte's return to Paris after the campaign of

Vienna--Hasty dismissal of M. Barbe Marbois.

At the moment when the Emperor had reason to hope that the news of his

extraordinary success would animate public spirit he was informed that

considerable disquietude prevailed, and that the Bank of France was

assailed by demands for the payment of its paper, which had fallen, more

than 5 per cent. I was not ignorant of the cause of this decline. I had

been made acquainted, through the commercial correspondence between

Hamburg and Paris, with a great financial operation, planned by M.

Ouvrard, in consequence of which he was to obtain piastres from Spanish

America at a price much below the real value; and I had learned that he

was obliged to support this enterprise by the funds which he and his

partners previously employed in victualling the forces. A fresh

investment of capital was therefore necessary for this service, which,

when on a large scale, requires extensive advances, and the tardy payment

of the Treasury at that period was well known.

I was well acquainted with M. Ouvrard, and in what I am about to say I do

not think there will be found anything offensive or disagreeable to him.

I observed the greater number of the facts to which I shall refer in

their origin, and the rest I learned from M. Ouvrard himself, who, when

he visited Hamburg in 1808, communicated to me a variety of details

respecting his immense transaction with the King of Spain. Among other

things I recollect he told me that hefore the 18th Brumaire he was

possessed of 60,000,000, without owing a franc to any person.

This celebrated financier has been the object of great public attention.

The prodigious variations of fortune which he has experienced, the

activity of his life, the immense commercial operations in which he has

been engaged; the extent and the boldness of his enterprises, render it

necessary, in forming a judgment of M. Ouvrard, to examine his conduct

with due care and deliberation. The son of a stationer, who was able

merely through his own resources to play so remarkable a part, could be

no ordinary man. It may be said of M. Ouvrard what Beaumarchais said of

himself, that his life was really a combat. I have known him long, and I

saw much of him in his relations with Josephine. He always appeared to

me to possess great knowledge of the world, accompanied by honourable

principles, and a high degree of generosity, which added greatly to the

value of his prudence and discretion. No human power, no consideration,

not even the ingratitude of those whom he had obliged, could induce him

to disclose any sacrifice which he had made at the time when, under the

Directory, the public revenue may be said to have been always at the

disposal of the highest bidder, and when no business could be brought to

a conclusion except by him who set about it with his hands full of money.

To this security, with which M. Ouvrard impressed all official persons

who rendered him services, I attribute the facility with which he

obtained the direction of the numerous enterprises in which he engaged,

and which produced so many changes in his fortune. The discretion of M.

Ouvrard was not quite agreeable to the First Consul, who found it

impossible to extract from him the information he wanted. He tried every

method to obtain from him the names of persons to whom he had given those

kind of subsidies which in vulgar language are called sops in the pan,

and by ladies pin money. Often have I seen Bonaparte resort to every

possible contrivance to gain his object. He would sometimes endeavour to

alarm M. Ouvrard by menaces, and at other times to flatter him by

promises, but he was in no instance successful.

While we were at the Luxembourg, on, as I recollect, the 25th of January

1800, Bonaparte said to me during breakfast, "Bourrienne, my resolution

is taken. I shall have Ouvrard arrested."--"General, have you proofs

against him?"--"Proofs, indeed! He is a money-dealer, a monopoliser; we

must make him disgorge. All the contractors, the provision agents, are

rogues. How have they made their fortunes? At the expense of the

country, to be sure. I will not suffer such doings. They possess

millions, they roll in an insolent luxury, while my soldiers have neither

bread nor shoes! I will have no more of that! I intend to speak on the

business to-day in the Council, and we shall see what can be done."

I waited with impatience for his return from the Council to know what had

passed. "Well, General?" said I "The order is given." On hearing this

I became anxious about the fate of M. Ouvrard, who was thus to be treated

more like a subject of the Grand Turk than a citizen of the Republic; but

I soon learned that the order had not been executed because he could not

be found.

Next day I learned that a person, whom I shall not name, who was present

at the Council, and who probably was under obligations to Ouvrard, wrote

him a note in pencil to inform him of the vote for his arrest carried by

the First Consul. This individual stepped out for a moment and

despatched his servant with the note to Ouvrard. Having thus escaped the

writ of arrest, Ouvrard, after a few days had passed over, reappeared,

and surrendered himself prisoner. Bonaparte was at first furious on

learning that he had got out of the way; but on hearing that Ouvrard had

surrendered himself he said to me, "The fool! he does not know what is

awaiting him! He wishes to make the public believe that he has nothing

to fear; that his hands are clean. But he is playing a bad game; he will

gain nothing in that way with me. All talking is nonsense. You may be

sure, Bourrienne, that when a man has so much money he cannot have got it

honestly, and then all those fellows are dangerous with their fortunes.

In times of revolution no man ought to have more than 3,000,000 francs,

and that is a great deal too much."

Before going to prison Ouvrard took care to secure against all the

searches of the police any of his papers which might have committed

persons with whom he had dealings; and I believe that there were

individuals connected with the police itself who had good reason for not

regretting the opportunity which M. Ouvrard had taken for exercising this

precaution. Seals, however, were put upon his papers; but on examining

them none of the information Bonaparte so much desired to obtain was

found. Nevertheless on one point his curiosity was satisfied, for on

looking over the documents he found from some of them that Madame

Bonaparte had been borrowing money from Ouvrard.

As Ouvrard had a great number of friends they bestirred themselves to get

some person of influence to speak to the First Consul in his favour.

But this was a commission no one was willing to undertake; because,

prejudiced as Bonaparte was, the least hint of the kind would have

appeared to him to be dictated by private interest. Berthier was very

earnestly urged to interfere, but he replied, "That is impossible. He

would say that it was underhand work to get money for Madame Visconti."

I do not recollect to what circumstance Ouvrard was indebted for his

liberty, but it is certain that his captivity did not last long.

Sometime after he had left his prison Bonaparte asked him for 12,000,000,

which M. Ouvrard refused.

On his accession to the Consulate Bonaparte found M. Ouvrard contractor

for supplying the Spanish fleet under the command of Admiral Massaredo.

This business introduced him to a correspondence with the famous Godoy,

Prince of the Peace. The contract lasted three years, and M. Ouvrard

gained by it a net profit of 15,000,000. The money was payable in

piastres, at the rate of 3 francs and some centimes each, though the

piastre was really worth 5 francs 40 centimes. But to recover it at this

value it was necessary for M. Ouvrard to go and get the money in Mexico.

This he was much inclined to do, but he apprehended some obstacle on the

part of the First Consul, and, notwithstanding his habitual shrewdness,

he became the victim of his over-precaution. On his application M. de

Talleyrand undertook to ask the First Consul for authority to give him a

passport. I was in the cabinet at the time, and I think I still hear the

dry and decided "No," which was all the answer M. de Talleyrand

obtained. When we were alone the First Consul said to me, "Do you not

see, Bourrienne, this Ouvrard must have made a good thing of his business

with the Prince of the Peace? But the fool! Why did he get Talleyrand

to ask me for a passport? That is the very thing that raised my

suspicion. Why did he not apply for a passport as every one else does?

Have I the giving of them? He is an ass; so much the worse for him."

I was sorry for Ouvrard's disappointment, and I own none the less so

because he had intimated his willingness to give me a share in the

business he was to transact its Spain; and which was likely to be very

profitable. His brother went to Mexico in his stead.

In 1802 a dreadful scarcity afflicted France. M. Ouvrard took upon

himself, in concert with Wanlerberghe, the task of importing foreign

grain to prevent the troubles which might otherwise have been expected.

In payment of the grain the foreign houses who sent it drew upon Ouvrard

and Wanlerberghe for 26,000,000 francs in Treasury bills, which,

according to the agreement with the Government, were to be paid. But

when the bills of the foreign houses became due there was no money in the

Treasury, and payment was refused. After six months had elapsed payment

was offered, but on condition that the Government should retain half the

profit of the commission! This Ouvrard and Wanlerberghe refused, upon

which the Treasury thought it most economical to pay nothing, and the

debt remained unsettled. Notwithstanding this transaction Ouvrard and

Wanlerberghe engaged to victual the navy, which they supplied for six

years and three months. After the completion of these different services

the debt due to them amounted to 68,000,000.

In consequence of the long delay of, payment by the Treasury the

disbursements for supplies of grain amounted at least to more than

40,000,000; and the difficulties which arose had a serious effect on the

credit of the principal dealers with those persons who supplied them.

The discredit spread and gradually reached the Treasury, the

embarrassments of which augmented with the general alarm. Ouvrard,

Wanlerberghe, and Seguin were the persons whose capital and credit

rendered them most capable of relieving the Treasury, and they agreed to

advance for that purpose 102,000,000, in return for which they were

allowed bonds of the Receivers-General to the amount of 150,000,000. M.

Desprez undertook to be the medium through which the 102,000,000 were to

be paid into the Treasury, and the three partners transferred the bands

to him.

Spain had concluded a treaty with France, by which she was bound to pay a

subsidy of 72,000,000 francs, and 32,000,000 had become due without any

payment being made: It was thought advisable that Ouvrard should be sent

to Madrid to obtain a settlement, but he was afraid that his business in

Paris would suffer during his absence, and especially the transaction in

which he was engaged with Desprez. The Treasury satisfied him on this

point by agreeing to sanction the bargain with Desprez, and Ouvrard

proceeded to Madrid. It was on this occasion he entered into the immense

speculation for trading with Spanish America.

Spain wished to pay the 32,000,000 which were due to France as soon as

possible, but her coffers were empty, and goodwill does not ensure

ability; besides, in addition to the distress of the Government, there

was a dreadful famine in Spain. In this state of things Ouvrard proposed

to the Spanish Government to pay the debt due to France, to import a

supply of corn, and to advance funds for the relief of the Spanish

Treasury. For this he required two conditions. (1.) The exclusive right

of trading with America. (2.) The right of bringing from America on his

own account all the specie belonging to the Crown, with the power of

making loans guaranteed and payable by the Spanish Treasuries.

About the end of July 1805 the embarrassment which sometime before had

begun to be felt in the finances of Europe was alarmingly augmented.

Under these circumstances it was obviously the interest of Ouvrard to

procure payment as soon as possible of the 32,000,000 which he had

advanced for Spain to the French Treasury. He therefore redoubled his

efforts to bring his negotiation to a favourable issue, and at last

succeeded in getting a deed of partnership between himself and Charles

IV. which contained the following stipulation:--"Ouvrard and Company are

authorised to introduce into the ports of the New World every kind of

merchandise and production necessary for the consumption of those

countries, and to export from the Spanish Colonies, during the

continuance of the war with England; all the productions and all specie

derivable from them." This treaty was only to be in force during the war

with England, and it was stipulated that the profits arising from the

transactions of the Company should be equally divided between Charles IV.

and the rest of the Company; that is to say, one-half to the King and the

other half to his partners.

The consequences of this extraordinary partnership between a King and a

private individual remain to be stated. On the signing of the deed

Ouvrard received drafts from the Treasury of Madrid to the extent of

52,500,000 piastres; making 262,500,000 francs; but the piastres were to

be brought from America, while the terms of the treaty required that the

urgent wants of the Spanish Government should be immediately supplied,

and, above all, the progress of the famine checked. To accomplish this

object fresh advances to an enormous amount were necessary, for M.

Ouvrard had to begin by furnishing 2,000,000 of quintals of grain at the

rate of 26 francs the quintal. Besides all this, before he could realise

a profit and be reimbursed for the advances he had made to the Treasury

of Paris, he had to get the piastres conveyed from America to Europe.

After some difficulty the English Government consented to facilitate the

execution of the transaction by furnishing four frigates for the

conveyance of the piastres.

Ouvrard had scarcely completed the outline of his extraordinary

enterprise when the Emperor suddenly broke up his camp at Boulogne to

march to Germany. It will readily be conceived that Ouvrard's interests

then imperatively required his presence at Madrid; but he was recalled to

Paris by the Minister of the Treasury, who wished to adjust his accounts.

The Emperor wanted money for the war on which he was entering, and to

procure it for the Treasury Ouvrard was sent to Amsterdam to negotiate

with the House of Hope. He succeeded, and Mr. David Parish became the

Company's agent.

Having concluded this business Ouvrard returned in all haste to Madrid;

but in the midst of the most flattering hopes and most gigantic

enterprises he suddenly found himself threatened with a dreadful crisis.

M. Desprez, as has been stated, had, with the concurrence of the

Treasury, been allowed to take upon himself all the risk of executing the

treaty, by which 150,000,000 were to be advanced for the year 1804, and

400,000,000 for the year 1805. Under the circumstances which had arisen

the Minister of the Treasury considered himself entitled to call upon

Ouvrard to place at his disposal 10,000,000 of the piastres which he had

received from Spain. The Minister at the same time informed him that he

had made arrangements on the faith of this advance, which he thought

could not be refused at so urgent a moment.

The embarrassment of the Treasury, and the well-known integrity of the

Minister, M. de Barbe Marbois, induced Ouvrard to remit the 10,000,000

piastres. But a few days after he had forwarded the money a Commissioner

of the Treasury arrived at Madrid with a ministerial despatch, in which

Ouvrard was requested to deliver to the Commissioner all the assets he

could command, and to return immediately to Paris.

The Treasury was then in the greatest difficulty, and a general alarm

prevailed. This serious financial distress was occasioned by the

following circumstances. The Treasury had, by a circular, notified to

the Receivers-General that Desprez was the holder of their bonds. They

were also authorised to transmit to him all their disposable funds, to be

placed to their credit in an account current. Perhaps the giving of this

authority was a great error; but, be that as it may, Desprez, encouraged

by the complaisance of the Treasury, desired the Receivers-General to

transmit to him all the sums they could procure for payment of interest

under 8 per cent., promising to allow them a higher rate of interest. As

the credit of the house of Desprez stood high, it may be easily conceived

that on such conditions the Receivers-General, who were besides secured

by the authority of the Treasury, would enter eagerly into the proposed

plan. In short, the Receivers-General soon transmitted very considerable

sums. Chests of money arrived daily from every point of France.

Intoxicated by this success, Desprez engaged in speculations which in his

situation were extremely imprudent. He lent more than 50,000,000 to the

merchants of Paris, which left him no command of specie. Being obliged

to raise money, he deposited with the Bank the bonds of the

Receivers-General which had been consigned to him, but which were already

discharged by the sums transmitted to their credit in the account

current. The Bank, wishing to be reimbursed for the money advanced to

Desprez, applied to the Receivers-General whose bonds were held an

security. This proceeding had become necessary on the part of the Bank,

as Desprez, instead of making his payments in specie, sent in his

acceptances. The Directors of the Bank, who conducted that establishment

with great integrity and discretion, began to be alarmed, and required

Desprez to explain the state of his affairs. The suspicions of the

Directors became daily stronger, and were soon shared by the public. At

last the Bank was obliged to stop payment, and its notes were soon at a

discount of 12 per cent.

The Minister of the Treasury, dismayed, as well may be supposed, at such

a state of things during the Emperor's absence, convoked a Council, at

which Joseph Bonaparte presided, and to which Desprez and Wanlerberghe

were summoned. Ouvrard being informed of this financial convulsion made

all possible haste from Madrid, and on his arrival at Paris sought

assistance from Amsterdam. Hope's house offered to take 15,000,000

piastres at the rate of 3 francs 75 centimes each. Ouvrard having

engaged to pay the Spanish Government only 3 francs, would very willingly

have parted with them at that rate, but his hasty departure from Madrid,

and the financial events at Paris, affected his relations with the

Spanish Treasury, and rendered it impossible for him to afford any

support to the Treasury of France; thus the alarm continued, until the

news of the battle of Austerlitz and the consequent hope of peace

tranquillised the public mind. The bankruptcy of Desprez was dreadful;

it was followed by the failure of many houses, the credit of which was

previously undoubted.

To temper the exultation which victory was calculated to excite, the news

of the desperate situation of the Treasury and the Bank reached the

Emperor on the day after the battle of Austerlitz. The alarming accounts

which he received hastened his return to France; and on the very evening

on which he arrived in Paris he pronounced, while ascending the stairs of

the Tuileries, the dismissal of M. de Barbs Marbois. This Minister had

made numerous enemies by the strict discharge of his duty, and yet,

notwithstanding his rigid probity, he sunk under the accusation of having

endangered the safety of the State by weakness of character. At this

period even Madame de Stael said, in a party where the firmness of M.

Barbs Marbois was the topic of conversation--"What, he inflexible? He is

only a reed bronzed!" But whatever may be the opinion entertained of the

character of this Minister, it is certain that Napoleon's rage against

him was unbounded. Such was the financial catastrophe which occurred

during the campaign of Vienna; but all was not over with Ouvrard, and in

so great a confusion of affairs it was not to be expected that the

Imperial hand, which was not always the hand of justice, should not make

itself somewhere felt.

In the course of the month of February 1806 the Emperor issued two

decrees, in which he declared Ouvrard, Wanlerberghe, and Michel,

contractors for the service of 1804, and Desprez their agent, debtors to

the amount of 87,000,000, which they had misapplied in private

speculations, and in transactions with Spain "for their personal

interests." Who would not suppose from this phrase that Napoleon had

taken no part whatever in the great financial operation between Spain and

South America? He was, however, intimately acquainted with it, and was

himself really and personally interested. But whenever any enterprise

was unsuccessful he always wished to deny all connection with it.

Possessed of title-deeds made up by himself--that is to say, his own

decrees--the Emperor seized all the piastres and other property belonging

to the Company, and derived from the transaction great pecuniary

advantage,--though such advantage never could be regarded by a sovereign

as any compensation for the dreadful state into which the public credit

had been brought.

CHAPTER V

1805-1806.

Declaration of Louis XVIII.--Dumouriez watched--News of a spy--

Remarkable trait of courage and presence of mind--Necessity of

vigilance at Hamburg--The King of Sweden--His bulletins--Doctor Gall

--Prussia covets Hamburg--Projects on Holland--Negotiations for

peace--Mr. Fox at the head of the British Cabinet--Intended

assassination of Napoleon--Propositions made through Lord Yarmouth

--Proposed protection of the Hanse towns--Their state--

Aggrandisement of the Imperial family--Neither peace nor war--

Sebastiani's mission to Constantinople--Lord Lauderdale at Paris,

and failure of the negotiations--Austria despoiled--Emigrant

pensions--Dumouriez's intrigues--Prince of Mecklenburg-Schwerin--

Loizeau.

I have been somewhat diffuse respecting the vast enterprises of M.

Ouvrard, and on the disastrous state of the finances during the campaign

of Vienna. Now, if I may so express myself, I shall return to the

Minister Plenipotentiary's cabinet, where several curious transactions

occurred. The facts will not always be given in a connected series,

because there was no more relation between the reports which I received

on a great variety of subjects than there is in the pleading of the

barristers who succeed each other in a court of justice.

On the 2d of January 1806 I learned that many houses in Hamburg had

received by post packets, each containing four copies of a declaration of

Louis XVIII. Dumouriez had his carriage filled with copies of this

declaration when he passed through Brunswick; and in that small town

alone more than 3000 were distributed. The size of this declaration

rendered its transmission by post very easy, even in France.

All my letters from the Minister recommended that I should keep a strict

watch over the motions of Dumouriez; but his name was now as seldom

mentioned as if he had ceased to exist. The part he acted seemed to be

limited to disseminating pamphlets more or less insignificant.

It is difficult to conceive the great courage and presence of mind

sometimes found in men so degraded as are the wretches who fill the

office of spies. I had an agent amongst the Swedo-Russians, named

Chefneux, whom I had always found extremely clever and correct. Having

for a long time received no intelligence from him I became very

anxious,--an anxiety which was not without foundation. He had, in fact,

been arrested at Lauenburg, and conducted, bound, tied hand and foot, by

some Cossacks to Luneburg. There was found on him a bulletin which he

was about to transmit to me, and he only escaped certain death by having

in his possession a letter of recommendation from a Hamburg merchant

well known to M. Alopaeus, the Russian Minister in that city. This

precaution, which I had taken before he set out, saved his life. M.

Alopaeus replied to the merchant that, in consequence of his

recommendation the spy should be sent back safe and sound, but that

another time neither the recommended nor the recommender should escape

so easily. Notwithstanding this, Chefneux would certainly have paid with

his head for the dangerous business in which he was embarked but for the

inconceivable coolness he displayed under the most trying circumstances.

Though the bulletin which was found upon him was addressed to M.

Schramm, merchant, they strongly suspected that it was intended for me.

They demanded of the prisoner whether he knew me; to which he boldly

replied that he had never seen me. They endeavoured, by every possible

means, to extort a confession from him, but without success. His

repeated denials, joined to the name of M. Schramm, created doubts in

the minds of his interrogators; they hesitated lest they should condemn

an innocent man. They, however, resolved to make a last effort to

discover the truth, and Chefneux, condemned to be shot, was conducted to

the plain of Luneburg. His eyes were bandaged, and he heard the command

of preparation given to the platoon, which was to fire upon him; at that

moment a man approaching him whispered in his ear, in a tone of

friendship and compassion, "They are going to fire; but I am your

friend; only acknowledge that you know M. de Bourrienne and you are

safe."--"No," replied Chefneux in a firm tone; "if I said so I should

tell a falsehood." Immediately the bandage was removed from his eyes,

and he was set at liberty. It would be difficult to cite a more

extraordinary instance of presence of mind.

Much as I execrate the system of espionage I am nevertheless compelled to

admit that the Emperor was under the necessity of maintaining the most

unremitting vigilance amidst the intrigues which were going forward in

the neighbourhood of Hamburg, especially when the English, Swedes, and

Russians were in arms, and there were the strongest grounds for

suspecting the sincerity of Prussia.

On the 5th of January 1806 the King of Sweden arrived before the gates of

Hamburg. The Senate of that city, surrounded on all sides by English,

Swedish, and Russian troops, determined to send a deputation to

congratulate the Swedish monarch, who, however, hesitated so long about

receiving this homage that fears were entertained lest his refusal should

be followed by some act of aggression. At length, however, the deputies

were admitted, and they returned sufficiently well satisfied with their

reception.

The King of Sweden then officially declared, "That all the arrangements

entered into with relation to Hanover had no reference to hint, as the

Swedish army was under the immediate command of its august sovereign."

The King, with his 6000 men, seemed inclined to play the part of the

restorer of Germany, and to make himself the Don Quixote of the treaty of

Westphalia. He threatened the Senate of Hamburg with the whole weight of

his anger, because on my application the colours which used to be

suspended over the door of the house for receiving Austrian recruits had

been removed. The poor Senate of Hamburg was kept in constant alarm by

so dangerous a neighbour.

The King of Sweden had his headquarters at Boetzenburg, on the northern

bank of the Elbe. In order to amuse himself he sent for Dr. Gall, who

was at Hamburg, where he delivered lectures on his system of phrenology,

which was rejected in the beginning by false science and prejudice, and

afterwards adopted in consequence of arguments, in my opinion,

unanswerable. I had the pleasure of living some time with Dr. Gall, and

I owe to the intimacy which subsisted between us the honour he conferred

on me by the dedication of one of his works. I said to him, when he

departed for the headquarters of the King of Sweden, "My dear doctor, you

will certainly discover the bump of vanity." The truth is, that had the

doctor at that period been permitted to examine the heads of the

sovereigns of Europe they would have afforded very curious craniological

studies.

It was not the King of Sweden alone who gave uneasiness to Hamburg; the

King of Prussia threatened to seize upon that city, and his Minister

publicly declared that it would very soon belong to his master. The

Hamburgers were deeply afflicted at this threat; in fact, next to the

loss of their independence, their greatest misfortune would have been to

fall under the dominion of Prussia, as the niggardly fiscal system of the

Prussian Government at that time would have proved extremely detrimental

to a commercial city. Hanover, being evacuated by the French troops, had

become a kind of recruiting mart for the British army, where every man

who presented himself was enrolled, to complete the Hanoverian legion

which was then about to be embodied. The English scattered gold by

handfuls. One hundred and fifty carriages, each with six horses, were

employed in this service, which confirmed me in the belief I had

previously entertained, that the English were to join with the Russians

in an expedition against Holland. The aim of the Anglo-Russians was to

make a diversion which might disconcert the movements of the French

armies in Germany, the allies being at that time unacquainted with the

peace concluded at Presburg. Not a moment was therefore to be lost in

uniting the whole of our disposable force for the defence of Holland; but

it is not of this expedition that I mean to speak at present. I only

mention it to afford some idea of our situation at Hamburg, surrounded,

as we then were, by Swedish, English, and Russian troops. At this period

the Russian Minister at Hamburg, M. Forshmann, became completely insane;

his conduct had been more injurious than advantageous to his Government.

He was replaced by M. Alopcous, the Russian Minister at Berlin; and they

could not have exchanged a fool for a more judicious and able

diplomatist.

I often received from the Minister of Marine letters said packets to

transmit to the Isle of France,(Mauritius) of which the Emperor was

extremely anxious to retain possession; and I had much trouble in finding

any vessels prepared for that colony by which I could forward the

Minister's communications. The death of Pitt and the appointment of

Fox as his successor had created a hope of peace. It was universally

known that Mr. Fox, in succeeding to his office, did not inherit the

furious hatred of the deceased Minister against France and her Emperor.

There moreover existed between Napoleon and Mr. Fox a reciprocal esteem,

and the latter had shown himself really disposed to treat. The

possibility of concluding a peace had always been maintained by that

statesman when he was in opposition to Mr. Pitt; and Bonaparte himself

might have been induced, from the high esteem he felt for Mr. Fox, to

make concessions from which he would before have recoiled. But there

were two obstacles, I may say almost insurmountable ones. The first was

the conviction on the part of England that any peace which might be made

would only be a truce, and that Bonaparte would never seriously

relinquish his desire of universal dominion. On the other side, it was

believed that Napoleon had formed the design of invading England. Had he

been able to do so it would have been less with the view of striking a

blow at her commerce and destroying her maritime power, than of

annihilating the liberty of the press, which he had extinguished in his

own dominions. The spectacle of a free people, separated only by six

leagues of sea, was, according to him, a seductive example to the French,

especially to those among them who bent unwillingly under his yoke.

At an early period of Mr. Fox's ministry a Frenchman made the proposition

to him of assassinating the Emperor, of which information was immediately

transmitted to M. de Talleyrand. In this despatch the Minister said

that, though the laws of England did not authorise the permanent

detention of any individual not convicted of a crime, he had on this

occasion taken it on himself to secure the miscreant till such time as

the French Government could be put on its guard against his attempts.

Mr. Fox said in his letter that he had at first done this individual "the

honour to take him for a spy," a phrase which sufficiently indicated the

disgust with which the British Minister viewed him.

This information was the key which opened the door to new negotiations.

M. de Talleyrand was ordered to express, in reply to the communication of

Mr. Fox, that the Emperor was sensibly affected at the index it afforded

of the principles by which the British Cabinet was actuated. Napoleon

did not limit himself to this diplomatic courtesy; he deemed it a

favourable occasion to create a belief that he was actuated by a sincere

love of peace. He summoned to Paris Lord Yarmouth, one of the most

distinguished amongst the English who had been so unjustly detained

prisoners at Verdun on the rupture of the peace of Amiens. He gave his

lordship instructions to propose to the British Government a new form of

negotiations, offering to guarantee to England the Cape of Good Hope and

Malta. Some have been inclined from this concession to praise the

moderation of Bonaparte; others to blame him for offering to resign these

two places, as if the Cape and Malta could be put in competition with the

title of Emperor, the foundation of the Kingdom of Italy, the acquisition

of Genoa and of all the Venetian States, the dethronement of the King of

Naples and the gift of his kingdom to Joseph, and finally, the new

partition of Germany. These transactions, of which Bonaparte said not a

word, and from which he certainly had no intention of departing, were all

long after the treaty of Amiens.

Every day brought with it fresh proofs of insatiable ambition. In fact,

Napoleon longed to obtain possession of the Hanse Towns. I was, however,

in the first place, merely charged to make overtures to the Senates of

each of these towns, and to point out the advantages they would derive

from the protection of Napoleon in exchange for the small sacrifice of

6,000,000 francs in his favour. I had on this subject numerous

conferences with the magistrates: they thought the sum too great,

representing, to me that the city was not so rich as formerly, because

their commerce had been much curtailed by the war; in short, the Senate

declared that, with the utmost goodwill, their circumstances would not

permit them to accept the "generous proposal" of the Emperor.

I was myself, indeed, at a loss to conceive how the absurdity of

employing me to make such a proposition was overlooked, for I had, really

no advantage to offer in return to the Hanse Towns. Against whom did

Bonaparte propose to protect them? The truth is, Napoleon then wished to

seize these towns by direct aggression, which, however, he was not able

to accomplish until four years afterwards.

During five years I witnessed the commercial importance of these cities,

and especially of Hamburg. Its geographical situation, on a great river

navigable by large vessels to the city, thirty leagues from the mouth of

the Elbe; the complete independence it enjoyed; its municipal regulations

and paternal government, were a few amongst the many causes which had

raised Hamburg to its enviable height of prosperity. What, in fact, was

the population of these remnants of the grand Hanseatic League of the

Middle Ages? The population of Hamburg when I was there amounted to

90,000, and that of its small surrounding territory to 25,000. Bremen

had 36,000 inhabitants, and 9000 in its territory; the city of Lubeck,

which is smaller and its territory a little more extensive than that of

Bremen, contained a population of 24,000 souls within and 16,000 without

the walls. Thus the total population of the Hanse Towns amounted to only

200,000 individuals; and yet this handful of men carried on an extensive

commerce, and their ships ploughed every sea, from the shores of India to

the frozen regions of Greenland.

The Emperor arrived at Paris towards the end of January 1806. Having

created kings in Germany he deemed the moment favourable for surrounding

his throne with new princes. It was at this period that he created

Murat, Grand Duke of Cleves and Berg; Bernadotte, Prince of Ponte-Corvo;

M. de Talleyrand, Duke of Benevento; and his two former colleagues,

Cambaceres and Lebrun, Dukes of Parma and Piacenza. He also gave to his

sister Pauline, a short time after her second marriage with the Prince

Borghese, the title of Duchess of Guastalla. Strange events! who could

then have foreseen that the duchy of Cambaceres would become the refuge

of a Princess of Austria, the widowed wife of Napoleon Bonaparte?

In the midst of the prosperity of the Imperial family, when the eldest of

the Emperor's brothers had ascended the throne of Naples, when Holland

was on the eve of being offered to Louis, and Jerome had exchanged his

legitimate wife for the illegitimate throne of Westphalia, the Imperial

pillow was still far from being free from anxiety. Hostilities did not

actually exist with the Continental powers; but this momentary state of

repose lacked the tranquillity of peace. France was at war with Russia

and England, and the aspect of the Continent presented great uncertainty,

while the treaty of Vienna had only been executed in part. In the

meantime Napoleon turned his eyes towards the East. General Sebastiani

was sent to Constantinople. The measures be pursued and his judicious

conduct justified the choice of the Emperor. He was adroit and

conciliating, and peace with Turkey was the result of his mission. The

negotiations with England did not terminate so happily, although, after

the first overtures made to Lord Yarmouth, the Earl of Lauderdale had

been sent to Paris by Mr. Fox. In fact, these negotiations wholly

failed. The Emperor had drawn enormous sums from Austria, without

counting the vases, statues, and pictures. With which he decorated the

Louvre, and the bronze with which he clothed the column of the Place

Vendome,--in my opinion the finest monument of his reign and the most

beautiful one in Paris. As Austria was exhausted all the contributions

imposed on her could not be paid in cash, and they gave the Emperor bills

in payment. I received one for about 7,000,000 on Hamburg on account of

the stipulations of the treaty of Presburg.

The affairs of the Bourbon Princes became more and more unfavourable, and

their finances, as well as their chances of success, were so much

diminished that about this period it was notified to the emigrants in

Brunswick that the pretender (Louis XVIII.) had no longer the means of

continuing their pensions. This produced great consternation amongst

those emigrants, many of whom had no other means of existence; and

notwithstanding their devotion to the cause of royalty they found a

pension very useful in strengthening their zeal.

--[When Louis XVIII. returned to France, and Fouche was his Minister

of Police, the King asked Fouche whether during his (the King's)

exile, had not set spies over him, and who they were. Fouche

hesitated to reply, but the King insisting he said: "If your Majesty

presses for an answer, it was the Due de Blacas to whom this matter

was confided."--"And how much did you pay him?" said the King.

"Deux cents mille livres de rents, Sire."--"Ah, so!" said the King,

"then he has played fair; we went halves."--Henry Greville's Diary,

p. 430.]--

Amongst those emigrants was one whose name will occupy a certain place in

history; I mean Dumouriez, of whom I have already spoken, and who had for

some time employed himself in distributing pamphlets. He was then at

Stralsund; and it was believed that the King of Sweden would give him a

command. The vagrant life of this general, who ran everywhere hegging

employment from the enemies of his country without being able to obtain

it, subjected him to general ridicule; in fact, he was everywhere

despised.

To determine the difficulties which had arisen with regard to Holland,

which Dumouriez dreamed of conquering with an imaginary army, and being

discontented besides with the Dutch for not rigorously excluding English

vessels from their ports, the Emperor constituted the Batavian territory

a kingdom under his brother Louis. When I notified to the States of the

circle of Lower Saxony the accession of Louis Bonaparte to the throne of

Holland, and the nomination of Cardinal Fesch as coadjutor and successor

of the Arch-chancellor of the Germanic Empire, along with their official

communications, the Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin was the only member of

the circle who forebore to reply, and I understood he had applied to the

Court of Russia to know "whether" and "how" he should reply. At the same

time he made known to the Emperor the marriage of his daughter, the

Princess Charlotte Frederica, with Prince Christian Frederick of Denmark.

At this period it would have been difficult to foresee the way in which

this union would terminate. The Prince was young and handsome, and of an

amiable disposition, which seemed to indicate that he would prove a good

husband. As for the Princess, she was as beautiful as love; but she was

heedless and giddy; in fact, she was a spoiled child. She adored her

husband, and during several years their union proved happy. I had the

honour of knowing them at the period when the Duke of Mecklenburg, with

his family, sought refuge at Altona. Before leaving that town the

Duchess of Mecklenburg, a Princess of Saxony, paid a visit to Madame de

Bourrienne and loaded her with civilities. This Princess was perfectly

amiable, and was therefore generally regretted when, two years

afterwards, death snatched her from her family. Before leaving Altona

the Duke of Mecklenburg gave some parties by way of bidding adieu to

Holstein, where he had been so kindly received; and I can never forget

the distinguished reception and many kindnesses Madame de Bourrienne and

myself received from that illustrious family.

It consisted of the hereditary Prince, so distinguished by his talents

and acquirements (he was at that time the widower of a Grand Duchess of

Russia, a sister of the Emperor Alexander), of Prince Gustavus, so

amiable and graceful, and of Princess Charlotte and her husband, the

Prince Royal of Denmark.

This happy couple were far from foreseeing that in two years they would

be separated for ever. The Princess was at this period in all the

splendour of her beauty; several fetes were given on her account on the

banks of the Elbe, at which the Prince always opened the ball with Madame

de Bourrienne. Notwithstanding her amiability the Princess Charlotte was

no favourite at the Danish Court. Intrigues were formed against her. I

know not whether any foundation existed for the calumnies spread to her

disadvantage, but the Court dames accused her of great levity of conduct,

which, true or false, obliged her husband to separate from her; and at

the commencement of 1809 he sent her to Altona, attended by a chamberlain

and a maid of honour. On her arrival she was in despair; hers was not a

silent grief, for she related her story to every one. This unfortunate

woman really attracted pity, as she shed tears for her son, three years

of age, whom she was doomed never again to behold. But her natural

levity returned; she did not always maintain the reserve suitable to her

rank, and some months afterwards was sent into Jutland, where I believe

she still lives.

The enemies of the French Government did not confine themselves to

writing and publishing invectives against it. More than one wretch was

ready to employ daggers against the Emperor. Among this number was a man

named Louis Loizeau, recently arrived from London. He repaired to

Altona, there to enjoy the singular privilege which that city afforded of

sheltering all the ruffians, thieves, and bankrupts who fled from the

justice of their own Governments. On the 17th of July Loizeau presented

himself to Comte de Gimel, who resided at Altona, as the agent of the

Comte de Lille. He offered to repair to Paris and assassinate the

Emperor. Comte de Gimel rejected the proposal with indignation; and

replied, that if he had no other means of serving the Bourbons than

cowardly assassination he might go elsewhere and find confederates. This

fact, which was communicated to me by a friend of M. de Gimel, determined

me to arrest Loizeau. Not being warranted, however, to take this step at

Altona, I employed a trusty agent to keep watch, and draw him into a

quarrel the moment he should appear on the Hamburg side of a public walk

which divides that city from Altona, and deliver him up to the nearest

Hamburg guard-house. Loizeau fell into the snare; but finding that he

was about to be conducted from the guardhouse to the prison of Hamburg,

and that it was at my request he had been arrested, he hastily unloosed

his cravat, and tore with his teeth the papers it contained, part of

which he swallowed. He also endeavoured to tear some other papers which

were concealed under his arm, but was prevented by the guard. Furious at

this disappointment, he violently resisted the five soldiers who had him

in custody, and was not secured until he had been slightly wounded. His

first exclamation on entering prison was, "I am undone!" Loizeau was

removed to Paris, and, though I am ignorant of the ultimate fate of this

wretch, I am pretty certain that Fouche would take effectual means to

prevent him from doing any further mischief.

CHAPTER VI.

1806.

Menaces of Prussia--Offer for restoring Hanover to England--Insolent

ultimatum--Commencement of hostilities between France and Prussia--

Battle of Auerstadt--Death of the Duke of Brunswick--Bernadotte in

Hamburg--Davonet and Bernadotte--The Swedes at Lubeck--Major Amiel--

Service rendered to the English Minister at Hamburg--My appointment

of Minister for the King of Naples--New regulation of the German

post-office--The Confederation of the North--Devices of the Hanse

Towns--Occupation of Hamburg in the name of the Emperor--Decree of

Berlin--The military governors of Hamburg--Brune, Michaud, and

Bernadotte.

The moment now approached when war was about to be renewed in Germany,

and in proportion as the hopes of peace diminished Prussia redoubled her

threats, which were inspired by the recollection of the deeds of the

great Frederick. The idea of peace was hateful to Prussia. Her

measures, which till now had been sufficiently moderate, suddenly assumed

a menacing aspect on learning that the Minister of the King of England

had declared in Parliament that France had consented to the restitution

of Hanover. The French Ministry intimated to the Prussian Government

that this was a preliminary step towards a general peace, and that a

large indemnity would be granted in return. But the King of Prussia,

who was well informed, and convinced that the House of Hanover clung to

this ancient domain, which gave to England a certain preponderance in

Germany, considered himself trifled with, and determined on war.

Under these circumstances Lord Lauderdale was recalled from Paris by his

Government. War continued with England, and was about to commence with

Prussia. The Cabinet of Berlin sent an ultimatum which could scarcely be

regarded in any other light than a defiance, and from the well-known

character of Napoleon we may judge of his irritation at this ultimatum.

--[The severity with which Bonaparte treated the press may be

inferred from the case of Palm the publisher. In 1808 Johann

Phillip Palm, of Nuremberg, was shot by Napoleon's order for issuing

a pamphlet against the rule of the French in Germany.]--

The Emperor, after his stay of eight months in Paris passed in abortive

negotiations for peace, set out on the 25th of September for the Rhine.

Hostilities commenced on the 10th of October 1806 between France and

Prussia, and I demanded of the Senate that a stop should be put to the

Prussians recruiting. The news of a great victory gained by the Emperor

over the Prussians on the 14th of October reached Hamburg on the 19th,

brought by some fugitives, who gave such exaggerated accounts of the loss

of the French army that it was not until the arrival of the official

despatches on the 28th of October that we knew whether to mourn or to

rejoice at the victory of Jena.

The Duke of Brunswick, who was dangerously wounded at the battle of

Auerstadt, arrived on the 29th of October at Altona.--[This Prince was in

the seventy-second year of his age, and extremely infirm.]--His entrance

into that city afforded a striking example of the vicissitudes of

fortune. That Prince entered Altona on a wretched litter, borne by ten

men, without officers, without domestics, followed by a troop of

vagabonds and children, who were drawn together by curiosity. He was

lodged in a wretched inn, and so much worn out by fatigue and the pain of

his eyes that on the day after his arrival a report of his death very

generally prevailed. Doctor Unzer was immediately sent for to attend the

unfortunate Duke, who, during the few days that he survived his wounds,

saw no one else except his wife, who arrived on the 1st of November. He

expired on the 10th of the same month.

--[For the mistimed but rather pathetic belief of the old dying Duke

in the courtesy with which he and his States would be treated by the

French, see Beugnot, tome 1. p. 80: "I feel sure that there is a

courier of the Emperor's on the road to know how I am."]--

At this juncture Bernadotte returned to Hamburg. I asked him how I was

to account for his conduct while he was with Davoust, who had left

Nuremberg to attack the Prussian army; and whether it was true that he

had refused to march with that general, and afterwards to aid him when he

attacked the Prussians on the Weimar road. "The letters I received,"

observed I, "state that you took no part in the battle of Auerstadt; that

I did not believe, but I suppose you saw the bulletin which I received a

little after the battle, and which stated that Bonaparte said at

Nuremberg, in the presence of several officers, 'Were I to bring him

before a court-martial he would be shot. I shall say nothing to him

about it, but I will take care he shall know what I think of his

behaviour. He has too keen a sense of honour not to be aware that he

acted disgracefully."--"I think him very likely," rejoined Bernadotte,

"to have made these observations. He hates me because he knows I do not

like him; but let him speak to me and he shall have his answer. If I am

a Gascon, he is a greater one. I might have felt piqued at receiving

something like orders from Davoust, but I did my duty."

--[The complaints of Bernadotte's conduct on the 14th of October

1806. when he gave no assistance to Davoust in repulsing the main

body of the Prussians at Aneratadt, are well known. Jomini says

that Davoust proposed to Bernadotte to march with him, and even

offered him the command of the two corps. Bernadotte refused, and

marched away to Dornburg, where he was of no use, "his obstinacy,

difficult to explain, nearly compromised both Davoust and the

success of the battle;" See also Thiers (tome vii. p. 172), who

attributes Bernadotte's conduct to a profound aversion for Davoust

conceived on the most frivolous grounds. Bernadotte had frequently

given cause of complaint to Napoleon in the two campaigns of 1806

and 1806. In the movement on Vienna Napoleon considered he showed

want of activity and of zeal. These complaints seem to have been

made in good faith, for in a letter to Bernadotte's brother-in-law,

Joseph, Napoleon suggests that health may have been the causes (Du

Cases, tome i. p. 322). Bernadotte was equally unfortunate in

putting in his appearance too late at Eylan (see Due de Rovigo's

Memoirs, tome ii. p. 48), and also incurred the displeasure of

Napoleon at Wagram (see later on).]--

In the beginning of November the Swedes entered Lubeck; but on the 8th of

that month the town was taken by assault, and the Swedes, as well as the

rest of the corps which had escaped from Jena, were made prisoners.

A troop of Prussians had advanced within four leagues of Hamburg, and

that town had already prepared for a vigorous resistance, in case they

should attempt an entrance, when Major Amiel attacked them at

Zollenspieker and made some prisoners. Hamburg was, however, threatened

with another danger, for Major Amiel expressed his intention of entering

with all his prisoners, notwithstanding the acknowledged neutrality of

the town. Amiel was a partisan leader in the true sense of the word; he

fought rather on his own account than with the intention of contributing

to the success of the operations of the army. His troop did not consist

of more than forty men, but that was more than sufficient to spread

terror and devastation in the surrounding villages. He was a bold

fellow, and when, with his handful of men, he threw himself upon Hamburg,

the worthy inhabitants thought he had 20,000 troops with him. He had

pillaged every place through which he passed, and brought with him 300

prisoners, and a great many horses he had taken on his road. It was

night when he presented himself at the gates of the city, which he

entered alone, having left his men and booty at the last village. He

proceeded to the French Embassy. I was not there at the time, but I was

sent for, and about seven o'clock in the evening I had my first interview

with the Major. He was the very, beau ideal of a bandit, and would have

been an admirable model for a painter. I was not at all surprised to

hear that on his arrival his wild appearance and huge mustachios had

excited some degree of terror among those who were in the salon. He

described his exploits on the march, and did not disguise his intention

of bringing his troops into Hamburg next day. He talked of the Bank and

of pillage. I tried for some time to divert him from this idea, but

without effect, and at length said to him, "Sir, you know that this is

not the way the Emperor wishes to be served. During the seven years that

I have been about him, I have invariably heard him express his

indignation against those who aggravate the misery which war naturally

brings in her train. It is the express wish of the Emperor that no

damage, no violence whatever, shall be committed on the city or territory

of Hamburg." These few words produced a stronger effect than any

entreaties I could have used, for the mere name of the Emperor made even

the boldest tremble, and Major Amiel next thought of selling his booty.

The Senate were so frightened at the prospect of having Amiel quartered

upon them that to get rid of him they determined to purchase his booty at

once, and even furnished him with guards for his prisoners. I did not

learn till some time afterwards that among the horses Major Amiel had

seized upon the road were those of the Countess Walmoden. Had I known

this fact at the time I should certainly have taken care to have had them

restored to her. Madame Walmoden was then a refugee at Hamburg, and

between her and my family a close intimacy existed. On the very day, I

believe, of the Major's departure the Senate wrote me a letter of thanks

for the protection I afforded the town.

Before the commencement of the Prussian campaign, while anxiety was

entertained respecting the designs of the Cabinet of Berlin, my task was

not an easy one. I exerted all my efforts to acquaint the French

Government with what was passing on the Spree. I announced the first

intelligence of an unexpected movement which had taken place among the

Prussian troops cantoned in the neighbourhood of Hamburg. They suddenly

evacuated Lauenburg, Platzburg, Haarburg, Stade, Twisenfelth, and

Cuxhaven. This extraordinary movement gave rise to a multitude of

surmises. I was not wrong when I informed the French Government that,

according to every probability, Prussia was about to declare hostilities

against France, and to enter into an alliance with England.

I much regretted that my situation did not allow me more frequent

opportunities of meeting Mr. Thornton, the English Minister to the circle

of Lower Saxony. However; I saw him sometimes, and had on two different

occasions the opportunity of rendering him some service. Mr. Thornton

had requested me to execute a little private business for him, the

success of which depended on the Emperor. I made the necessary

communication to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, adding in my letter

that Mr. Thornton's conduct towards the French who had come in any way in

contact with him had ever been just and liberal, and that I should

receive great pleasure in being able to announce to him the success of

his application. His request was granted.

On another occasion Mr. Thornton applied to me for my services, and I had

once more the pleasure of rendering them. He wished to procure some

information respecting an Englishman named Baker, who had gone to

Terracina, in the Campagna di Roma, for the benefit of sea-bathing. He

was there arrested, without any cause assigned, by order of the

commandant of the French troops in Terracina. The family of Mr. Baker,

not having heard from him for some months, became very uneasy respecting

him, for they had not the least idea of his arrest. His relations

applied to Mr. Thornton, and that gentleman, notwithstanding the

circumstances which, as I have stated, prevented our frequent

intercourse, hesitated not a moment in requesting me to furnish him with

some information respecting his countryman. I lost no time in writing to

M. Alquier, our Ambassador at Rome, and soon enabled Mr. Thornton to ease

the apprehension of Mr. Baker's friends.

I had every opportunity of knowing what was passing in Italy, for I had

just been invested with a new dignity. As the new King of Naples,

Joseph, had no Minister in Lower Saxony, he wished that I should

discharge the function of Minister Plenipotentiary for Naples. His

Ministers accordingly received orders to correspond with me upon all

business connected with his government and his subjects. The relations

between Hamburg and Naples were nearly nil, and my new office made no

great addition to my labours.

I experienced, however, a little more difficulty in combining all the

post-offices of Hamburg in the office of the Grand Duchy of Berg, thus

detaching them from the offices of Latour and Taxis, so named after the

German family who for a length of time had had the possession of them,

and who were devoted to Austria.

After some days of negotiation I obtained the suppression of these

offices, and their union with the postoffice of the Grand Due de Berg

(Murat), who thus received letters from Italy, Hungary, Germany, Poland,

part of Russia, and the letters from England for these countries.

The affair of the post-offices gained for me the approbation of Napoleon.

He expressed his satisfaction through the medium of a letter I received

from Duroc, who at the same time recommended me to continue informing the

Emperor of all that was doing in Germany with relation to the plans of

the Confederation of the North. I therefore despatched to the Minister

for Foreign Affairs a detailed letter, announcing that Baron Grote, the

Prussian Minister at Hamburg, had set off on a visit to Bremen and

Lubeck. Among those who accompanied him on this excursion was a person

wholly devoted to me; and I knew that Baron Grote's object was to offer

to these towns verbal propositions for their union with the Confederation

of the North, which the King of Prussia wished to form as a counterpoise

to the Confederation of the Rhine, just created by Napoleon. Baron Grote

observed the strictest secrecy in all his movements. He showed, in

confidence, to those to whom he addressed himself, a letter from M.

Haugwitz, the Minister of the King of Prussia,

--[In July 1806, after Austerlitz, Napoleon had formed the

"Confederation du Rhin." to include the smaller States of Germany,

who threw off all connection with the German Empire, and formed a

Confederation furnishing a considerable army. ]--

--[The Emperor of Germany, Francis IL, had already in 1804, on

Napoleon taking the title of Emperor, declared himself Hereditary

Emperor of Austria. After the formation of the Rhenish

Confederation and Napoleon's refusal to acknowledge the German

Empire any longer, he released the States of the Holy Roman Empire

from their allegiance, declared the Empire dissolved, and contented

himself with the title of Emperor of Austria, as Francis I.]--

who endeavoured to point out to the Hanse Towns how much the

Confederation of the North would turn to their advantage, it being the

only means of preserving their liberty, by establishing a formidable

power. However, to the first communication only an evasive answer was

returned. M. Van Sienen, the Syndic of Hamburg, was commissioned by the

Senate to inform the Prussian Minister that the affair required the

concurrence of the burghers, and that hefore he could submit it to them

it would be necessary to know its basis and conditions. Meanwhile the

Syndic Doormann proceeded to Lubeck, where there was also a deputy from

Bremen. The project of the Confederation, however, never came to

anything.

I scrupulously discharged the duties of my functions, but I confess I

often found it difficult to execute the orders I received, and more than

once I took it upon myself to modify their severity. I loved the frank

and generous character of the Hamburgers, and I could not help pity the

fate of the Hanse Towns, heretofore so happy, and from which Bonaparte

had exacted such immense sacrifices.

On the principal gate of the Hanse Towns is inscribed the following

motto, well expressing the pacific spirit of the people: 'Da nobis pacem,

Domine, in diebus nostris'. The paternal and elected government, which

did everything to secure the happiness of these towns, was led to believe

that the sacrifices imposed on them would be recompensed by the

preservation of their neutrality. No distrust was entertained, and hope

was kept alive by the assurances given by Napoleon. He published in the

Moniteur that the Hanse Towns could not be included in any particular

Confederation. He thus strangled in its birth the Confederation of the

North, to which those feeble States would otherwise have been obliged to

consent. When in 1806 Napoleon marched against Prussia, he detached

Marshal Mortier from the Grand Army when it had passed the Rhine, and

directed him to invade the Electorate of Hesse, and march on Hamburg. On

the 19th of November the latter town was occupied by the French army in

the name of the Emperor, amidst the utmost order and tranquillity.

I must acknowledge that I was under much apprehension as to this event.

At the intelligence of the approach of the French army consternation was

great and universal in Hamburg, which was anxious to maintain its

neutrality unimpaired. At the urgent request of the magistrates of the

city I assumed functions more than diplomatic, and became, in some

respects, the first magistrate of the town. I went to meet Marshal

Mortier to endeavour to dissuade him from entering. I thought I should

by this means better serve the interests of France than by favouring the

occupation of a neutral town by our troops. But all my remonstrances

were useless. Marshal Mortier had received formal orders from the

Emperor.

No preparations having been made at Hamburg for the reception of Marshal

Mortier, he quartered himself and his whole staff upon me. The few

troops he had with him were disposed of in my courtyard, so that the

residence of a Minister of peace was all at once converted into

headquarters. This state of things continued until a house was got ready

for the Marshal.

Marshal Mortier had to make very rigorous exactions, but my

representations suspended for a while Napoleon's orders for taking

possession of the Bank of Hamburg. I am here bound to bear testimony to

the Marshal's honourable principles and integrity of character. The

representations which I had sent to Marshal Mortier were transmitted by

the latter to the Emperor at Berlin; and Mortier stated that he had

suspended the execution of the orders until he should receive others.

The Emperor approved of this. It was, indeed, a happy event for France

and for Europe, even more so than for Hamburg. Those who suggested to

the Emperor the idea of pillaging that fine establishment must have been

profoundly ignorant of its importance. They thought only of the

90,000,000 of marks banco deposited in its cellars.

By the famous decree of Berlin, dated 21st November 1806, Mortier was

compelled to order the seizure of all English merchandise in the Hanse

Towns, but he enforced the decree only so far as to preserve the

appearance of having obeyed his orders.

Mortier, on leaving Hamburg for Mecklenburg, was succeeded by General

Michaud, who in his turn was succeeded by Marshal Brune in the beginning

of 1807. I am very glad to take the present opportunity of correcting

the misconceptions which arose through the execution of certain acts of

Imperial tyranny. The truth is, Marshal Brune, during his government,

constantly endeavoured to moderate, as far as he could, the severity of

the orders he received. Bernadotte became Governor of Hamburg when the

battle of Jena rendered Napoleon master of Prussia and the north of

Germany.

The Prince of Ponte-Corvo lightened, as far as possible, the unjust

burdens and vexations to which that unfortunate town was subject. He

never refused his assistance to any measures which I adopted to oppose a

system of ruin and persecution. He often protected Hamburg against

exorbitant exactions, The Hanse Towns revived a little under his

government, which continued longer than that of Mortier, Michaud, and

Brune. The memory of Bernadotte will always be dear to the Hamburgers;

and his name will never be pronounced without gratitude. His attention

was especially directed to moderate the rigour of the custom-houses; and

perhaps the effect which his conduct produced on public opinion may be

considered as having, in some measure, led to the decision which, four

years after, made him Hereditary Prince of Sweden.

CHAPTER VII.

1806.

Ukase of the Emperor of Russia--Duroc's mission to Weimar--

Napoleon's views defeated--Triumphs of the French armies--Letters

from Murat--False report respecting Murat--Resemblance between

Moreau and M. Billand--Generous conduct of Napoleon--His interview

with Madame Hatzfeld at Berlin--Letter from Bonaparte to Josephine--

Blucher my prisoner--His character--His confidence in the future

fate of Germany--Prince Paul of Wurtemberg taken prisoner--His wish

to enter the French service--Distinguished emigrants at Altona--

Deputation of the Senate to the Emperor at Berlin--The German

Princes at Altona--Fauche-Boiel and the Comte de Gimel.

In September 1806 it became very manifest that, as soon as war should

break out between France and Prussia, Russia would not be slow in forming

an alliance with the latter power. Peace had, however, been

reestablished between Napoleon and Alexander by virtue of a treaty just

signed at Paris. By that treaty Russia was to evacuate the Bouches du

Cattaro,--[The Bouches do Cattaro, on the eastern coast of the Adriatic,

had formed part of the Dalmatian possessions of Venice.]--a condition

with which she was in no hurry to comply. I received a number of the

Court Gazette of St. Petersburg, containing a ukase of the Emperor of

Russia, in which Alexander pointed out the danger which again menaced

Europe, showed the necessity of adopting precautions for general

tranquillity and the security of his own Empire, and declared his

determination of not only completing but augmenting his army. He

therefore ordered a levy of four men out of every 500 inhabitants.

Before the commencement of hostilities Duroc was sent to the King of

Prussia with the view of discovering whether there was any possibility of

renewing negotiations; but affairs were already too much embarrassed.

All Duroc's endeavours were in vain, and perhaps it was no longer in the

power of the King of Prussia to avoid war with France. Besides, he had

just grounds of offence against the Emperor. Although the latter had

given him Hanover in exchange for the two Margravates, he had,

nevertheless, offered to England the restoration of that province as one

of the terms of the negotiations commenced with Mr. Fox. This underhand

work was not unknown to the Berlin Cabinet, and Napoleon's duplicity

rendered Duroc's mission useless. At this time the King of Prussia was

at Weimar.

Victory everywhere favoured the French arms. Prince Hohenlohe, who

commanded a corps of the Prussian army, was forced to capitulate at

Prentzlau. After this capitulation General Blucher took the command of

the remains of the corps, to which he joined the troops whose absence

from Prentzlau exempted them from the capitulation. These corps, added

to those which Blucher had at Auerstadt, were then almost the only

ramparts of the Prussian monarchy. Soult and Bernadotte received orders

from Murat to pursue Blucher, who was using all his efforts to draw from

Berlin the forces of those two generals. Blucher marched in the

direction of Lubeck.

General Murat pursued the wreck of the Prussian army which had escaped

from Saxony by Magdeburg. Blucher was driven upon Lubeck. It was very

important to the army at Berlin that this numerous corps should be

destroyed, commanded as it was by a skillful and brave general, who drew

from the centre of the military operations numerous troops, with which he

might throw himself into Hanover, or Hesse, or even Holland, and by

joining the English troops harass the rear of the Grand Army. The Grand

Duke of Berg explained to me his plans and expectations, and soon after

announced their fulfilment in several letters which contained, among

other things, the particulars of the taking of Lubeck.

In two of these letters Murat, who was probably deceived by his agents,

or by some intriguer, informed me that General Moreau had passed through

Paris on the 12th of October, and had arrived in Hamburg on the 28th of

October. The proof which Murat possessed of this circumstance was a

letter of Fauche-Borel, which he had intercepted. I recollect a curious

circumstance which serves to show the necessity of mistrusting the vague

intelligence furnished to persons in authority. A fortnight before I

received Murat's first letter a person informed me that General Moreau

was in Hamburg. I gave no credit to this intelligence, yet I endeavoured

to ascertain whether it had any foundation, but without effect. Two days

later I was assured that an individual had met General Moreau, that he

had spoken to him, that he knew him well from having served under

him--together with various other circumstances, the truth of which there

appeared no reason to doubt. I immediately sent for the individual in

question, who told me that he knew Moreau, that he had met him, that the

General had inquired of him the way to the Jungfersteige (a promenade at

Hamburg), that he had pointed it out to him, and then said, "Have I not

the honour to speak to General Moreau?" upon which the General answered,

"Yes, but say nothing about having seen me; I am here incognito." All

this appeared to me so absurd that, pretending not to know Moreau, I

asked the person to describe him to me. He described a person bearing

little resemblance to Moreau, and added that he wore a braided French

coat and the national cockade in his hat. I instantly perceived the

whole was a mere scheme for getting a little money. I sent the fellow

about his business. In a quarter of an hour after I had got rid of him

M. la Chevardiere called on me, and introduced M. Billaud, the French

Consul at Stettin. This gentleman wore a braided coat and the national

cockade in his hat. He was the hero of the story I had heard from the

informer. A slight personal resemblance between the Consul and the

General had caused several persons to mistake them for each other.

During the Prussian campaign nothing was talked of throughout Germany but

Napoleon's generous conduct with respect to Prince Hatzfeld. I was

fortunate enough to obtain a copy of a letter which the Emperor wrote to

Josephine on the subject, and which I shall presently lay before the

reader. In conformity with the inquisitorial system which too frequently

characterised the Emperor's government, and which he extended to every

country of which he had military possession, the first thing done on

entering a town was to take possession of the post-office, and then,

Heaven knows how little respect was shown to the privacy of

correspondence. Among the letters thus seized at Berlin and delivered to

Napoleon was one addressed to the King of Prussia by Prince Hatzfeld, who

had imprudently remained in the Prussian capital. In this letter the

Prince gave his Sovereign an account of all that had occurred in Berlin

since he had been compelled to quit at; and at the same time he informed

him of the force and situation of the corps of the French army. The

Emperor, after reading this letter, ordered that the Prince should be

arrested, and tried by a court-martial on the charge of being a spy.

The Court was summoned, and little doubt could be entertained as to its

decision when Madame Hatzfeld repaired to Duroc, who on such occasions

was always happy when he could facilitate communication with the Emperor.

On that day Napoleon had been at a review. Duroc knew Madame Hatzfeld,

whom he had several times seen on his visits to Berlin. When Napoleon

returned from the review he was astonished to see Duroc at the palace at

that hour, and inquired whether he had brought any news. Duroc answered

in the affirmative, and followed the Emperor into his Cabinet, where he

soon introduced Madame Hatzfeld. The remainder of the scene is described

in Napoleon's letter. It may easily be perceived that this letter is an

answer to one from Josephine reproaching him for the manner in which he

spoke of women, and very probably of the beautiful and unfortunate Queen

of Prussia, respecting whom he had expressed himself with too little

respect in one of his bulletins. The following is Napoleon's letter:--

I have received your letter, in which you seem to reproach me for

speaking ill of women. It is true that I dislike female intriguers

above all things. I am used to kind, gentle, and conciliatory

women. I love them, and if they have spoiled me it is not my fault,

but yours. However, you will see that I have done an act of

kindness to one deserving woman. I allude to Madame de Hatzfeld.

When I showed her her husband's letter she stood weeping, and in a

tone of mingled grief and ingenuousness said, "It is indeed his

writing!" This went to my heart, and I said, "Well, madame, throw

the letter into the fire, and then I shall have no proof against

your husband." She burned the letter, and was restored to

happiness. Her husband now is safe: two hours later, and he would

have been lost. You see, therefore, that I like women who are

simple, gentle, and amiable; because they alone resemble you.

November 6, 1806, 9 o'clock P.M.

When Marshal Bernadotte had driven Blucher into Lubeck and made him

prisoner, he sent to inform me of the circumstance; but I was far from,

expecting that the prisoner would be confided to my charge. Such,

however, was the case. After his capitulation he was sent to Hamburg,

where he had the whole city for his prison.

I was curious to become acquainted with this celebrated man, and I saw

him very frequently. I found that he was an enthusiastic Prussian

patriot--a brave man, enterprising even to rashness, of limited

education, and almost to an incredible degree devoted to pleasure, of

which he took an ample share while he remained in Hamburg. He sat an

enormous time at table, and, notwithstanding his exclusive patriotism,

he rendered full justice to the wines of France. His passion for women

was unbounded, and one of his most favourite sources of amusement was the

gaming-table, at which he spent a considerable portion of his time.

Blucher was of an extremely gay disposition; and considered merely as a

companion he was very agreeable. The original style of his conversation

pleased me much. His confidence in the deliverance of Germany remained

unshaken in spite of the disasters of the Prussian army. He often said

to me, "I place great reliance on the public spirit of Germany--on the

enthusiasm which prevails in our universities. The events of war are

daily changing, and even defeats con tribute to nourish in a people

sentiments of honour and national glory. You may depend upon it that

when a whole nation is determined to shake off a humiliating yoke it will

succeed. There is no doubt but we shall end by having a landwehr very

different from any militia to which the subdued spirit of the French

people could give birth. England will always lend us the support of her

navy and her subsidies, and we will renew alliances with Russia and

Austria. I can pledge myself to the truth of a fact of which I have

certain knowledge, and you may rely upon it; namely, that none of the

allied powers engaged in the present war entertain views of territorial

aggrandisement. All they unanimously desire is to put an end to the

system of aggrandisement which your Emperor has established and acts upon

with such alarming rapidity. In our first war against France, at the

commencement of your Revolution, we fought for questions respecting the

rights of sovereigns, for which, I assure you, I care very little; but

now the case is altered, the whole population of Prussia makes common

cause with its Government. The people fight in defence of their homes,

and reverses destroy our armies without changing the spirit of the

nation. I rely confidently on the future because I foresee that fortune

will not always favour your Emperor. It is impossible; but the time will

come when all Europe, humbled by his exactions, and impatient of his

depredations, will rise up against him. The more he enslaves nations,

the more terrible will be the reaction when they break their chains.

It cannot be denied that he is tormented with an insatiable desire of

acquiring new territories. To the war of 1805 against Austria and Russia

the present war has almost immediately succeeded. We have fallen.

Prussia is occupied; but Russia still remains undefeated. I cannot

foresee what will be the termination of the war; but, admitting that the

issue should be favourable to you, it will end only to break out again

speedily. If we continue firm, France, exhausted by her conquests, must

in the end fall. You may be certain of it. You wish for peace.

Recommend it! By so doing You will give strong proofs of love for your

country."

In this strain Blucher constantly spoke to me; and as I never thought it

right to play the part of the public functionary in the drawing-room I

replied to him with the reserve necessary in my situation. I could not

tell him how much my anticipations frequently coincided with his; but I

never hesitated to express to him how much I wished to see a reasonable

peace concluded.

Blucher's arrival at Hamburg was preceded by that of Prince Paul of

Wutrtemberg, the second son of one of the two kings created by Napoleon,

whose crowns were not yet a year old. This young Prince, who was imbued

with the ideas of liberty and independence which then prevailed in

Germany, had taken a headlong step. He had quitted Stuttgart to serve in

the Prussian campaign without having asked his father's permission, which

inconsiderate proceeding might have drawn Napoleon's anger upon the King

of Wurtemberg. The King of Prussia advanced Prince Paul to the rank of

general, but he was taken prisoner at the very commencement of

hostilities. Prince Paul was not, as has been erroneously stated,

conducted to Stuttgart by a captain of gendarmerie. He came to Hamburg,

where I received many visits from him. He did not yet possess very

definite ideas as to what he wished; for after he was made prisoner he

expressed to me his strong desire to enter the French service, and often

asked me to solicit for him an interview with the Emperor. He obtained

this interview, and remained for a long time in Paris, where I know he

has frequently resided since the Restoration.

The individuals whom I had to observe in Hamburg gave me much less

trouble than our neighbours at Altona. The number of the latter had

considerably augmented, since the events of the war had compelled a great

number of emigrants who had taken refuge at Munster to leave that town.

They all proceeded to Altona. Conquered countries became as dangerous to

them as the land which they had forsaken. The most distinguished amongst

the individuals assembled at Altona were Vicomte de Sesmaisons, the

Bailly d'Hautefeuille, the Duchess of Luxembourg, the Marquis de Bonnard,

the Due d'Aumont (then Due de Villequier), the wife of Marshal de Brogue

and her daughter, Cardinal de Montmorency, Madame de Cosse, her two

daughters and her son (and a priest), and the Bishop of Boulogne.

Bonaparte stayed long enough at Berlin to permit of the arrival of a

deputation from the French Senate to congratulate him on his first

triumphs. I learned that in this instance the Senatorial deputation,

departing from its accustomed complaisance, ventured not to confine

itself to compliments and felicitations, but went so far as to interfere

with the Emperor's plan of the campaign, to speak of the danger that

might be incurred and finally to express a desire to in passing the Oder,

see peace concluded. Napoleon received this communication with a very

bad grace. He thought the Senators very bold to meddle with his affairs,

treated the conscript fathers of France as if they had been inconsiderate

youths, protested, according to custom, his sincere love of peace, and

told the deputation that it was Prussia, backed by Russia, and not he,

who wished for war!

All the German Princes who had taken part against Napoleon fled to Altona

after the battle of Jena with as much precipitation as the emigrants

themselves. The Hereditary Prince of Weimar, the Duchess of Holstein,

Prince Belmonte-Pignatelli, and a multitude of other persons

distinguished for rank and fortune, arrived there almost simultaneously.

Among the persons who took refuge in Altona were some intriguers, of whom

Fauche-Borel was one. I remember receiving a report respecting a violent

altercation which Fauche had the audacity to enter into with Comte de

Gimel because he could not extort money from the Count in payment of his

intrigues. Comte de Gimel had only funds for the payment of pensions,

and, besides, he had too much sense to suppose there was any utility in

the stupid pamphlets of Fauche-Borel, and therefore he dismissed him with

a refusal. Fauche was insolent, which compelled Comte de Gimel to send

him about his business as he deserved. This circumstance, which was

first communicated to me in a report, has since been confirmed by a

person who witnessed the scene. Fauche-Borel merely passed through

Hamburg, and embarked for London on board the same ship which took Lord

Morpeth back to England.