CHAPTER XVII.

1798-1799.

Bonaparte's departure for Suez--Crossing the desert--Passage of the

Red Sea--The fountain of Moses--The Cenobites of Mount Sinai--Danger

in recrossing the Red Sea--Napoleon's return to Cairo--Money

borrowed at Genoa--New designs upon Syria--Dissatisfaction of the

Ottoman Porte--Plan for invading Asia--Gigantic schemes--General

Berthier's permission to return to France--His romantic love and the

adored portrait--He gives up his permission to return home--Louis

Bonaparte leaves Egypt--The first Cashmere shawl in France--

Intercepted correspondence--Departure for Syria--Fountains of

Messoudish--Bonaparte jealous--Discontent of the troops--El-Arish

taken--Aspect of Syria--Ramleh--Jerusalem.

On the 24th of December we set out for Suez, where we arrived on the

26th. On the 25th we encamped in the desert some leagues before

Ad-Geroth. The heat had been very great during the day; but about

eleven at night the cold became so severe as to be precisely in an

inverse ratio to the temperature of the day. This desert, which is the

route of the caravans from Suez, from Tor and the countries situated on

the north of Arabia, is strewed with the bones of the men and animals

who, for ages past, have perished in crossing it. As there was no wood

to be got, we collected a quantity of these bones for fuel. Monge

himself was induced to sacrifice some of the curious skulls of animals

which he had picked up on the way and deposited in the Berlin of the

General-in-Chief. But no sooner had we kindled our fires than an

intolerable effluvium obliged us to, raise our camp and advance farther

on, for we could procure no water to extinguish the fires.

On the 27th Bonaparte employed himself in inspecting the town and port

of Suez, and in giving orders for some naval and military works. He

feared--what indeed really occurred after his departure from Egypt--the

arrival of some English troops from the East Indies, which he had

intended to invade. These regiments contributed to the loss of his

conquest.

--[Sir David Baird, with a force of about 7000 men sent from India,

landed at Cosseir in July 1801.]--

On the morning of the 28th we crossed the Red Sea dry-shod, to go to the

Wells of Moses, which are nearly a myriametre from the eastern coast, and

a little southeast of Suez. The Gulf of Arabia terminates at about 5,000

metres north of that city. Near the port the Red Sea is not above 1,500

metres wide, and is always fordable at low water. The caravans from Tor

and Mount Sinai always pass at that part,

--[I shall say nothing of the Cenobites of Mount Sinai, as I had not

the honour of seeing them. Neither did I see the register

containing the names of Ali, Salah-Eddin, Ibrahim or Abraham,

on which Bonaparte is said to have inscribed his name. I perceived

at a distance some high hills which were said to be Mount Sinai.

I conversed, through the medium of an interpreter, with some Arabian

chiefs of Tor and its neighbourhood. They had been informed of our

excursion to the Wells, and that they might there thank the French

General for the protection granted to their caravans and their trade

with Egypt. On the 19th of December, before his departure from

Suez, Bonaparte signed a sort of safeguard, or exemption from

duties, for the convent of Mount Sinai. This had been granted out

of respect to Moses and the Jewish nation, and also because the

convent of Mount Sinai is a seat of learning and civilisation amidst

the barbarism of the deserts.--Bourrienne.]--

either in going to or returning from Egypt. This shortens their journey

nearly a myriametre. At high tide the water rises five or six feet at

Suez, and when the wind blows fresh it often rises to nine or ten feet.

We spent a few hours seated by the largest of the springs called the

Wells of Moses, situated on the eastern shore of the Gulf of Arabia.

We made coffee with the water from these springs, which, however, gave it

such a brackish taste that it was scarcely drinkable.

Though the water of the eight little springs which form the Wells of

Moses is not so salt as that of many wells dug in other parts of the

deserts, it is, nevertheless, exceedingly brackish, and does not allay

thirst so well as fresh water.

Bonaparte returned to Suez that same night. It was very dark when we

reached the sea-shore. The tide was coming up, and the water was pretty

high. We deviated a little from the way we had taken in the morning; we

crossed a little too low down; we were thrown into disorder, but we did

not lose ourselves in the marshes as has been stated. There were none.

I have read somewhere, though I did not see the fact, nor did I hear it

mentioned at the time, that the tide, which was coming up, would have

been the grave of the General-in-Chief had not one of the guides saved

him by carrying him on his shoulders. If any such danger had existed,

all who had not a similar means of escape must have perished.

This is a fabrication. General Caffarelli was the only person who was

really in danger, for his wooden leg prevented his sitting firmly on his

horse in the water; but some persons came to his assistance and supported

him.

--[Bonaparte extricated himself as the others did from the real

danger he and his escort had run. At St. Helena he said, "Profiting

by the low tide, I crossed the Red Sea dry-shod. On my return I was

overtaken by the night and went astray in the middle of the rising

tide. I ran the greatest danger. I nearly perished in the same

manner as Pharaoh did. This would certainly have furnished all the

Christian preachers with a magnificent test against me."

--Bourrienne.]--

On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief wished to discover the site

of the canal which in ancient times formed a junction between the Red Sea

and the Nile by Belbeis. M. Lepere, who was a member of the Egyptian

Institute, and is now inspector-general of bridges and highways, executed

on the spot a beautiful plan, which may confidently be consulted by those

who wish to form an accurate idea of that ancient communication, and the

level of the two seas.

--[Since accurately ascertained during the progress of the works for

the Suez Canal.]--

On his arrival at the capital Bonaparte again devoted all his thoughts to

the affairs of the army, which he had not attended to during his short

absence. The revenues of Egypt were far from being sufficient to meet

the military expenditure. To defray his own expenses Bonaparte raised

several considerable loans in Genoa through the medium of M. James. The

connection of James with the Bonaparte family takes its date from this

period.

--[Joseph Bonaparte says that the fathers of Napoleon and of M.

James had long known one another, and that Napoleon had met James at

Autun. ('Erreurs', tome i, p. 296).]--

Since the month of August the attention of General Bonaparte had been

constantly fixed on Syria. The period of the possible landing of an

enemy in Egypt had now passed away, and could not return until the month

of July in the following year. Bonaparte was fully convinced that that

landing would take place, and he was not deceived. The Ottoman Porte

had, indeed, been persuaded that the conquest of Egypt was not in her

interest. She preferred enduring a rebel whom she hoped one day to

subdue to supporting a power which, under the specious pretext of

reducing her insurgent beys to obedience, deprived her of one of her

finest provinces, and threatened the rest of the empire.

On his return to Cairo the General-in-Chief had no longer any doubt as to

the course which the Porte intended to adapt. The numerous class of

persons who believed that the Ottoman Porte had consented to our

occupation of Egypt were suddenly undeceived. It, was then asked how we

could, without that consent, have attempted such an enterprise? Nothing,

it was said, could justify the temerity of such an expedition, if it

should produce a rupture between France, the Ottoman empire, and its

allies. However, for the remainder of the year Bonaparte dreaded nothing

except an expedition from Gaza and El-Arish, of which the troops of

Djezzar had already taken possession. This occupation was justly

regarded as a decided act of hostility; war was thus practically

declared. "We must adopt anticipatory measures," thought Napoleon;

"we must destroy this advanced guard of the Ottoman empire, overthrow

the ramparts of Jaffa and Acre, ravage the country, destroy all her

resources, so as to render the passage of an army across the desert

impracticable." Thus was planned the expedition against Syria.

General Berthier, after repeated entreaties, had obtained permission to

return to France. The 'Courageuse' frigate, which was to convey him

home, was fitting out at Alexandria; he had received his instructions,

and was to leave Cairo on the 29th of January, ten days before

Bonaparte's departure for Syria. Bonaparte was sorry to part with him;

but he could not endure to see an old friend, and one who had served him

well in all his campaigns, dying before his eyes, the victim of nostalgia

and romantic love. Besides, Berthier had been for some time past,

anything but active in the discharge of his duties. His passion, which

amounted almost to madness, impaired the feeble faculties with which

nature had endowed him. Some writers have ranked him in the class of

sentimental lovers: be this as it may, the homage which herthier rendered

to the portrait of the object of his adoration more frequently excited

our merriment than our sensibility.

One day I went with an order from Bonaparte to the chief of his staff,

whom I found on his knees before the portrait of Madame Visconti, which

was hanging opposite the door. I touched him, to let him know I was

there. He grumbled a little, but did not get angry.

The moment was approaching when the two friends were to part, perhaps

forever. Bonaparte was sincerely distressed at this separation, and the

chief of his staff was informed of the fact. At a moment when it was

supposed Berthier was on his way to Alexandria, he presented himself to

the General-in-Chief. "You are, then, decidedly going to Asia?" said

he.--"You know," replied the General, "that all is ready, and I shall set

out in a few days."--"Well, I will not leave you. I voluntarily renounce

all idea of returning to France. I could not endure to forsake you at a

moment when you are going to encounter new dangers. Here are my

instructions and my passport." Bonaparte, highly pleased with this

resolution, embraced Berthier; and the coolness which had been excited by

his request to return home was succeeded by a sincere reconciliation.

Louis Bonaparte, who was suffering from the effects of the voyage, was

still at Alexandria. The General-in-Chief, yielding to the pacific views

of his younger brother, who was also beginning to evince some symptoms of

nostalgia, consented to his return home. He could not, however, depart

until the 11th of March 1799. I felt the absence of Louis very much.

On his return to France Louis passed through Sens, where he dined with

Madame de Bourrienne, to whom he presented a beautiful shawl, which

General Berthier had given me. This, I believe, was the first Cashmere

that had ever been seen in France. Louis was much surprised when Madame

de Bourrienne showed him the Egyptian correspondence, which had been

seized by the English and printed in London. He found in the collection

some letters addressed to himself, and there were others, he said, which

were likely to disturb the peace of more than one family on the return of

the army.

On the 11th of February 1799 we began our march for Syria, with about

12,000 men. It has been erroneously stated that the army amounted to

only 6000: nearly that number was lost in the course of the campaign.

However, at the very moment we were on our way to Syria, with 12,000 men,

scarcely as many being left in Egypt, the Directory published that,

"according to the information which had been received," we had 60,000

infantry and 10,000 cavalry; that the army had doubled its numbers by

battles; and that since our arrival in Egypt, we had lost only 300 men.

Is history to be written from such documents?

We arrived, about four o'clock in the afternoon, at Messoudiah, or,

"the Fortunate Spot." Here we witnessed a kind of phenomenon, which was

not a little agreeable to us. Messoudiah is a place situated on the

coast of the Mediterranean, surrounded with little dunes of very fine

sand, which the copious rains of winter readily penetrate. The rain

remains in the sand, so that on making with the fingers holes of four or

five inches in depth at the bottom of these little hills, the water

immediately flows out. This water was, indeed, rather thick, but its

flavour was agreeable; and it would have become clear if we could have

spared time to allow it to rest and deposit the particles of sand it

contained.

It was a curious spectacle to behold us all lying prostrate, digging

wells in miniature; and displaying a laughable selfishness in our

endeavours to obtain the most abundant source. This was a very important

discovery to us. We found these sand-wells at the extremity of the

desert, and it contributed, in no small degree, to revive the courage of

our soldiers; besides, when men are, as was the case with us, subject to

privations of every kind, the least benefit which accrues inspires the

hope of a new advantage. We were approaching the confines of Syria, and

we enjoyed by anticipation, the pleasure we were about to experience, on

treading a soil which, by its variety of verdure and vegetation, would

remind us of our native land. At Messoudiah we likewise possessed the

advantage of bathing in the sea, which was not more than fifty paces from

our unexpected water-supply.

Whilst near the wells of Messoudiah, on the way to El-Arish, I one day

saw Bonaparte walking alone with Junot, as he was often in the habit of

doing. I stood at a little distance, and my eyes, I know not why, were

fixed on him during their conversation. The General's countenance, which

was always pale, had, without my being able to divine the cause, become

paler than usual. There was something convulsive in his features--a

wildness in his look, and he several times struck his head with his hand.

After conversing with Junot about a quarter of an hour he quitted him and

came towards me. I never saw him exhibit such an air of dissatisfaction,

or appear so much under the influence of some prepossession. I advanced

towards him, and as soon as we met, he exclaimed in an abrupt and angry

tone, "So! I find I cannot depend upon you.--These women!--Josephine!

--if you had loved me, you would before now have told me all I have heard

from Junot--he is a real friend--Josephine!--and I 600 leagues from

her--you ought to have told me.--That she should thus have deceived

me!--'Woe to them!--I will exterminate the whole race of fops and

puppies!--As to her--divorce!--yes, divorce! a public and open

divorce!--I must write!--I know all!--It is your fault--you ought

to have told me!"

These energetic and broken exclamations, his disturbed countenance and

altered voice informed me but too well of the subject of his conversation

with Junot. I saw that Junot had been drawn into a culpable

indiscretion; and that, if Josephine had committed any faults, he had

cruelly exaggerated them. My situation was one of extreme delicacy.

However, I had the good fortune to retain my self-possession, and as soon

as some degree of calmness succeeded to this first burst, I replied that

I knew nothing of the reports which Junot might have communicated to him;

that even if such reports, often the offspring of calumny, had reached my

ear, and if I had considered it my duty to inform him of them,

I certainly would not have selected for that purpose the moment when he

was 600 leagues from France. I also did not conceal how blamable Junot's

conduct appeared to me, and how ungenerous I considered it thus rashly to

accuse a woman who was not present to justify or defend herself; that it

was no great proof of attachment to add domestic uneasiness to the

anxiety, already sufficiently great, which the situation of his brothers

in arms, at the commencement of a hazardous enterprise, occasioned him.

Notwithstanding these observations, which, however, he listened to with

some calmness, the word "divorce" still escaped his lips; and it is

necessary to be aware of the degree of irritation to which he was liable

when anything seriously vexed him, to be able to form an idea of what

Bonaparte was during this painful scene. However, I kept my ground.

I repeated what I had said. I begged of him to consider with what

facility tales were fabricated and circulated, and that gossip such as

that which had been repeated to him was only the amusement of idle

persons; and deserved the contempt of strong minds. I spoke of his

glory. "My glory!" cried he. "I know not what I would not give if that

which Junot has told me should be untrue; so much do I love Josephine!

If she be really guilty a divorce must separate us for ever. I will not

submit to be a laughing-stock for all the imbeciles in Paris. I will

write to Joseph; he will get the divorce declared."

Although his agitation continued long, intervals occurred in which he was

less excited. I seized one of these moments of comparative calm to

combat this idea of divorce which seemed to possess his mind.

I represented to him especially that it would be imprudent to write to

his brother with reference to a communication which was probably false.

"The letter might be intercepted; it would betray the feelings of

irritation which dictated it. As to a divorce, it would be time to think

of that hereafter, but advisedly."

These last words produced an effect on him which I could not have

ventured to hope for so speedily. He became tranquil, listened to me as

if he had suddenly felt the justice of my observations, dropped the

subject, and never returned to it; except that about a fortnight after,

when we were before St. Jean d'Acre, he expressed himself greatly

dissatisfied with Junot, and complained of the injury he had done him by

his indiscreet disclosures, which he began to regard as the inventions of

malignity. I perceived afterwards that he never pardoned Junot for this

indiscretion; and I can state, almost with certainty, that this was one

of the reasons why Junot was not created a marshal of France, like many

of, his comrades whom Bonaparte had loved less. It may be supposed that

Josephine, who was afterwards informed by Bonaparte of Junot's

conversation, did not feel particularly interested in his favour.

He died insane on the 27th of July 1813.

--[However indiscreet Junot might on this occasion have shown

himself in interfering in so delicate a matter, it is pretty certain

that his suspicions were breathed to no other ear than that of

Bonaparte himself. Madame Junot, in speaking of the ill-suppressed

enmity between her husband and Madame Bonaparte, says that he never

uttered a word even to her of the subject of his conversation with,

the General-in-Chief to Egypt. That Junot's testimony, however,

notwithstanding the countenance it obtained from Bonaparte's

relations, ought to be cautiously received, the following passage

from the Memoirs of the Duchesse d'Abrantes, vol. i. p. 250,

demonstrative of the feelings of irritation between the parties,

will show:

"Junot escorted Madame Bonaparte when she went to join the

General-in-Chief in Italy. I am surprised that M. de Bourrienne

has omitted mentioning this circumstance in his Memoirs. He must

have known it, since he was well acquainted with everything

relating to Josephine, and knew many facts of high interest in her

life at this period and subsequently. How happens it too that he

makes no mention of Mademoiselle Louise, who might be called her

'demioselle de compagnie' rather than her 'femme de chambre'? At

the outset of the journey to Italy she was such a favourite with

Josephine that she dressed like her mistress, ate at table with

her, and was in all respects her friend and confidante.

"The journey was long, much too long for Junot, though he was very

much in love with Mademoiselle Louise. But he was anxious to join

the army, for to him his General was always the dearest of

mistresses. Junot has often spoken to me, and to me alone, of the

vexations he experienced on this journey. He might have added to

his circumstantial details relative to Josephine the conversation he

is reported go have had with Bonaparte to Egypt; but he never

breathed a word on the subject, for his character was always noble

and generous. The journey to Italy did not produce the effect which

usually arises from such incidents in common life; namely, a closer

friendship and intimacy between the parties. On the contrary,

Madame Bonaparte from that moment evinced some degree of ill-humour

towards Junot, and complained with singular warmth of the want of

respect which he had shown her, in making love to her 'femme de

chambre' before her face."

According to 'Erreurs (tome i. pp. 4, 50) Junot was not then in

Syria. On 10th February Napoleon was at Messoudiah. Junot only

arrived from Egypt at Gaza on the 25th February. Madame d'Abrantes

(ii. 32) treats this conversation as apocryphal. "This (an anecdote

of her own) is not an imaginary episode like that, for example, of

making a person speak at Messoudiah who never was there."]--

Our little army continued its march on El-Arish, where we arrived on the

17th of February. The fatigues experienced in the desert and the

scarcity of water excited violent murmurs amongst the soldiers during

their march across the isthmus. When any person on horseback passed them

they studiously expressed their discontent. The advantage possessed by

the horsemen provoked their sarcasms. I never heard the verses which

they are said to have repeated, but they indulged in the most violent

language against the Republic, the men of science, and those whom they

regarded as the authors of the expedition. Nevertheless these brave

fellows, from whom it was not astonishing that such great privations

should extort complaints, often compensated by their pleasantries for the

bitterness of their reproaches.

Many times during the crossing of the isthmus I have seen soldiers,

parched with thirst, and unable to wait till the hour for distribution of

water, pierce the leathern bottles which contained it; and this conduct,

so injurious to all, occasioned numerous quarrels.

El-Arish surrendered on the 17th of February. It has been erroneously

stated that the garrison of this insignificant place, which was set at

liberty on condition of not again serving against us, was afterwards

found amongst the besieged at Jaffa. It has also been stated that it was

because the men composing the El-Arish garrison did not proceed to

Bagdad, according to the capitulation, that we shot them at Jaffa. We

shall presently see the falsehood of these assertions.

On the 28th of February we obtained the first glimpse of the green and

fertile plains of Syria, which, in many respects, reminded us of the

climate and soil of Europe. We now had rain, and sometimes rather too

much. The feelings which the sight of the valleys and mountains called.

forth made us, in some degree, forget the hardships and vexations of an

expedition of which few persons could foresee the object or end. There

are situations in life when the slightest agreeable sensation alleviates

all our ills.

On the 1st of March we slept at Ramleh, in a small convent occupied by

two monks, who paid us the greatest attention. They gave us the church

for a hospital. These good fathers did not fail to tell us that it was

through this place the family of Jesus Christ passed into Egypt, and

showed us the wells at which they quenched their thirst.

--[Ramleh, the ancient Arimathea, is situated at the base of a chain

of mountains, the eastern extremity of which is washed by the

Persian Gulf, and the western by the Mediterranean.--Bourrienne.]--

The pure and cool water of these wells delighted us.

We were not more than about six leagues from Jerusalem.

I asked the General whether he did not intend to direct his march by the

way of that city, so celebrated in many respects. He replied, "Oh no!

Jerusalem is not in my line of operations. I do not wish to be annoyed

by mountaineers in difficult roads. And, besides, on the other aide of

the mountain I should be assailed by swarms of cavalry. I am not

ambitious of the fate of Cassius."

We therefore did not enter Jerusalem, which was not disturbed by the war.

All we did was to send a written declaration to the persons in power at

Jerusalem, assuring them that we had no design against that country, and

only wished them to remain at peace. To this communication no answer was

returned, and nothing more passed on the subject.

--[Sir Walter Scott says, speaking of Bonaparte, that he believes

that little officer of artillery dreamed of being King of Jerusalem.

What I have just stated proves that he never thought of such a

thing. The "little officer of artillery" had a far more splendid

dream in his head.--Bourrienne.]--

We found at Ramleh between two and three hundred Christians in a pitiable

state of servitude, misery, and dejection. On conversing with them I

could not help admiring how much the hope of future rewards may console

men under present ills. But I learned from many of them that they did

not live in harmony together. The feelings of hatred and jealousy are

not less common amongst these people than amongst the better-instructed

inhabitants of rich and populous cities.

Complete Project Gutenberg Collection of Memoirs of Napoleon · 第 17 / 72 章