to enter upon an independent line of development under Paul of Samosata.
Paul's fall was the victory of Rome. We may suppose it to be highly
probable, though to the best of my belief there is for the present no
sure proof, that it was not till then that the Roman standards and
sacraments, catholic and apostolic collection of Scriptures (see, on the
contrary, the use of Scripture in the Didaskalia), apostolic rule of
faith, and apostolic episcopacy attained supremacy in Antioch; but that
they began to be introduced into that city about the time of Serapion's
bishopric (that is, during the Easter controversy). The old records of
the Church of Edessa have an important bearing on this point; and from
these it is evident that her constitution did not begin to assume a
Catholic form till the beginning of the 3rd century, and that as the
result of connection with Rome. See _the Doctrine of Addai_ by Phillips,
p. 50: "Palut himself went to Antioch and received the hand of the
priesthood from Serapion, bishop of Antioch. Serapion, bishop of
Antioch, himself also received the hand from Zephyrinus, bishop of the
city of Rome, from the succession of the hand of the priesthood of Simon
Cephas, which he received from our Lord, who was there bishop of Rome 25
years, (sic) in the days of the Cæsar, who reigned there 13 years." (See
also Tixeront, _Edesse_, pp. 149, 152.) Cf. with this the prominence
given in the Acts of Scharbil and Barsamya to the fact that they were
contemporaries of Fabian, bishop of Rome. We read there (see Rubens
Duval, Les Actes de Scharbil et les Actes de Barsamya, Paris, 1889, and
Histoire d'Eclesse, p. 130): "Barsamya (he was bishop of Edessa at the
time of Decius) lived at the time of Fabian, bishop of Rome. He had
received the laying on of hands from Abschelama, who had received it
from Palut. Palut had been consecrated by Serapion, bishop of Antioch,
and the latter had been consecrated by Zephyrinus, bishop of Rome." As
regards the relation of the State of Rome to the Roman Church, that is,
to the Roman bishop, who by the year 250 had already become a sort of
_præfectus urbis_, with his district superintendents, the deacons, and
in fact a sort of _princeps æmulus_, cf. (1) the recorded comments of
Alexander Severus on the Christians, and especially those on their
organisation; (2) the edict of Maximinus Thrax and the banishment of the
bishops Pontian and Hippolytus; (3) the attitude of Philip the Arabian;
(4) the remarks of Decius in Cyp. ep. 55 (see above p. 124) and his
proceedings against the Roman bishops, and (5) the attitude of Aurelian
in Antioch. On the extent and organisation of the Roman Church about 250
see Euseb., H. E. VI. 43.]
[Footnote 339: The memorable words in the lately discovered appeal by
Eusebius of Dorylæum to Leo I. (Neues Archiv., Vol. XI., part 2, p. 364
f.) are no mere flattery, and the fifth century is not the first to
which they are applicable: "Curavit desuper et ab exordio consuevit
thronus apostolicus iniqua perferentes defensare et eos qui in
evitabiles factiones inciderunt, adiuvare et humi iacentes erigere,
secundum possibilitatem, quam habetis; causa autem rei, quod sensum
rectum tenetis et inconcussam servatis erga dominum nostrum Iesum
Christum fidem, nec non etiam indissimulatam universis fratribus et
omnibus in nomine Christi vocatis tribuitis caritatem, etc." See also
Theodoret's letters addressed to Rome.]
II. FIXING AND GRADUAL HELLENISING OF CHRISTIANITY AS A SYSTEM OF
DOCTRINE
CHAPTER IV.
ECCLESIASTICAL CHRISTIANITY AND PHILOSOPHY.
THE APOLOGISTS.
1. _Introduction._[340]
The object of the Christian Apologists, some of whom filled
ecclesiastical offices and in various ways promoted spiritual
progress,[341] was, as they themselves explained, to uphold the
Christianity professed by the Christian Churches and publicly preached.
They were convinced that the Christian faith was founded on revelation
and that only a mind enlightened by God could grasp and maintain the
faith. They acknowledged the Old Testament to be the authoritative
source of God's revelation, maintained that the whole human race was
meant to be reached by Christianity, and adhered to the early Christian
eschatology. These views as well as the strong emphasis they laid upon
human freedom and responsibility, enabled them to attain a firm
standpoint in opposition to "Gnosticism," and to preserve their position
within the Christian communities, whose moral purity and strength they
regarded as a strong proof of the truth of this faith. In the endeavours
of the Apologists to explain Christianity to the cultured world, we have
before us the attempts of Greek churchmen to represent the Christian
religion as a philosophy, and to convince outsiders that it was the
highest wisdom and the absolute truth. These efforts were not rejected
by the Churches like those of the so-called Gnostics, but rather became
in subsequent times the foundation of the ecclesiastical dogmatic. The
Gnostic speculations were repudiated, whereas those of the Apologists
were accepted. The manner in which the latter set forth Christianity as
a philosophy met with approval. What were the conditions under which
ecclesiastical Christianity and Greek philosophy concluded the alliance
which has found a place in the history of the world? How did this union
attain acceptance and permanence, whilst "Gnosticism" was at first
rejected? These are the two great questions the correct answers to which
are of fundamental importance for the understanding of the history of
Christian dogma.
The answers to these questions appear paradoxical. The theses of the
Apologists finally overcame all scruples in ecclesiastical circles and
were accepted by the Græco-Roman world, because they made Christianity
_rational_ without taking from, or adding to, its traditional historic
material. The secret of the epoch-making success of the apologetic
theology is thus explained: These Christian philosophers formulated the
content of the Gospel in a manner which appealed to the common sense of
all the serious thinkers and intelligent men of the age. Moreover, they
contrived to use the positive material of tradition, including the life
and worship of Christ, in such a way as to furnish this reasonable
religion with a confirmation and proof that had hitherto been eagerly
sought, but sought in vain. In the theology of the Apologists,
Christianity, as the religious enlightenment directly emanating from God
himself, is most sharply contrasted with all polytheism, natural
religion, and ceremonial. They proclaimed it in the most emphatic manner
as the religion of the spirit, of freedom, and of absolute morality.
Almost the whole positive material of Christianity is embodied in the
story which relates its entrance into the world, its spread, and the
proof of its truth. The religion itself, on the other hand, appears as
the truth that is surely attested and accords with reason--a truth the
content of which is not primarily dependent on historical facts and
finally overthrows all polytheism.
Now this was the very thing required. In the second century of our era a
great many needs and aspirations were undoubtedly making themselves felt
in the sphere of religion and morals. "Gnosticism" and Marcionite
Christianity prove the variety and depth of the needs then asserting
themselves within the space that the ecclesiastical historian is able to
survey. Mightier than all others, however, was the longing men felt to
free themselves from the burden of the past, to cast away the rubbish of
cults and of unmeaning religious ceremonies, and to be assured that the
results of religious philosophy, those great and simple doctrines of
virtue and immortality and of the God who is a Spirit, were certain
truths. He who brought the message that these ideas were realities, and
who, on the strength of these realities, declared polytheism and the
worship of idols to be obsolete, had the mightiest forces on his side;
for the times were now ripe for this preaching. What formed the strength
of the apologetic philosophy was the proclamation that Christianity both
contained the highest truth, as men already supposed it to be and as
they had discovered it in their own minds, and the absolutely reliable
guarantee that was desired for this truth. To the quality which makes it
appear meagre to us it owed its impressiveness. The fact of its falling
in with the general spiritual current of the time and making no attempt
to satisfy special and deeper needs enabled it to plead the cause of
spiritual monotheism and to oppose the worship of idols in the manner
most easily understood. As it did not require historic and positive
material to describe the nature of religion and morality, this
philosophy enabled the Apologists to demonstrate the worthlessness of
the traditional religion and worship of the different nations.[342] The
same cause, however, made them take up the conservative position with
regard to the historical traditions of Christianity. These were not
ultimately tested as to their content, for this was taken for granted,
no matter how they might be worded; but they were used to give an
assurance of the truth, and to prove that the religion of the spirit was
not founded on human opinion, but on divine revelation. The only really
important consideration in Christianity is that it is _revelation, real
revelation_. The Apologists had no doubt as to what it reveals, and
therefore any investigation was unnecessary. The result of Greek
philosophy, the philosophy of Plato and Zeno, as it had further
developed in the empires of Alexander the Great and the Romans, was to
attain victory and permanence by the aid of Christianity. Thus we view
the progress of this development to-day,[343] and Christianity really
proved to be the force from which that religious philosophy, viewed as a
theory of the world and system of morality, first received the courage
to free itself from the polytheistic past and descend from the circles
of the learned to the common people.
This constitutes the deepest distinction between Christian philosophers
like Justin and those of the type of Valentinus. The latter sought for a
_religion_; the former, though indeed they were not very clear about
their own purpose, sought _assurance_ as to a theistic and moral
conception of the world which they already possessed. At first the
complexus of Christian tradition, which must have possessed many
features of attraction for them, was something foreign to both. The
latter, however, sought to make this tradition intelligible. For the
former it was enough that they had here a revelation before them; that
this revelation also bore unmistakable testimony to the one God, who was
a Spirit, to virtue, and to immortality; and that it was capable of
convincing men and of leading them to a virtuous life. Viewed
superficially, the Apologists were no doubt the conservatives; but they
were so, because they scarcely in any respect meddled with the contents
of tradition. The "Gnostics," on the contrary, sought to understand what
they read and to investigate the truth of the message of which they
heard. The most characteristic feature is the attitude of each to the
Old Testament. The Apologists were content to have found in it an
ancient source of revelation, and viewed the book as a testimony to the
truth, i.e., to philosophy and virtue; the Gnostics investigated this
document and examined to what extent it agreed with the new impressions
they had received from the Gospel. We may sum up as follows: The
Gnostics sought to determine what Christianity is as a religion, and, as
they were convinced of the absoluteness of Christianity, this process
led them to incorporate with it all that they looked on as sublime and
holy and to remove everything they recognised to be inferior. The
Apologists, again, strove to discover an authority for religious
enlightenment and morality and to find the confirmation of a theory of
the universe, which, if true, contained for them the certainty of
eternal life; and this they found in the Christian tradition.
At bottom this contrast is a picture of the great discord existing in
the religious philosophy of the age itself (see p. 129, vol. I.). No one
denied the fact that all truth was divine, that is, was founded on
revelation. The great question, however, was whether every man possessed
this truth as a slumbering capacity that only required to be awakened;
whether it was rational, i.e., merely moral truth, or must be above that
which is moral, that is, of a religious nature; whether it must carry
man beyond himself; and whether a real redemption was necessary. It is
ultimately the dispute between morality and religion, which appears as
an unsettled problem in the theses of the idealistic philosophers and in
the whole spiritual conceptions then current among the educated, and
which recurs in the contrast between the Apologetic and the Gnostic
theology. And, as in the former case we meet with the most varied shades
and transitions, for no one writer has developed a consistent theory, so
also we find a similar state of things in the latter;[344] for no
Apologist quite left out of sight the idea of redemption (deliverance
from the dominion of demons can only be effected by the Logos, i.e.,
God). Wherever the idea of freedom is strongly emphasised, the religious
element, in the strict sense of the word, appears in jeopardy. This is
the case with the Apologists throughout. Conversely, wherever redemption
forms the central thought, need is felt of a suprarational truth, which
no longer views morality as the only aim, and which, again, requires
particular media, a sacred history and sacred symbols. Stoic
rationalism, in its logical development, is menaced wherever we meet the
perception that the course of the world must in some way be helped, and
wherever the contrast between reason and sensuousness, that the old Stoa
had confused, is clearly felt to be an unendurable state of antagonism
that man cannot remove by his own unaided efforts. The need of a
revelation had its starting-point in philosophy here. The judgment of
oneself and of the world to which Platonism led, the self-consciousness
which it awakened by the detachment of man from nature, and the
contrasts which it revealed led of necessity to that frame of mind which
manifested itself in the craving for a revelation. The Apologists felt
this. But their rationalism gave a strange turn to the satisfaction of
that need. It was not their Christian ideas which first involved them in
contradictions. At the time when Christianity appeared on the scene, the
Platonic and Stoic systems themselves were already so complicated that
philosophers did not find their difficulties seriously increased by a
consideration of the Christian doctrines. As _Apologists_, however, they
decidedly took the part of Christianity because, according to them, it
was the doctrine of reason and freedom.
The Gospel was hellenised in the second century in so far as the
Gnostics in various ways transformed it into a Hellenic religion for the
educated. The Apologists used it--we may almost say inadvertently--to
overthrow polytheism by maintaining that Christianity was the
realisation of an absolutely moral theism. The Christian religion was
not the first to experience this twofold destiny on Græco-Roman soil. A
glance at the history of the Jewish religion shows us a parallel
development; in fact, both the speculations of the Gnostics and the
theories of the Apologists were foreshadowed in the theology of the
Jewish Alexandrians, and particularly in that of Philo. Here also the
Gospel merely entered upon the heritage of Judaism.[345] Three centuries
before the appearance of Christian Apologists, Jews, who had received a
Hellenic training, had already set forth the religion of Jehovah to the
Greeks in that remarkably summary and spiritualised form which
represents it as the absolute and highest philosophy, i.e., the
knowledge of God, of virtue, and of recompense in the next world. Here
these Jewish philosophers had already transformed all the positive and
historic elements of the national religion into parts of a huge system
for proving the truth of that theism. The Christian Apologists adopted
this method, for they can hardly be said to have invented it anew.[346]
We see from the Jewish Sibylline oracles how wide-spread it was. Philo,
however, was not only a Stoic rationalist, but a hyper-Platonic
religious philosopher. In like manner, the Christian Apologists did not
altogether lack this element, though in some isolated cases among them
there are hardly any traces of it. This feature is most fully
represented among the Gnostics.
This transformation of religion into a philosophic system would not have
been possible had not Greek philosophy itself happened to be in process
of development into a religion. Such a transformation was certainly very
foreign to the really classical time of Greece and Rome. The pious
belief in the efficacy and power of the gods and in their appearances
and manifestations, as well as the traditional worship, could have no
bond of union with speculations concerning the essence and ultimate
cause of things. The idea of a religious dogma which was at once to
furnish a correct theory of the world and a principle of conduct was
from this standpoint completely unintelligible. But philosophy,
particularly in the Stoa, set out in search of this idea, and, after
further developments, sought for one special religion with which it
could agree or through which it could at least attain certainty. The
meagre cults of the Greeks and Romans were unsuited for this. So men
turned their eyes towards the barbarians. Nothing more clearly
characterises the position of things in the second century than the
agreement between two men so radically different as Tatian and Celsus.
Tatian emphatically declares that salvation comes from the barbarians,
and to Celsus it is also a "truism" that the barbarians have more
capacity than the Greeks for discovering valuable doctrines.[347]
Everything was in fact prepared, and nothing was wanting.
About the middle of the second century, however, the moral and
rationalistic element in the philosophy and spiritual culture of the
time was still more powerful than the religious and mystic; for
Neoplatonism, which under its outward coverings concealed the aspiration
after religion and the living God, was only in its first beginnings. It
was not otherwise in Christian circles. The "Gnostics" were in the
minority. What the great majority of the Church felt to be intelligible
and edifying above everything else was an earnest moralism.[348] New and
strange as the undertaking to represent Christianity as a philosophy
might seem at first, the Apologists, so far as they were understood,
appeared to advance nothing inconsistent with Christian common sense.
Besides, they did not question authorities, but rather supported them,
and introduced no foreign positive materials. For all these reasons, and
also because their writings were not at first addressed to the
communities, but only to outsiders, the marvellous attempt to present
Christianity to the world as the religion which is the true philosophy,
and as the philosophy which is the true religion, remained unopposed in
the Church. But in what sense was the Christian religion set forth as a
philosophy? An exact answer to this question is of the highest interest
as regards the history of Christian dogma.
2. _Christianity as Philosophy and as Revelation_.
It was a new undertaking and one of permanent importance to a tradition
hitherto so little concerned for its own vindication, when Quadratus and
the Athenian philosopher, Aristides, presented treatises in defence of
Christianity to the emperor.[349] About a century had elapsed since the
Gospel of Christ had begun to be preached. It may be said that the
Apology of Aristides was a most significant opening to the second
century, whilst we find Origen at its close. Marcianus Aristides
expressly designates himself in his pamphlet as a _philosopher of the
Athenians_. Since the days when the words were written: "Beware lest any
man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit" (Col. II. 8), it had
constantly been repeated (see, as evidence, Celsus, passim) that
Christian preaching and philosophy were things entirely different, that
God had chosen the fools, and that man's duty was not to investigate and
seek, but to believe and hope. Now a philosopher, as such, pleaded the
cause of Christianity. In the summary he gave of the content of
Christianity at the beginning of his address, he really spoke as a
philosopher and represented this faith as a philosophy. By expounding
pure monotheism and giving it the main place in his argument, Aristides
gave supreme prominence to the very doctrine which simple Christians
also prized as the most important.[350] Moreover, in emphasing not only
the supernatural character of the Christian doctrine revealed by the Son
of the Most High God, but also the continuous inspiration of
believers--the new _race_ (not a new _school_)--he confessed in the most
express way the peculiar nature of this philosophy as a divine truth.
According to him Christianity is philosophy because its content is in
accordance with reason, and because it gives a satisfactory and
universally intelligible answer to the questions with which all real
philosophers have concerned themselves. But it is no philosophy, in fact
it is really the complete opposite of this, in so far as it proceeds
from revelation and is propagated by the agency of God, i.e., has a
supernatural and divine origin, on which alone the truth and certainty
of its doctrines finally depend. This contrast to philosophy is chiefly
shown in the unphilosophical form in which Christianity was first
preached to the world. That is the thesis maintained by all the
Apologists from Justin to Tertullian,[351] and which Jewish philosophers
before them propounded and defended. This proposition may certainly be
expressed in a great variety of ways. In the first place, it is
important whether the first or second half is emphasised, and secondly,
whether that which is "universally intelligible" is to be reckoned as
philosophy at all, or is to be separated from it as that which comes by
"nature." Finally, the attitude to be taken up towards the Greek
philosophers is left an open question, so that the thesis, taking up
this attitude as a starting-point, may again assume various forms. But
was the contradiction which it contains not felt? The content of
revelation is to be rational; but does that which is rational require a
revelation? How the proposition was understood by the different
Apologists requires examination.
_Aristides._ He first gives an exposition of monotheism and the
monotheistic cosmology (God as creator and mover of the universe, as the
spiritual, perfect, almighty Being, whom all things need, and who
requires nothing). In the second chapter he distinguishes, according to
the Greek text, three, and, according to the Syriac, four classes of men
(in the Greek text polytheists, Jews, Christians, the polytheists being
divided into Chaldeans, Greeks, and Egyptians; in the Syriac barbarians,
Greeks, Jews, Christians), and gives their origin. He derives the
Christians from Jesus Christ and reproduces the Christian _kerygma_ (Son
of the Most High God, birth from the Virgin, 12 disciples, death on the
cross, burial, resurrection, ascension, missionary labours of the 12
disciples). After this, beginning with the third chapter, follows a
criticism of polytheism, that is, the false theology of the barbarians,
Greeks, and Egyptians (down to chapter 12). In the 13th chapter the
Greek authors and philosophers are criticised, and the Greek myths, as
such, are shown to be false. In the 14th chapter the Jews are introduced
(they are monotheists and their ethical system is praised; but they are
then reproached with worshipping of angels and a false ceremonial). In
the 15th chapter follows a description of the Christians, _i.e._, above
all, of their pure, holy life. It is they who have found the truth,
because they know the creator of heaven and earth. This description is
continued in chapters 16 and 17: "This people is new and there is a
divine admixture in it." The Christian writings are recommended to the
emperor.
_Justin._[352] In his treatise addressed to the emperor Justin did not
call himself a philosopher as Aristides had done. In espousing the cause
of the hated and despised Christians he represented himself as a simple
member of that sect. But in the very first sentence of his Apology he
takes up the ground of piety and philosophy, the very ground taken up by
the pious and philosophical emperors themselves, according to the
judgment of the time and their own intention. In addressing them he
appeals to the [Greek: logos sôphrôn] in a purely Stoic fashion. He
opposes the truth--also in the Stoic manner--to the [Greek: doxais
palaiôn].[353] It was not to be a mere _captatio benevolentiæ_. In that
case Justin would not have added: "That ye are pious and wise and
guardians of righteousness and friends of culture, ye hear everywhere.
Whether ye are so, however, will be shown."[354] His whole exordium is
calculated to prove to the emperors that they are in danger of repeating
a hundredfold the crime which the judges of Socrates had committed.[355]
Like a second Socrates Justin speaks to the emperors in the name of all
Christians. They are to hear the convictions of the wisest of the Greeks
from the mouth of the Christians. Justin wishes to enlighten the emperor
with regard to the life and doctrines ([Greek: bios kai mathêmata]) of
the latter. Nothing is to be concealed, for there is nothing to conceal.
Justin kept this promise better than any of his successors. For that
very reason also he did not depict the Christian Churches as schools of
philosophers (cc. 61-67). Moreover, in the first passage where he speaks
of Greek philosophers,[356] he is merely drawing a parallel. According
to him there are bad Christians and seeming Christians, just as there
are philosophers who are only so in name and outward show. Such men,
too, were in early times called "philosophers" even when they preached
atheism. To all appearance, therefore, Justin does _not_ desire
Christians to be reckoned as philosophers. But it is nevertheless
significant that, in the case of the Christians, a phenomenon is being
repeated which otherwise is only observed in the case of philosophers;
and how were those whom he was addressing to understand him? In the same
passage he speaks for the first time of Christ. He introduces him with
the plain and intelligible formula: [Greek: ho didaskalos Christos]
("the teacher Christ").[357] Immediately thereafter he praises Socrates
because he had exposed the worthlessness and deceit of the evil demons,
and traces his death to the same causes which are now he says bringing
about the condemnation of the Christians. Now he can make his final
assertion. In virtue of "reason" Socrates exposed superstition; in
virtue of the same reason, this was done by the teacher whom the
Christians follow. _But this teacher was reason itself; it was visible
in him, and indeed it appeared bodily in him._[358]
Is this philosophy or is it myth? The greatest paradox the Apologist has
to assert is connected by him with the most impressive remembrance
possessed by his readers as philosophers. In the same sentence where he
represents Christ as the Socrates of the barbarians,[359] and
consequently makes Christianity out to be a Socratic doctrine, he
propounds the unheard of theory _that the teacher Christ is the
incarnate reason of God_.
Justin nowhere tried to soften the effect of this conviction or explain
it in a way adapted to his readers. Nor did he conceal from them that
his assertion admits of no speculative demonstration. That philosophy
can only deal with things which ever are, because they ever were, since
this world began, is a fact about which he himself is perfectly clear.
No Stoic could have felt more strongly than Justin how paradoxical is
the assertion that a thing is of value which has happened only once.
Certain as he is that the "reasonable" emperors will regard it as a
rational assumption that "Reason" is the Son of God,[360] he knows
equally well that no philosophy will bear him out in that other
assertion, and that such a statement is seemingly akin to the
contemptible myths of the evil demons.
But there is certainly a proof which, if not speculative, is
nevertheless sure. The same ancient documents, which contain the
Socratic and super-Socratic wisdom of the Christians, bear witness
through prophecies, which, just because they are predictions, admit of
no doubt, that the teacher Christ is the incarnate reason; for history
confirms the word of prophecy even in the minutest details. Moreover, in
so far as these writings are in the lawful possession of the Christians,
and announced at the very beginning of things that this community would
appear on the earth, they testify that the Christians may in a certain
fashion date themselves back to the beginning of the world, because
their doctrine is as old as the earth itself (this thought is still
wanting in Aristides).
The new Socrates who appeared among the barbarians is therefore quite
different from the Socrates of the Greeks, and for that reason also his
followers are not to be compared with the disciples of the
philosophers.[361] From the very beginning of things a world-historical
dispensation of God announced this reasonable doctrine through prophets,
and prepared the visible appearance of reason itself. The same reason
which created and arranged the world took human form in order to draw
the whole of humanity to itself. Every precaution has been taken to make
it easy for any one, be he Greek or barbarian, educated or uneducated,
to grasp all the doctrines of this reason, to verify their truth, and
test their power in life. What further importance can philosophy have
side by side with this, how can one think of calling this a philosophy?
And yet the doctrine of the Christians can only be compared with
philosophy. For, so far as the latter is genuine, it is also guided by
the Logos; and, conversely, what the Christians teach concerning the
Father of the world, the destiny of man, the nobility of his nature,
freedom and virtue, justice and recompense, has also been attested by
the wisest of the Greeks. They indeed only stammered, whereas the
Christians speak. These, however, use no unintelligible and unheard-of
language, but speak with the words and through the power of reason. The
wonderful arrangement, carried out by the Logos himself, through which
he ennobled the human race by restoring its consciousness of its own
nobility, compels no one henceforth to regard the reasonable as the
unreasonable or wisdom as folly. But is the Christian wisdom not of
divine origin? How can it in that case be natural, and what connection
can exist between it and the wisdom of the Greeks? Justin bestowed the
closest attention on this question, but he never for a moment doubted
what the answer must be. Wherever the reasonable has revealed itself, it
has always been through the operation of the _divine_ reason. For man's
lofty endowment consists in his having had a portion of the divine
reason implanted within him, and in his consequent capacity of attaining
a knowledge of divine things, though not a perfect and clear one, by
dint of persistent efforts after truth and virtue. When man remembers
his real nature and destination, that is, when he comes to himself, the
divine reason is already revealing itself in him and through him. As
man's possession conferred on him at the creation, it is at once his
most peculiar property, and the power which dominates and determines his
nature.[362] All that is reasonable is based on revelation. In order to
accomplish his true destiny man requires from the beginning the inward
working of that divine reason which has created the world for the sake
of man, and therefore wishes to raise man beyond the world to God.[363]
Apparently no one could speak in a more stoical fashion. But this train
of thought is supplemented by something which limits it. Revelation does
retain its peculiar and unique significance. For no one who merely
possessed the "seed of the Logos" ([Greek: sperma tou logou]), though it
may have been his exclusive guide to knowledge and conduct, was ever
able to grasp the whole truth and impart it in a convincing manner.
Though Socrates and Heraclitus may in a way be called Christians, they
cannot be so designated in any real sense. Reason is clogged with
unreasonableness, and the certainty of truth is doubtful wherever the
whole Logos has not been acting; for man's natural endowment with reason
is too weak to oppose the powers of evil and of sense that work in the
world, namely, the demons. We must therefore believe in the prophets in
whom the whole Logos spoke. He who does that must also of necessity
believe in Christ; for the prophets clearly pointed to him as the
perfect embodiment of the Logos. Measured by the fulness, clearness, and
certainty of the knowledge imparted by the Logos Christ, all knowledge
independent of him appears as merely human wisdom, even when it emanates
from the seed of the Logos. The Stoic argument is consequently
untenable. Men blind and kept in bondage by the demons require to be
aided by a special revelation. It is true that this revelation is
nothing new, and in so far as it has always existed, and never varied in
character, from the beginning of the world, it is in this sense nothing
extraordinary. _It is the divine help granted to man, who has fallen
under the power of the demons, and enabling him to follow his reason and
freedom to do what is good. By the appearance of Christ this help became
accessible to all men._ The dominion of demons and revelation are the
two correlated ideas. If the former did not exist, the latter would not
be necessary. According as we form a lower or higher estimate of the
pernicious results of that sovereignty, the value of revelation rises or
sinks. This revelation cannot do less than give the necessary assurance
of the truth, and it cannot do more than impart the power that develops
and matures the inalienable natural endowment of man and frees him from
the dominion of the demons.
Accordingly the teaching of the prophets and Christ is related even to
the very highest human philosophy as the whole is to the part,[364] or
as the certain is to the uncertain; and hence also as the permanent is
to the transient. For the final stage has now arrived and Christianity
is destined to put an end to natural human philosophy. When the perfect
work is there, the fragmentary must cease. Justin gave the clearest
expression to this conviction. Christianity, i.e., the prophetic
teaching attested by Christ and accessible to all, puts an end to the
human systems of philosophy that from their close affinity to it may be
called Christian, inasmuch as it effects all and more than all that
these systems have done, and inasmuch as the speculations of the
philosophers, which are uncertain and mingled with error, are
transformed by it into dogmas of indubitable certainty.[365] The
practical conclusion drawn in Justin's treatise from this exposition is
that the Christians are at least entitled to ask the authorities to
treat them as philosophers (Apol. I. 7, 20: II. 15). This demand, he
says, is the more justifiable because the freedom of philosophers is
enjoyed even by such people as merely bear the name, whereas in reality
they set forth immoral and pernicious doctrines.[366]
In the dialogue with the Jew Trypho, which is likewise meant for heathen
readers, Justin ceased to employ the idea of the existence of a "seed of
the Logos implanted by nature" ([Greek: sperma logou emphuton]) in every
man. From this fact we recognise that he did not consider the notion of
fundamental importance. He indeed calls the Christian religion a
philosophy;[367] but, in so far as this is the case, it is "the only
sure and saving philosophy." No doubt the so-called philosophies put the
right questions, but they are incapable of giving correct answers. For
the Deity, who embraces all true being, and a knowledge of whom alone
makes salvation possible, is only known in proportion as he reveals
himself. True wisdom is therefore exclusively based on revelation. Hence
it is opposed to every human philosophy, because revelation was only
given in the prophets and in Christ.[368] The Christian is _the_
philosopher,[369] because the followers of Plato and the Stoics are
virtually no philosophers. In applying the title "philosophy" to
Christianity he therefore does not mean to bring Christians and
philosophers more closely together. No doubt, however, he asserts that
the Christian doctrine, which is founded on the knowledge of Christ and
leads to blessedness,[370] is in accordance with reason.
_Athenagoras._ The petition on behalf of Christians, which Athenagoras,
"the Christian philosopher of Athens," presented, to the emperors Marcus
Aurelius and Commodus, nowhere expressly designates Christianity as a
philosophy, and still less does it style the Christians
philosophers.[371] But, at the very beginning of his writing Athenagoras
also claims for the Christian doctrines the toleration granted by the
state to all philosophic tenets.[372] In support of his claim he argues
that the state punishes nothing but practical atheism,[373] and that the
"atheism" of the Christians is a doctrine about God such as had been
propounded by the most distinguished philosophers--Pythagoreans,
Platonists, Peripatetics, and Stoics--who, moreover, were permitted to
write whatsoever they pleased on the subject of the "Deity."[374] The
Apologist concedes even more: "If philosophers did not also acknowledge
the existence of one God, if they did not also conceive the gods in
question to be partly demons, partly matter, partly of human birth, then
certainly we would be justly expelled as aliens."[375] He therefore
takes up the standpoint that the state is justified in refusing to
tolerate people with completely new doctrines. When we add that he
everywhere assumes that the wisdom and piety of the emperors are
sufficient to test and approve[376] the truth of the Christian teaching,
that he merely represents this faith itself as the _reasonable_
doctrine,[377] and that, with the exception of the resurrection of the
body, he leaves all the positive and objectionable tenets of
Christianity out of account,[378] there is ground for thinking that this
Apologist differs essentially from Justin in his conception of the
relation of Christianity to secular philosophy.
Moreover, it is not to be denied that Athenagoras views the revelation
in the prophets and in Christ as completely identical. But in one very
essential point he agrees with Justin; and he has even expressed himself
still more plainly than the latter, inasmuch as he does not introduce
the assumption of a "seed of the Logos implanted by nature" [Greek:
sperma logou emphuton]. The philosophers, he says, were incapable of
knowing the full truth, since it was not from God, but rather from
themselves, that they wished to learn about God. True wisdom, however,
can only be learned from God, that is, from his prophets; it depends
solely on revelation.[379] Here also then we have a repetition of the
thought that the truly reasonable is of supernatural origin. Such is the
importance attached by Athenagoras to this proposition, that he declares
any demonstration of the "reasonable" to be insufficient, no matter how
luminous it may appear. Even that which is most evidently true--e.g.,
monotheism--is not raised from the domain of mere human opinion into the
sphere of undoubted certainty till it can be confirmed by
revelation.[380] This can be done by Christians alone. Hence they are
very different from the philosophers, just as they are also
distinguished from these by their manner of life.[381] All the praises
which Athenagoras from time to time bestows on philosophers,
particularly Plato,[382] are consequently to be understood in a merely
relative sense. Their ultimate object is only to establish the claim
made by the Apologist with regard to the treatment of Christians by the
state; but they are not really meant to bring the former into closer
relationship to philosophers. Athenagoras also holds the theory that
Christians are philosophers, in so far as the "philosophers" are not
such in any true sense. It is only the problems they set that connect
the two. He exhibits less clearness than Justin in tracing the necessity
of revelation to the fact that the demon sovereignty, which, above all,
reveals itself in polytheism,[383] can only be overthrown by revelation;
he rather emphasises the other thought (cc. 7, 9) that the necessary
attestation of the truth can only be given in this way.[384]
_Tatian's_[385] chief aim was not to bring about a juster treatment of
the Christians.[386] He wished to represent their cause as the good
contrasted with the bad, wisdom as opposed to error, truth in
contradistinction to outward seeming, hypocrisy, and pretentious
emptiness. His "Address to the Greeks" begins with a violent polemic
against all Greek philosophers. Tatian merely acted up to a judgment of
philosophers and philosophy which in Justin's case is still
concealed.[387] Hence it was not possible for him to think of
demonstrating analogies between Christians and philosophers. He also no
doubt views Christianity as "reasonable;" he who lives virtuously and
follows wisdom receives it;[388] but yet it is too sublime to be grasped
by earthly perception.[389] It is a heavenly thing which depends on the
communication of the "Spirit," and hence can only be known by
revelation.[390] But yet it is a "philosophy" with definite doctrines
([Greek: dogmata]);[391] it brings nothing new, but only such blessings
as we have already received, but could not retain[392] owing to the
power of error, i.e., the dominion of the demons.[393] Christianity is
therefore the philosophy in which, by virtue of the Logos revelation
through the prophets,[394] the rational knowledge that leads to
life[395] is restored. This knowledge was no less obscured among the
Greek philosophers than among the Greeks generally. In so far as
revelation took place among the barbarians from the remotest antiquity,
Christianity may also be called the barbarian philosophy.[396] Its truth
is proved by its ancient date[397] as well as by its intelligible form,
which enables even the most uneducated person that is initiated in
it[398] to understand it perfectly.[399] Finally, Tatian also states (c.
40) that the Greek sophists have read the writings of Moses and the
prophets, and reproduced them in a distorted form. He therefore
maintains the very opposite of what Celsus took upon him to demonstrate
when venturing to derive certain sayings and doctrines of Christ and the
Christians from the philosophers. Both credit the plagiarists with
intentional misrepresentation or gross misunderstanding. Justin judged
more charitably. To Tatian, on the contrary, the mythology of the Greeks
did not appear worse than their philosophy; in both cases he saw
imitations and intentional corruption of the truth.[400]
_Theophilus_ agrees with Tatian, in so far as he everywhere appears to
contrast Christianity with philosophy. The religious and moral culture
of the Greeks is derived from their poets (historians) and philosophers
(ad Autol. II. 3 fin. and elsewhere). However, not only do poets and
philosophers contradict each other (II. 5); but the latter also do not
agree (II. 4. 8: III. 7), nay, many contradict themselves (III. 3). Not
a single one of the so-called philosophers, however, is to be taken
seriously;[401] they have devised myths and follies (II. 8); everything
they have set forth is useless and godless (III. 2); vain and worthless
fame was their aim (III. 3). But God knew beforehand the "drivellings of
these hollow philosophers" and made his preparations (II. 15). He of old
proclaimed the truth by the mouth of prophets, and these deposited it in
holy writings. This truth refers to the knowledge of God, the origin and
history of the world, as well as to a virtuous life. The prophetic
testimony in regard to it was continued in the Gospel.[402] Revelation,
however, is necessary because this wisdom of the philosophers and poets
is really demon wisdom, for they were inspired by devils.[403] Thus the
most extreme contrasts appear to exist here. Still, Theophilus is
constrained to confess that truth was not only announced by the Sibyl,
to whom his remarks do not apply, for she is (II. 36): [Greek: en
Ellêsin kai en tois loipois ethnetin genomenê prophêtis], but that poets
and philosophers, "though against their will," also gave clear
utterances regarding the justice, the judgment, and the punishments of
God, as well as regarding his providence in respect to the living and
the dead, or, in other words, about the most important points (II. 37,
38, 8 fin.). Theophilus gives a double explanation of this fact. On the
one hand he ascribes it to the imitation of holy writings (II. 12, 37:
I. 14), and on the other he admits that those writers, when the demons
abandoned them ([Greek: tê psychê eknêpsantes ex autôn]), of themselves
displayed a knowledge of the divine sovereignty, the judgment etc.,
which agrees with the teachings of the prophets (II. 8). This admission
need not cause astonishment; for the freedom and control of his own
destiny with which man is endowed (II. 27) must infallibly lead him to
correct knowledge and obedience to God, as soon as he is no longer under
the sway of the demons. Theophilus did not apply the title of philosophy
to Christian truth, this title being in his view discredited; but
Christianity is to him the "wisdom of God," which by luminous proofs
convinces the men who reflect on their own nature.[404]
_Tertullian and Minucius Felix._[405] Whilst, in the case of the Greek
Apologists, the acknowledgment of revelation appears conditioned by
philosophical scepticism on the one hand, and by the strong impression
of the dominion of the demons on the other, the sceptical element is not
only wanting in the Latin Apologists, but the Christian truth is even
placed in direct opposition to the sceptical philosophy and on the side
of philosophical dogmatism, i.e., Stoicism.[406] Nevertheless the
observations of Tertullian and Minucius Felix with regard to the essence
of Christianity, viewed as philosophy and as revelation, are at bottom
completely identical with the conception of the Greek Apologists,
although it is undeniable that in the former case the revealed character
of Christianity is placed in the background.[407] The recognition of
this fact is exceedingly instructive, for it proves that the conception
of Christianity set forth by the Apologists was not an individual one,
but the necessary expression of the conviction that Christian truth
contains the completion and guarantee of philosophical knowledge. To
Minucius Felix (and Tertullian) Christian truth chiefly presents itself
as the wisdom implanted by nature in every man (Oct. 16. 5). In so far
as man possesses reason and speech and accomplishes the task of the
"examination of the universe" ("inquisitio universitatis"), conditioned
by this gift, he has the Christian truth, that is, he finds Christianity
in his own constitution, and in the rational order of the world.
Accordingly, Minucius is also able to demonstrate the Christian
doctrines by means of the Stoic principle of knowledge, and arrives at
the conclusion that Christianity is a philosophy, i.e., the true
philosophy, and that philosophers are to be considered Christians in
proportion as they have discovered the truth.[408] Moreover, as he
represented Christian ethics to be the expression of the Stoic, and
depicted the Christian bond of brotherhood as a cosmopolitan union of
philosophers, who have become conscious of their natural
similarity,[409] the revealed character of Christianity appears to be
entirely given up. This religion is natural enlightenment, the
revelation of a truth contained in the world and in man, the discovery
of the one God from the open book of creation. The difference between
him and an Apologist like Tatian seems here to be a radical one. But, if
we look more closely, we find that Minucius--and not less
Tertullian--has abandoned Stoic rationalism in vital points. We may
regard his apologetic aim as his excuse for clearly drawing the logical
conclusions from these inconsistencies himself. However, these
deviations of his from the doctrines of the Stoa are not merely prompted
by Christianity, but rather have already become an essential component
of his philosophical theory of the world. In the first place, Minucius
developed a detailed theory of the pernicious activity of the demons
(cc. 26, 27). This was a confession that human nature was not what it
ought to be, because an evil element had penetrated it from without.
Secondly, he no doubt acknowledged (I. 4: 16. 5) the natural light of
wisdom in humanity, but nevertheless remarked (32. 9) that our thoughts
are darkness when measured by the clearness of God. Finally, and this is
the most essential point, after appealing to various philosophers when
expounding his doctrine of the final conflagration of the world, he
suddenly repudiated this tribunal, declaring that the Christians follow
the prophets, and that philosophers "have formed this shadowy picture of
distorted truth in imitation of the divine predictions of the prophets."
(34) Here we have now a union of all the elements already found in the
Greek Apologists; only they are, as it were, hid in the case of
Minucius. But the final proof that he agreed with them in the main is
found in the exceedingly contemptuous judgment which he in conclusion
passed on all philosophers and indeed on philosophy generally.[410] (34.
5: 38. 5) This judgment is not to be explained, as in Tertullian's case,
by the fact that his Stoic opinions led him to oppose natural perception
to all philosophical theory--for this, at most, cannot have been more
than a secondary contributing cause,[411] but by the fact that he is
conscious of following _revealed_ wisdom.[412] Revelation is necessary
because mankind must be aided from without, i.e., by God. In this idea
man's need of redemption is acknowledged, though not to the same extent
as by Seneca and Epictetus. But no sooner does Minucius perceive the
teachings of the prophets to be divine truth than man's natural
endowment and the speculation of philosophers sink for him into
darkness. Christianity is the wisdom which philosophers sought, but were
not able to find.[413]
We may sum up the doctrines of the Apologists as follows: (1)
Christianity is revelation, i.e., it is the divine wisdom, proclaimed of
old by the prophets and, by reason of its origin, possessing an absolute
certainty which can also be recognised in the fulfilment of their
predictions. As divine wisdom Christianity is contrasted with, and puts
an end to, all natural and philosophical knowledge. (2) Christianity is
the enlightenment corresponding to the natural but impaired knowledge of
man.[414] It embraces all the elements of truth in philosophy, whence it
is _the_ philosophy; and helps man to realise the knowledge with which
he is naturally endowed. (3) Revelation of the rational was and is
necessary, because man has fallen under the sway of the demons. (4) The
efforts of philosophers to ascertain the right knowledge were in vain;
and this is, above all, shown by the fact that they neither overthrew
polytheism nor brought about a really moral life. Moreover, so far as
they discovered the truth, they owed it to the prophets from whom they
borrowed it; at least it is uncertain whether they even attained a
knowledge of fragments of the truth by their own independent
efforts.[415] But it is certain that many seeming truths in the writings
of the philosophers were imitations of the truth by evil demons. This is
the origin of all polytheism, which is, moreover, to some extent an
imitation of Christian institutions. (5) The confession of Christ is
simply included in the acknowledgment of the wisdom of the prophets; the
doctrine of the truth did not receive a new content through Christ; he
only made it accessible to the world and strengthened it (victory over
the demons; special features acknowledged by Justin and Tertullian). (6)
The practical test of Christianity is first contained in the fact that
all persons are able to grasp it, for women and uneducated men here
become veritable sages; secondly in the fact that it has the power of
producing a holy life, and of overthrowing the tyranny of the demons. In
the Apologists, therefore, Christianity served itself heir to antiquity,
i.e., to the result of the monotheistic knowledge and ethics of the
Greeks: "[Greek: Osa oun para pasikalôs eirêtai, hêmôn tôn Christianôn
esti]" (Justin, Apol. II. 13). It traced its origin back to the
beginning of the world. Everything true and good which elevates mankind
springs from divine revelation, and is at the same time genuinely human,
because it is a clear expression of what man finds within him and of his
destination (Justin, Apol. I. 46: [Greek: hoi meta logou biôsantes
Christianoi eisi, kan atheoi enomisthêsan, oion en Hellêsi men Sôkratês
kai Êrakleitos kai oi omoioi autois, en barbarois de Abraam k.t.l.],
"those that have lived with reason are Christians, even though they were
accounted atheists, such as Socrates and Heraclitus and those similar to
them among the Greeks, and Abraham etc. among the barbarians"). But
everything true and good is Christian, for Christianity is nothing else
than the teaching of revelation. No second formula can be imagined in
which the claim of Christianity to be the religion of the world is so
powerfully expressed (hence also the endeavour of the Apologists to
reconcile Christianity and the Empire), nor, on the other hand, can we
conceive of one where the specific content of traditional Christianity
is so thoroughly neutralised as it is here. But the really epoch-making
feature is the fact that the intellectual culture of mankind now appears
reconciled and united with religion. The "dogmas" are the expression of
this. Finally, these fundamental presuppositions also result in a quite
definite idea of the essence of revelation and of the content of reason.
The essence of revelation consists in its form: it is divine
communication through a miraculous inward working. All the media of
revelation are passive organs of the Holy Spirit (Athenag. Supplic. 7;
Pseudo-Justin, Cohort. 8; Justin, Dialogue 115. 7; Apol. I. 31, 33, 36;
etc.; see also Hippolytus, de Christo et Antichr. 2). These were not
necessarily at all times in a state of ecstasy, when they received the
revelations; but they were no doubt in a condition of absolute
receptivity. The Apologists had no other idea of revelation. What they
therefore viewed as the really decisive proof of the reality of
revelation is the prediction of the future, for the human mind does not
possess this power. It was only in connection with this proof that the
Apologists considered it important to show what Moses, David, Isaiah,
etc., had proclaimed in the Old Testament, that is, these names have
only a _chronological_ significance. This also explains their interest
in a history of the world, in so far as this interest originated in the
effort to trace the chain of prophets up to the beginning of history,
and to prove the higher antiquity of revealed truth as compared with all
human knowledge and errors, particularly as found among the Greeks
(clear traces in Justin,[416] first detailed argument in Tatian).[417]
If, however, strictly speaking, it is only the form and not the content
of revelation that is supernatural in so far as this content coincides
with that of reason, it is evident that the Apologists simply took the
content of the latter for granted and stated it dogmatically. So,
whether they expressed themselves in strictly Stoic fashion or not, they
all essentially agree in the assumption that true religion and morality
are the natural content of reason. Even Tatian forms no exception,
though he himself protests against the idea.
3. _The doctrines of Christianity as the revealed and rational
religion._
The Apologists frequently spoke of the doctrines or "dogmas" of
Christianity; and the whole content of this religion as philosophy is
included in these dogmas.[418] According to what we have already set
forth there can be no doubt about the character of Christian dogmas.
_They are the rational truths, revealed by the prophets in the Holy
Scriptures, and summarised in Christ_ ([Greek: christos logos kai
nomos]), _which in their unity represent the divine wisdom, and the
recognition of which leads to virtue and eternal life._ The Apologists
considered it their chief task to set forth these doctrines, and hence
they can be reproduced with all desirable clearness. The dogmatic scheme
of the Apologists may therefore be divided into three component parts.
These are: (A) Christianity viewed as monotheistic cosmology (God as the
Father of the world); (B) Christianity as the highest morality and
righteousness (God as the judge who rewards goodness and punishes
wickedness); (C) Christianity regarded as redemption (God as the Good
One who assists man and rescues him from the power of the demons).[419]
Whilst the first two ideas are expressed in a clear and precise manner,
it is equally true that the third is not worked out in a lucid fashion.
This, as will afterwards be seen, is, on the one hand, the result of the
Apologists' doctrine of freedom, and, on the other, of their inability
to discover a specific significance for the _person_ of Christ within
the sphere of revelation. Both facts again are ultimately to be
explained from their moralism.
The essential content of revealed philosophy is viewed by the Apologists
(see A, B) as comprised in three doctrines.[420] First, there is one
spiritual and inexpressibly exalted God, who is Lord and Father of the
world. Secondly, he requires a holy life. Thirdly, he will at last sit
in judgment, and will reward the good with immortality and punish the
wicked with death. The teaching concerning God, virtue, and eternal
reward is traced to the prophets and Christ; but the bringing about of a
virtuous life (of righteousness) has been necessarily left by God to men
themselves; for God has created man free, and virtue can only be
acquired by man's own efforts. The prophets and Christ are therefore a
source of righteousness in so far as they are teachers. But as God, that
is, the divine Word (which we need not here discuss) has spoken in them,
Christianity is to be defined as the Knowledge of God, mediated by the
Deity himself, and as a virtuous walk in the longing after eternal and
perfect life with God, as well as in the sure hope of this imperishable
reward. By knowing what is true and doing what is good man becomes
righteous and a partaker of the highest bliss. This knowledge, which has
the character of divine instruction,[421] rests on faith in the divine
revelation. This revelation has the nature and power of redemption in so
far as the fact is undoubted that without it men cannot free themselves
from the tyranny of the demons, whilst believers in revelation are
enabled by the Spirit of God to put them to flight. Accordingly, the
dogmas of Christian philosophy theoretically contain the monotheistic
cosmology, and practically the rules for a holy life, which appears as a
renunciation of the world and as a new order of society.[422] The goal
is immortal life, which consists in the full knowledge and contemplation
of God. The dogmas of revelation lie between the cosmology and ethics;
they are indefinitely expressed so far as they contain the idea of
salvation; but they are very precisely worded in so far as they
guarantee the truth of the cosmology and ethics.
1. The dogmas which express the knowledge of God and the world are
dominated by the fundamental idea that the world as the created,
conditioned, and transient is contrasted with something self-existing,
unchangeable and eternal, which is the first cause of the world. This
self-existing Being has none of the attributes which belong to the
world; hence he is exalted above every name and has in himself no
distinctions. This implies, first, the unity and uniqueness of this
eternal Being; secondly, his spiritual nature, for everything bodily is
subject to change; and, finally, his perfection, for the self-existent
and eternal requires nothing. Since, however, he is the cause of all
being, himself being unconditioned, he is the fulness of all being or
true being itself (Tatian 5: [Greek: katho pasa dunamis oratôn te kai
aoratôn autos hupostasis ên, sun autô ta panta]). As the living and
spiritual Being he reveals himself in free creations, which make known
his omnipotence and wisdom, i.e., his operative reason. These creations
are, moreover, a proof of the goodness of the Deity, for they can be no
result of necessities, in so far as God is in himself perfect. Just
because he is perfect, the Eternal Essence is also the Father of all
virtues, in so far as he contains no admixture of what is defective.
These virtues include both the goodness which manifests itself in his
creations, and the righteousness which gives to the creature what
belongs to him, in accordance with the position he has received. On the
basis of this train of thought the Apologists lay down the dogmas of the
monarchy of God ([Greek: tôn holôn to monarchikon]), his
supramundaneness ([Greek: to arrêton, to anekphraston, to achôrêton, to
akatalêpton, to aperinoêton, to asugkriton, to asymbibaston, to
anekdiêgêton]; see Justin, Apol. II. 6; Theoph. I. 3); his unity
([Greek: eis Theos]); his having no beginning ([Greek: anarchos, hoti
agenêtos]); his eternity and unchangeableness ([Greek: analloiôtos
kathoti athanatos]); his perfection ([Greek: teleios]); his need of
nothing ([Greek: aprosdeês]); his spiritual nature ([Greek: pneuma ho
Theos]); his absolute causality ([Greek: autos hyparchôn tou pantos hê
hypostasis], the motionless mover, see Aristides c. 1); his creative
activity ([Greek: ktistês tôn pantôn]); his sovereignty ([Greek:
despotês tôn holôn]); his fatherhood ([Greek: patêr dia to einai auton
pro tôn holôn]) his reason-power (God as [Greek: logos, nous, pneuma,
sophia]); his omnipotence ([Greek: pantokratôr hoti autos ta panta
kratei kai emperiechei]); his righteousness and goodness ([Greek: patêr
tês dikaiosunês kai pasôn tôn aretôn chrêstotês]). These dogmas are set
forth by one Apologist in a more detailed, and by another in a more
concise form, but three points are emphasised by all. First, God is
primarily to be conceived as the First Cause. Secondly, the principle of
moral good is also the principle of the world. Thirdly, the principle of
the world, that is, the Deity, as being the immortal and eternal, forms
the contrast to the world which is the transient. In the cosmology of
the Apologists the two fundamental ideas are that God is the Father and
Creator of the world, but that, as uncreated and eternal, he is also the
complete contrast to it.[423]
These dogmas about God were not determined by the Apologists from the
standpoint of the Christian Church which is awaiting an introduction
into the Kingdom of God; but were deduced from a contemplation of the
world on the one hand (see particularly Tatian, 4; Theophilus, I. 5, 6),
and of the moral nature of man on the other. But, in so far as the
latter itself belongs to the sphere of created things, the cosmos is the
starting-point of their speculations. This is everywhere dominated by
reason and order;[424] it bears the impress of the divine Logos, and
that in a double sense. On the one hand it appears as the copy of a
higher, eternal world, for if we imagine transient and changeable matter
removed, it is a wonderful complex of spiritual forces; on the other it
presents itself as the finite product of a rational will. Moreover, the
matter which lies at its basis is nothing bad, but an indifferent
substance created by God,[425] though indeed perishable. In its
constitution the world is in every respect a structure worthy of
God.[426] Nevertheless, according to the Apologists, the direct author
of the world was not God, but the personified power of reason which they
perceived in the cosmos and represented as the immediate source of the
universe. The motive for this dogma and the interest in it would be
wrongly determined by alleging that the Apologists purposely introduced
the Logos in order to separate God from matter, because they regarded
this as something bad. This idea of Philo's cannot at least have been
adopted by them as the result of conscious reflection, for it does not
agree with their conception of matter; nor is it compatible with their
idea of God and their belief in Providence, which is everywhere firmly
maintained. Still less indeed can it be shown that they were all
impelled to this dogma from their view of Jesus Christ, since in this
connection, with the exception of Justin and Tertullian, they manifested
no specific interest in the incarnation of the Logos in Jesus. The
adoption of the dogma of the Logos is rather to be explained thus: (1)
The idea of God, derived by abstraction from the cosmos, did indeed,
like that of the idealistic philosophy, involve the element of unity and
spirituality, which implied a sort of personality; but the fulness of
all spiritual forces, the essence of everything imperishable were quite
as essential features of the conception; for in spite of the
transcendence inseparable from the notion of God, this idea was
nevertheless meant to explain the world.[427] Accordingly, they required
a formula capable of expressing the transcendent and unchangeable nature
of God on the one hand, and his fulness of creative and spiritual powers
on the other. But the latter attributes themselves had again to be
comprehended in a unity, because the law of the cosmos bore the
appearance of a harmonious one. From this arose the idea of the Logos,
and indeed the latter was necessarily distinguished from God as a
separate existence, as soon as the realisation of the powers residing in
God was represented as beginning. _The Logos is the hypostasis of the
operative power of reason, which at once preserves the unity and
unchangeableness of God in spite of the exercise of the powers residing
in him, and renders this very exercise possible._ (2) Though the
Apologists believed in the divine origin of the revelation given to the
prophets, on which all knowledge of truth is based, they could
nevertheless not be induced by this idea to represent God himself as a
direct actor. For that revelation presupposes a speaker and a spoken
word; but it would be an impossible thought to make the fulness of all
essence and the first cause of all things speak. The Deity cannot be a
speaking and still less a visible person, yet according to the testimony
of the prophets, a Divine Person was seen by them. The Divine Being who
makes himself known on earth in audible and visible fashion can only be
the Divine Word. As, however, according to the fundamental view of the
Apologists the principle of religion, i.e., of the knowledge of the
truth, is also the principle of the world, so that Divine Word, which
imparts the right knowledge of the world, must be identical with the
Divine Reason which produced the world itself. In other words, the Logos
is not only the creative Reason of God, but also his revealing Word.
This explains the motive and aim of the dogma of the Logos. We need not
specially point out that nothing more than the precision and certainty
of the Apologists' manner of statement is peculiar here; the train of
thought itself belongs to Greek philosophy. But that very confidence is
the most essential feature of the case; for in fact the firm belief that
the principle of the world is also that of revelation represents an
important early-Christian idea, though indeed in the form of
philosophical reflection. To the majority of the Apologists the
theoretical content of the Christian faith is completely exhausted in
this proposition. They required no particular Christology, for in every
revelation of God by his Word they already recognised a proof of his
existence not to be surpassed, and consequently regarded it as
Christianity _in nuce_.[428] But the fact that the Apologists made a
distinction _in thesi_ between the prophetic Spirit of God and the
Logos, without being able to make any use of this distinction, is a very
clear instance of their dependence on the formulæ of the Church's faith.
Indeed their conception of the Logos continually compelled them to
identify the Logos and the Spirit, just as they not unfrequently define
Christianity as the belief in the true God and in his Son, without
mentioning the Spirit.[429] Further their dependence on the Christian
tradition is shown in the fact that the most of them expressly
designated the Logos as the _Son_ of God.[430]
The Logos doctrine of the Apologists is an essentially unanimous one.
Since God cannot be conceived as without reason, [Greek: alogos], but as
the fulness of all reason,[431] he has always Logos in himself. This
Logos is on the one hand the divine consciousness itself, and on the
other the power (idea and energy) to which the world is due; he is not
separate from God, but is contained in his essence.[432] For the sake of
the creation God produced (sent forth, projected) the Logos from
himself, that is, he engendered[433] him from his essence by a free and
simple act of will ([Greek: Theos ek Theou pephukôs ex heautou]. Dial.
61). Then for the first time the Logos became a hypostasis separate from
God, or, in other words, he first came into existence; and, in virtue of
his origin, he possesses the following distinctive features:[434] (1)
The inner essence of the Logos is identical with the essence of God
himself; for it is the product of self-separation in God, willed and
brought about by himself. Further, the Logos is not cut off and
separated from God, nor is he a mere modality in him. He is rather the
independent product of the self-unfolding of God ([Greek: oikonomia]),
which product, though it is the epitome of divine reason, has
nevertheless not stripped the Father of this attribute. The Logos is the
revelation of God, and the visible God. Consequently the Logos is really
God and Lord, i.e., he possesses the divine nature in virtue of his
essence. The Apologists, however, only know of one kind of divine nature
and this is that which belongs to the Logos. (2) From the moment when he
was begotten the Logos is a being distinct from the Father; he is
[Greek: arithmô eteron ti, Theos heteros, Theos deuteros] ("something
different in number, another God, a second God.") But his personality
only dates from that moment. "Fuit tempus, cum patri filius non fuit,"
("there was a time when the Father had no Son," so Tertullian, adv.
Hermog. 3). The [Greek: logos prophorikos] is for the first time a
hypostasis distinct from the Father, the [Greek: logos endiathetos] is
not.[435] (3) The Logos has an origin, the Father has not; hence it
follows that in relation to God the Logos is a creature; he is the
begotten, that is, the created God, the God who has a beginning.
Wherefore in rank he is below God ([Greek: en deutera chôra]--[Greek:
deuteros Theos], "in the second place, and a second God"), the messenger
and servant of God. The subordination of the Logos is not founded on the
content of his essence, but on his origin. In relation to the creatures,
however, the Logos is the [Greek: archê], i.e., not only the beginning
but the principle of the vitality and form of everything that is to
receive being. As an emanation (the begotten) he is distinguished from
all creatures, for he alone is the Son;[436] but, as having a beginning,
he again stands on a level with them. Hence the paradoxical expression,
[Greek: ergon prôtotokon tou patros] ("first begotten work of the
Father"), is here the most appropriate designation. (4) In virtue of his
finite origin, it is possible and proper for the Logos to enter into the
finite, to act, to speak, and to appear. As he arose for the sake of the
creation of the world, he has the capacity of personal and direct
revelation which does not belong to the infinite God; nay, his whole
essence consists in the very fact that he is thought, word, and deed.
Behind this active substitute and vicegerent, the Father stands in the
darkness of the incomprehensible, and in the incomprehensible light of
perfection as the hidden, unchangeable God.[437]
With the issuing forth of the Logos from God began the realisation of
the idea of the world. The world as [Greek: kosmos noêtos] is contained
in the Logos. But the world is material and manifold, the Logos is
spiritual and one. Therefore the Logos is not himself the world, but he
is its creator and in a certain fashion its archetype. Justin and Tatian
used the expression "beget" [Greek: gennan] for the creation of the
world, but in connections which do not admit of any importance being
attached to this use. The world was created out of nothing after a host
of spirits, as is assumed by most Apologists, had been created along
with heaven, which is a higher, glorious world. The purpose of the
creation of the world was and is the production of men, i.e., beings
possessed of soul and body, endowed with reason and freedom, and
therefore made in the image of God; beings who are to partake of the
blessedness and perfection of God. Everything is created for man's sake,
and his own creation is a proof of the goodness of God. As beings
possessed of soul and body, men are neither mortal nor immortal, but
capable either of death or immortality.[438] The condition on which men
can attain the latter introduces us to ethics. The doctrines, that God
is also the absolute Lord of matter; that evil cannot be a quality of
matter, but rather arose in time and from the free decision of the
spirits or angels; and finally that the world will have an end, but God
can call the destroyed material into existence, just as he once created
it out of nothing, appear in principle to reconcile the dualism in the
cosmology. We have the less occasion to give the details here, because
they are known from the philosophical systems of the period, especially
Philo's, and vary in manifold ways. All the Apologists, however, are
imbued with the idea that this knowledge of God and the world, the
genesis of the Logos and cosmos, are the most essential part of
Christianity itself.[439] This conception is really not peculiar to the
Apologists: in the second century the great majority of Christians, in
so far as they reflected at all, regarded the monotheistic explanation
of the world as a main part of the Christian religion. The theoretical
view of the world as a harmonious whole, of its order, regularity and
beauty; the certainty that all this had been called into existence by an
Almighty Spirit; the sure hope that heaven and earth will pass away, but
will give place to a still more glorious structure, were always present,
and put an end to the bright and gorgeously coloured, but phantastic and
vague, cosmogonies and theogonies of antiquity.
2. Their clear system of morality is in keeping with their relatively
simple cosmology. In giving man reason and freedom as an inalienable
possession God destined him for incorruptibility ([Greek: athanasia,
aphtharsia]), by the attainment of which he was to become a being
similar to God.[440] To the gift of imperishability God, however,
attached the condition of man's preserving [Greek: ta tês athanasias]
("the things of immortality"), i.e., preserving the knowledge of God and
maintaining a holy walk in imitation of the divine perfection. This
demand is as natural as it is just; moreover, nobody can fulfil it in
man's stead, for an essential feature of virtue is its being free,
independent action. Man must therefore determine himself to virtue by
the knowledge that he is only in this way obedient to the Father of the
world and able to reckon on the gift of immortality. The conception of
the content of virtue, however, contains an element which cannot be
clearly apprehended from the cosmology; moral goodness consists in
letting oneself be influenced in no way by the sensuous, but in living
solely, after the Spirit, and imitating the perfection and purity of
God. Moral badness is giving way to any affection resulting from the
natural basis of man. The Apologists undoubtedly believe that virtue
consists negatively in man's renunciation of what his natural
constitution of soul and body demands or impels him to. Some express
this thought in a more pregnant and unvarnished fashion, others in a
milder way. Tatian, for instance, says that we must divest ourselves of
the human nature within us; but in truth the idea is the same in all.
The moral law of nature of which the Apologists speak, and which they
find reproduced in the clearest and most beautiful way in the sayings of
Jesus,[441] calls upon man to raise himself above his nature and to
enter into a corresponding union with his fellow-man which is something
higher than natural connections. It is not so much the law of love that
is to rule everything, for love itself is only a phase of a higher law;
it is the law governing the perfect and sublime Spirit, who, as being
the most exalted existence on this earth, is too noble for the world.
Raised already in this knowledge beyond time and space, beyond the
partial and the finite, the man of God, even while upon the earth, is to
hasten to the Father of Light. By equanimity, absence of desires,
purity, and goodness, which are the necessary results of clear
knowledge, he is to show that he has already risen above the transient
through gazing on the imperishable and through the enjoyment of
knowledge, imperfect though the latter still be. If thus, a suffering
hero, he has stood the test on earth, if he has become dead to the
world,[442] he may be sure that in the life to come God will bestow on
him the gift of immortality, which includes the direct contemplation of
God together with the perfect knowledge that flows from it.[443]
Conversely, the vicious man is given over to eternal death, and in this
punishment the righteousness of God is quite as plainly manifested, as
in the reward of everlasting life.
3. While it is certain that virtue is a matter of freedom, it is just as
sure that no soul is virtuous unless it follows the will of God, i.e.,
knows and judges of God and all things as they must be known and judged
of; and fulfils the commandments of God. This presupposes a revelation
of God through the Logos. A revelation of God, complete in itself and
mediated by the Logos, is found in the cosmos and in the constitution of
man, he being created in his Maker's image.[444] But experience has
shown that this revelation is insufficient to enable men to retain clear
knowledge. They yielded to the seduction of evil demons, who, by God's
sufferance, took possession of the world, and availed themselves of
man's sensuous side to draw him away from the contemplation of the
divine and lead him to the earthly.[445] The results of this temptation
appeared in the facts that humanity as a whole fell a prey to error, was
subjected to the bonds of the sensuous and of the demons, and therefore
became doomed to death, which is at once a punishment and the natural
consequence of want of knowledge of God.[446] Hence it required fresh
efforts of the Logos to free men from a state which is indeed in no
instance an unavoidable necessity, though a sad fact in the case of
almost all. For very few are now able to recognise the one true God from
the order of the universe and from the moral law implanted in
themselves; nor can they withstand the power of the demons ruling in the
world and use their freedom to imitate the virtues of God. Therefore the
Almighty in his goodness employed new means through the Logos to call
men back from the error of their ways, to overthrow the sovereignty of
the demons upon earth, and to correct the disturbed course of the world
before the end has yet come. From the earliest times the Logos (the
Spirit) has descended on such men as preserved their souls pure, and
bestowed on them, through inspiration, knowledge of the truth (with
reference to God, freedom, virtue, the demons, the origin of polytheism,
the judgment) to be imparted by them to others. These are his
"prophets." Such men are rare among the Greeks (and according to some
not found at all), but numerous among the barbarians, i.e., among the
Jewish people. Taught by God, they announced the truth about him, and
under the promptings of the Logos they also committed the revelations to
writings, which therefore, as being inspired, are an authentic record of
the whole truth.[447] To some of the most virtuous among them he himself
even appeared in human form and gave directions. He then is a Christian,
who receives and follows these prophetic teachings, that have ever been
proclaimed afresh from the beginning of the world down to the present
time, and are summed up in the Old Testament. Such a one is enabled even
now to rescue his soul from the rule of the demons, and may confidently
expect the gift of immortality.
With the majority of the Apologists "Christianity" seems to be exhausted
in these doctrines; in fact, they do not even consider it necessary to
mention _ex professo_ the appearance of the Logos in Christ (see above,
p. 189 ff.). But, while it is certain that they all recognised that the
teachings of the prophets contained the full revelation of the truth, we
would be quite wrong in assuming that they view the appearance and
history of Christ as of no significance. In their presentations some of
them no doubt contented themselves with setting forth the most rational
and simple elements, and therefore took almost no notice of the
historical; but even in their case certain indications show that they
regarded the manifestation of the Logos in Christ as of special
moment.[448] For the prophetic utterances, as found from the beginning,
require an attestation, the prophetic teaching requires a guarantee, so
that misguided humanity may accept them and no longer take error for
truth and truth for error. The strongest guarantee imaginable is found
in the fulfilment of prophecy. Since no man is able to foretell what is
to come, the prediction of the future accompanying a doctrine proves its
divine origin. God, in his extraordinary goodness, not only inspired the
prophets, through the Logos, with the doctrines of truth, but has from
the beginning put numerous predictions in their mouth. These predictions
were detailed and manifold; the great majority of them referred to a
more prolonged appearance of the Logos in human form at the end of
history, and to a future judgment. Now, so long as the predictions had
not yet come to pass, the teachings of the prophets were not
sufficiently impressive, for the only sure witness of the truth is its
outward attestation. In the history of Christ, however, the majority of
these prophecies were fulfilled in the most striking fashion, and this
not only guarantees the fulfilment of the relatively small remainder not
yet come to pass (judgment, resurrection), but also settles beyond all
doubt the truth of the prophetic teachings about God, freedom, virtue,
immortality, etc. In the scheme of fulfilment and prophecy even the
irrational becomes rational; for the fulfilment of a prediction is not a
proof of its divine origin unless it refers to something extraordinary.
Any one can predict regular occurrences which always take place.
Accordingly, a part of what was predicted had to be irrational. Every
particular in the history of Christ has therefore a significance, not as
regards the future, but as regards the past. Here everything happened
"that the word of the prophet might be fulfilled." Because the prophet
had said so, it had to happen. Christ's destiny attests the ancient
teachings of the prophets. Everything, however, depends on this
attestation, for it was no longer the full truth that was wanting, but a
convincing proof that the truth was a reality and not a fancy.[449] But
prophecy testifies that Christ is the ambassador of God, the Logos that
has appeared in human form, and the Son of God. If the future destiny of
Jesus is recorded in the Old Testament down to the smallest particular,
and the book at the same time declares that this predicted One is the
Son of God and will be crucified, then the paying of divine honours to
this crucified man, to whom all the features of prophecy apply, is
completely justified. The stage marked by Christ in the history of God's
revelation, the content of which is always the same, is therefore the
highest and last, because in it the "truth along with the proof" has
appeared. This circumstance explains why the truth is so much more
impressive and convinces more men than formerly, especially since Christ
has also made special provision for the spread of the truth and is
himself an unequalled exemplification of a virtuous life, the principles
of which have now become known in the whole world through the spread of
his precepts.
These statements exhaust the arguments in most of the Apologies; and
they accordingly seem neither to have contemplated a redemption by
Christ in the stricter sense of the word, nor to have assumed the unique
nature of the appearance of the Logos in Jesus. Christ accomplished
salvation as a divine _teacher_, that is to say, his teaching brings
about the [Greek: allagê] and [Greek: epangôgê] of the human race, its
restoration to its original destination. This also seems to suffice as
regards demon rule. Logically considered, the individual portions of the
history of Jesus (of the baptismal confession) have no direct
significance in respect to salvation. Hence the teachings of the
Christians seem to fall into two groups having no inward connection,
i.e., the propositions treating of the rational knowledge of God, and
the predicted and fulfilled historical facts which prove those doctrines
and the believing hopes they include.
But Justin at least gave token of a manifest effort to combine the
historical statements regarding Christ with the philosophical and moral
doctrines of salvation and to conceive Jesus as the Redeemer.[450]
Accordingly, if the Christian dogmatic of succeeding times is found in
the connection of philosophical theology with the baptismal confession,
that is, in the "scientific theology of facts," Justin is, in a certain
fashion, the first framer of Church dogma, though no doubt in a very
tentative way. (1) He tried to distinguish between the appearance of the
Logos in pre-Christian times and in Christ; he emphasised the fact that
the whole Logos appeared only in Christ, and that the manner of this
appearance has no counterpart in the past. (2) Justin showed in the
Dialogue that, independently of the theologoumenon of the Logos, he was
firmly convinced of the divinity of Christ on the ground of predictions
and of the impression made by his personality.[451] (3) In addition to
the story of the exaltation of Christ, Justin also emphasised other
portions of his history, especially the death on the cross (together
with baptism and the Lord's Supper) and tried to give them a positive
significance.[452] He adopted the common Christian saying that the blood
of Christ cleanses believers and men are healed through his wounds; and
he tried to give a mystic significance to the cross. (4) He accordingly
spoke of the forgiveness of sins through Christ and confessed that men
are changed, through the new birth in baptism, from children of
necessity and ignorance into children of purpose and understanding and
forgiveness of sins.[453] Von Engelhardt has, however, quite rightly
noticed that these are mere words which have nothing at all
corresponding to them in the general system of thought, because Justin
remains convinced that the knowledge of the true God, of his will, and
of his promises, or the certainty that God will always grant forgiveness
to the repentant and eternal life to the righteous, is sufficient to
convert the man who is master of himself. Owing to the fundamental
conviction which is expressed in the formulæ, "perfect philosophy,"
"divine teacher," "new law," "freedom," "repentance," "sinless life,"
"sure hope," "reward," "immortality," the ideas, "forgiveness of sins,"
"redemption," "reconciliation," "new birth," "faith" (in the Pauline
sense) must remain words,[454] or be relegated to the sphere of magic
and mystery.[455] Nevertheless we must not on that account overlook the
intention. Justin tried to see the divine revelation not only in the
sayings of the prophets, but in unique fashion in the person of Christ,
and to conceive Christ not only as the divine teacher, but also as the
"Lord and Redeemer." In two points he actually succeeded in this. By the
resurrection and exaltation of Jesus Justin proved that Christ, the
divine teacher, is also the future judge and bestower of reward. Christ
himself is able to give what he has promised--a life after death free
from sufferings and sins, that is the first point. The other thing,
however, which Justin very strongly emphasised is that Jesus is even now
reigning in heaven, and shows his future visible sovereignty of the
world by giving his own people the power to cast out and vanquish the
demons in and by his name. Even at the present time the latter are put
to flight by believers in Christ.[456] So the redemption is no mere
future one; it is even now taking place, and the revelation of the Logos
in Jesus Christ is not merely intended to prove the doctrines of the
rational religion, but denotes a real redemption, that is, a new
beginning, in so far as the power of the demons on earth is overthrown
through Christ and in his strength. Jesus Christ, the teacher of the
whole truth and of a new law, which is the rational, the oldest, and the
divine, the only being who has understood how to call men from all the
different nations and in all stages of culture into a union of holy
life, the inspiring One, for whom his disciples go to death, the mighty
One, through whose name the demons are cast out, the risen One, who will
one day reward and punish as judge, must be identical with the Son of
God, who is the divine reason and the divine power. In this belief which
accompanies the confession of the one God, creator of heaven and earth,
Justin finds the special content of Christianity, which the later
Apologists, with the probable exception of Melito, reproduced in a much
more imperfect and meagre form. One thing, however, Justin in all
probability did not formulate with precision, viz., the proposition that
the special result of salvation, i.e., immortality, was involved in the
incarnation of the Logos, in so far as that act brought about a real
secret transformation of the whole mortal nature of man. With Justin,
indeed, as with the other Apologists, the "salvation" ([Greek: sôtêria])
consists essentially in the apportioning of eternal life to the world,
which has been created mortal and in consequence of sin has fallen a
prey to the natural destiny of "death;" and Christ is regarded as the
bestower of incorruptibility who thus brings the creation to its goal;
but as a rule Justin does not go beyond this thought. Yet we certainly
find hints pointing to the notion of a physical and magical redemption
accomplished at the moment of the incarnation. See particularly the
fragment in Irenæus (already quoted on page 220), which may be thus
interpreted, and Apol. I. 66. This conception, in its most complete
shape, would have to be attributed to Justin if the fragment V. (Otto,
Corp. Apol. III. p. 256) were genuine.[457] But the precise form of the
presentation makes this very improbable. The question as to how, i.e.,
in what conceivable way, immortality can be imparted to the mortal
nature as yet received little attention from Justin and the Apologists:
it is the necessary result of knowledge and virtue. Their great object
was to assure the belief in immortality. "Religion and morality depend
on the belief in immortality or the resurrection from the dead. The fact
that the Christian religion, as faith in the incarnate Son of God the
creator, leads to the assurance that the maker of all things will reward
piety and righteousness with the bestowal of eternal and immortal life,
is the essential advantage possessed by the Christian religion over all
others. The righteousness of the heathen was imperfect in spite of all
their knowledge of good and evil, because they lacked the certain
knowledge that the creator makes the just immortal and will consign the
unjust to eternal torment." The philosophical doctrines of God, virtue,
and immortality became through the Apologists the certain content of a
world-wide religion, which is Christian because Christ guarantees its
certainty. They made Christianity a deistical religion for the whole
world without abandoning in word at least the old "teachings and
knowledge" ([Greek: didagmata kai mathêmata]) of the Christians. They
thus marked out the task of "dogmatic" and, so to speak, wrote the
prolegomena for every future theological system in the Church (see Von
Engelhardt's concluding observations in his "Christenthum Justin's" pp.
447-490, also Overbeck in the Historische Zeitschrift, 1880, pp.
499-505.) At the same time, however, they adhered to the early-Christian
eschatology (see Justin, Melito, and, with reference to the resurrection
of the flesh, the Apologists generally), and thus did not belie their
connection with early Christianity.[458]
_Interpretation and Criticism, especially of Justin's Doctrines._
1. The fundamental assumption of all the Apologists is that there can
only be one and the same relation on earth between God and free man, and
that it has been conditioned by the creation. This thought, which
presupposes the idea of God's unchangeableness, at bottom neutralises
every quasi-historical and mythological consideration. According to it
grace can be nothing else than the stimulation of the powers of reason
existent in man; revelation is supernatural only in respect of its form,
and the redemption merely enables us to redeem ourselves, just as this
possibility was given at the creation. Sin, which arose through
temptation, appears on the one hand as error which must almost of
necessity have arisen so long as man only possessed the "germs of the
Logos" ([Greek: spermata tou logou]) and on the other as the dominion of
sensuousness, which was nearly unavoidable since earthly material
clothes the soul and mighty demons have possession of the world. The
mythological idea of the invading sway of the demons is really the only
interruption of the rationalistic scheme. So far as Christianity is
something different from morality, it is the antithesis of the service
and sovereignty of the demons. Hence the idea that the course of the
world and mankind require in some measure to be helped is the narrow
foundation of the thought of revelation or redemption. The necessity of
revelation and redemption was expressed in a much stronger and more
decisive way by many heathen philosophers of the same period.
Accordingly, not only did these long for a revelation which would give a
fresh attestation to old truth, but they yearned for a force, a real
redemption, a _præsens numen_, and some new thing. Still more powerful
was this longing in the case of the Gnostics and Marcion; compare the
latter's idea of revelation with that of the Apologists. It is probable
indeed that the thought of redemption would have found stronger
expression among them also, had not the task of _proof_, which could be
best discharged by the aid of the Stoic philosophy, demanded religious
rationalism. But, admitting this, the determination of the highest good
itself involved rationalism and moralism. For immortality is the highest
good, in so far as it is perfect knowledge--which is, moreover,
conceived as being of a rational kind,--that necessarily leads to
immortality. We can only find traces of the converse idea, according to
which the change into the immortal condition is the _prius_ and the
knowledge the _posterius_. But, where this conception is the prevailing
one, moralistic intellectualism is broken through, and we can now point
to a specific, supernatural blessing of salvation, produced by
revelation and redemption. Corresponding to the general development of
religious philosophy from moralism into mysticism (transition from the
second to the third century), a displacement in this direction can also
be noticed in the history of Greek apologetics (in the West it was
different); but this displacement was never considerable and therefore
cannot be clearly traced. Even later on under altered circumstances,
apologetic science adhered in every respect to its old method, as being
the most suitable (monotheism, morality, proof from prophecy), a
circumstance which is evident, for example, from the almost complete
disregard of the New Testament canon of Scripture and from other
considerations besides.
2. In so far as the possibility of virtue and righteousness has been
implanted by God in men, and in so far as--apart from trifling
exceptions--they can actually succeed in doing what is good only through
prophetic, i.e., divine, revelations and exhortations, some Apologists,
following the early Christian tradition, here and there designate the
transformation of the sinner into a righteous man as a work of God, and
speak of renewal and regeneration. The latter, however, as a real fact,
is identical with the repentance which, as a turning from sin and
turning to God, is a matter of free will. As in Justin, so also in
Tatian, the idea of regeneration is exhausted in the divine call to
repentance. The conception of the forgiveness of sins is also determined
in accordance with this. Only those sins can be forgiven, i.e.,
overlooked, which are really none, i.e., which were committed in a state
of error and bondage to the demons, and were well-nigh unavoidable. The
blotting out of these sins is effected in baptism, "which is the bath of
regeneration in so far as it is the voluntary consecration of one's own
person. The cleansing which takes place is God's work in so far as
baptism was instituted by him, but it is effected by the man who in his
change of mind lays aside his sins. The name of God is pronounced above
him who repents of his transgressions, that he may receive freedom,
knowledge, and forgiveness of his previous sins, but this effects a
change only denoting the new knowledge to which the baptised person has
attained." If, as all this seems to show, the thought of a specific
grace of God in Christ appears virtually neutralised, the adherence to
the language of the cultus (Justin and Tatian) and Justin's conception
of the Lord's Supper show that the Apologists strove to get beyond
moralism, that is, they tried to supplement it through the mysteries.
Augustine's assertion (de predest. sanct. 27) that the faith of the old
Church in the efficacy of divine grace was not so much expressed in the
_opuscula_ as in the _prayers_, shows correct insight.
3. All the demands, the fulfilment of which constitutes the virtue and
righteousness of men, are summed up under the title of _the new law_. In
virtue of its eternally valid content this new law is in reality the
oldest; but it is new because Christ and the prophets were preceded by
Moses, who inculcated on the Jews in a transient form that which was
eternally valid. It is also new because, being proclaimed by the Logos
that appeared in Christ, it announced its presence with the utmost
impressiveness and undoubted authority, and contains the promise of
reward in terms guaranteed by the strongest proof--the proof from
prophecy. The old law is consequently a new one because it appears now
for the first time as purely spiritual, perfect, and final. The
commandment of love to one's neighbour also belongs to the law; but it
does not form its essence (still less love to God, the place of which is
taken by faith, obedience, and imitation). The content of all moral
demands is comprehended in the commandment of perfect, active holiness,
which is fulfilled by the complete renunciation of all earthly
blessings, even of life itself. Tatian preached this renunciation in a
specially powerful manner. There is no need to prove that no remains of
Judæo-Christianity are to be recognised in these ideas about the new
law. It is not Judæo-Christianity that lies behind the Christianity and
doctrines of the Apologists, but Greek philosophy (Platonic metaphysics,
Logos doctrine of the Stoics, Platonic and Stoic ethics), the
Alexandrine-Jewish apologetics, the maxims of Jesus, and the religious
speech of the Christian Churches. Justin is distinguished from Philo by
the sure conviction of the living power of God, the Creator and Lord of
the world, and the steadfast confidence in the reality of all the ideals
which is derived from the person of Christ. We ought not, however, to
blame the Apologists because to them nearly everything historical was at
bottom only a guarantee of thoughts and hopes. As a matter of fact, the
assurance is not less important than the content. By dint of thinking
one can conceive the highest truth, but one cannot in this way make out
the certainty of its reality. No positive religion can do more for its
followers than faith in the revelation through Christ and the prophets
did for the Apologists. Although it chiefly proved to them the truth of
that which we call natural theology and which was the idealistic
philosophy of the age, so that the Church appears as the great insurance
society for the ideas of Plato and Zeno, we ought not at the same time
to forget that their idea of a divine spirit working upon earth was a
far more lively and worthy one than in the case of the Greek
philosophers.
4. By their intellectualism and exclusive theories the Apologists
founded philosophic and dogmatic Christianity (Loofs: "they laid the
foundation for the conversion of Christianity into a revealed
doctrine."[459]) If about the middle of the second century the short
confession of the Lord Jesus Christ was regarded as a watchword,
passport, and _tessera hospitalitas (signum et vinculum)_, and if even
in lay and uneducated circles it was conceived as "doctrine" in
contradistinction to heresy, this transformation must have been
accelerated through men, who essentially conceived Christianity as the
"divine doctrine," and by whom all its distinctive features were
subordinated to this conception or neutralised. As the philosophic
schools are held together by their "laws" ([Greek: nomoi]) as the
"dogmas" form the real bond between the "friends," and as, in addition
to this, they are united by veneration for the founder, so also the
Christian Church appeared to the Apologists as a universal league
established by a divine founder and resting _on the dogmas of the
perfectly known truth_, a league the members of which possess definite
laws, viz., the eternal laws of nature for everything moral, and unite
in common veneration for the Divine Master. In the "dogmas" of the
Apologists, however, we find nothing more than traces of the fusion of
the philosophical and historical elements; in the main both exist
separately side by side. It was not till long after this that
intellectualism gained the victory in a Christianity represented by the
clergy. What we here chiefly understand by "intellectualism" is the
placing of the scientific conception of the world behind the
commandments of Christian morality and behind the hopes and faith of the
Christian religion, and the connecting of the two things in such a way
that this conception appeared as the foundation of these commandments
and hopes. Thus was created the future dogmatic in the form which still
prevails in the Churches and which presupposes the Platonic and Stoic
conception of the world long ago overthrown by science. The attempt made
at the beginning of the Reformation to free the Christian faith from
this amalgamation remained at first without success.
Footnotes:
[Footnote 340: Edition by Otto, 9 Vols., 1876 f. New edition of the
Apologists (unfinished; only Tatian and Athenagoras by Schwarz have yet
appeared) in the Texte und Untersuchungen zur altchristlichen
Litteratur-Geschichte, Vol. IV. Tzschirner, Geschichte der Apologetik,
1st part, 1805; id., Der Fall des Heidenthums, 1829. Ehlers, Vis atque
potestas, quam philosophia antiqua, imprimis Platonica et Stoica in
doctrina apologetarum habuerit, 1859.]
[Footnote 341: It is intrinsically probable that their works directly
addressed to the Christian Church gave a more full exposition of their
Christianity than we find in the Apologies. This can moreover be proved
with certainty from the fragments of Justin's, Tatian's and Melito's
esoteric writings. But, whilst recognising this fact, we must not make
the erroneous assumption that the fundamental conceptions and interests
of Justin and the rest were in reality other than may be inferred from
their Apologies.]
[Footnote 342: That is, so far as these were clearly connected with
polytheism. Where this was not the case or seemed not to be so, national
traditions, both the true and the spurious, were readily and joyfully
admitted into the _catalogus testimoniorum_ of revealed truth.]
[Footnote 343: Though these words were already found in the first
edition, Clemen (Justin 1890, p. 56) has misunderstood me so far as to
think that I spoke here of conscious intention on the part of the
Apologists. Such nonsense of course never occurred to me.]
[Footnote 344: Note here particularly the attitude of Tatian, who has
already introduced a certain amount of the "Gnostic" element into his
"Oratio ad Græcos," although, he adheres in the main to the ordinary
apologetic doctrines.]
[Footnote 345: Since the time of Josephus Greek philosophers had ever
more and more acknowledged the "philosophical" character of Judaism; see
Porphyr., de abstin. anim. II. 26, [Greek: hate philosophoi to genos
ontes.]]
[Footnote 346: On the relation of Christian literature to the writings
of Philo, of Siegfried, Philo von Alexandrien, p. 303 f.]
[Footnote 347: It is very instructive to find Celsus (Origen, c. Cels.
I. 2) proceeding to say that the Greeks understood better how to judge,
to investigate, and to perfect the doctrines devised by the barbarians,
and to apply them to the practice of virtue. This is quite in accordance
with the idea of Origen, who makes the following remarks on this point:
"When a man trained in the schools and sciences of the Greeks becomes
acquainted with our faith, he will not only recognise and declare it to
be true, but also by means of his scientific training and skill reduce
it to a system and supplement what seems to him defective in it, when
tested by the Greek method of exposition and proof, thus at the same
time demonstrating the truth of Christianity."]
[Footnote 348: See the section "Justin und die apostolischen Váter" in
Engelhardt's "Christenthum Justin's des Martyrers," p. 375 ff., and my
article on the so-called 2nd Epistle of Clement to the Corinthians
(Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte I. p. 329 ff.). Engelhardt, who on
the whole emphasises the correspondences, has rather under- than
over-estimated them. If the reader compares the exposition given in Book
I., chap. 3, with the theology of the Apologists (see sub. 3), he will
find proof of the intimate relationship that may be traced here.]
[Footnote 349: See Euseb., H. E. IV. 3. Only one sentence of Quadratus'
Apology is preserved; we have now that of Aristides in the Syriac
language; moreover, it is proved to have existed in the original
language in the Historia Barlaam et Joasaph; finally, a considerable
fragment of it is found in Armenian. See an English edition by Harris
and Robinson in the Texts and Studies I. 1891. German translation and
commentary by Raabe in the Texte und Untersuchungen IX. 1892. Eusebius
says that the Apology was handed in to the emperor Hadrian; but the
superscription in Syriac is addressed to the emperor Titus Hadrianus
Antoninus.]
[Footnote 350: See Hermas, Mand I.]
[Footnote 351: With reservations this also holds good of the
Alexandrians. See particularly Orig., c. Cels. I. 62.]
[Footnote 352: Semisch, Justin der Martyrer, 2 Vols, 1840 f. Aubé, S
Justin, philosophe et martyre, 2nd reprint, 1875. Weizsäcker, Die
Theologie des Martyrers Justin's in the Jahrbuch fur deutsche Theologie,
1867, p. 60 ff. Von Engelhardt, Christenthum Justin's, 1878; id,
"Justin," in Herzog's Real-Encyklopädie. Stählin, Justin der Martyrer,
1880 Clemen, Die religionsphilosophische Bedeutung des
stoisch-christlichen Eudamonismus in Justin's Apologie, 1890. Flemming,
zur Beurtheilung des Christenthums Justin's des Martyrers, 1893.
Duncker, Logoslehre Justin's, 1848. Bosse, Der prae istente Christus des
Justinus, 1891.]
[Footnote 353: Apol. I. 2, p. 6, ed. Otto.]
[Footnote 354: Apol. I. 2, p. 6, sq.]
[Footnote 355: See the numerous philosophical quotations and allusions
in Justin's Apology pointed out by Otto. Above all, he made an extensive
use of Plato's Apology of Socrates.]
[Footnote 356: Apol. I. 4. p. 16, also I. 7, p. 24 sq: I. 26.]
[Footnote 357: Apol. I. 4, p. 14.]
[Footnote 358: Apol. I. 5, p. 18 sq., see also I. 14 fin.: [Greek: ou
sophistês hupêrchen alla dunamis Theou ho logos autou ên.]]
[Footnote 359: L.c.: [Greek: ou gar monon en Hellêsi dia Sôkratous hupo
logou êlegchthêtauta, alla kai en barbarois hup' autou tou logou
morphôthentos kai anthrôpou kai Iêsou Christou klêthenos.]]
[Footnote 360: Celsus also admits this, or rather makes his Jew
acknowledge it (Orig., c. Cels. II. 31). In Book VI. 47 he adopts the
proposition of the "ancients" that the world is the Son of God.]
[Footnote 361: See Apol. II. 10 fin.: [Greek: Sôkratei oudeis epeisthê
huper toutou tou dogmatos apothnêskin Christô de tô kai hupo Sôkratous
apo merous gnôsthenti ... ou philosophoi oude philologoi monon
epeisthêsan.]]
[Footnote 362: The utterances of Justin do not clearly indicate whether
the non-Christian portion of mankind has only a [Greek: sperma tou
logon] as a natural possession, or whether this [Greek: sperma] has in
some cases been enhanced by the inward workings of the whole Logos
(inspiration). This ambiguity, however, arises from the fact that he did
not further discuss the relation between [Greek: ho logos] and [Greek:
to sperma tou logou] and we need not therefore attempt to remove it. On
the one hand, the excellent discoveries of poets and philosophers are
simply traced to [Greek: to emphuton panti genei anthrôpôn sperma tou
logou] (Apol. II. 8), the [Greek: meros spermatikou logou] (ibid) which
was implanted at the creation, and on which the human [Greek: heuresis
kai theôria] depend (II. 10). In this sense it may be said of them all
that they "in human fashion attempted to understand and prove things by
means of reason;" and Socrates is merely viewed as the [Greek: pantôn
eutonôteros] (ibid.), his philosophy also, like all pre-Christian
systems, being a [Greek: philosophia anthrôpeios] (II. 15). But on the
other hand Christ was known by Socrates though only [Greek: apo merous];
for "Christ was and is the Logos who dwells in every man." Further,
according to the Apologist, the [Greek: meros tou spermatikou theiou
logou] bestows the power of recognising whatever is related to the Logos
([Greek: to sungenes] II. 13). Consequently it may not only be said:
[Greek: hosa para pasi kalôs eirêtai hêmôn, tôn Christianôn esti]
(ibid.), but, on the strength of the "participation" in reason conferred
on all, it may be asserted that all who have lived with the Logos
([Greek: meta logou])--an expression which must have been
ambiguous--were Christians. Among the Greeks this specially applies to
Socrates and Heraclitus (I. 46). Moreover, the Logos implanted in man
does not belong to his nature in such a sense as to prevent us saying
[Greek: upo logou dia Sôkratous êlegchthê k.t.l.] (I. 5). Nevertheless
[Greek: autos ho logos] did not act in Socrates, for this only appeared
in Christ (ibid). Hence the prevailing aspect of the case in Justin was
that to which he gave expression at the close of the 2nd Apology (II.
15: alongside of Christianity there is only _human_ philosophy), and
which, not without regard for the opposite view, he thus formulated in
II. 13 fin.: All non-Christian authors were able to attain a knowledge
of true being, though only darkly, by means of the seed of the Logos
naturally implanted within them. For the [Greek: spora] and [Greek:
mimêma] of a thing, which are bestowed in proportion to one's
receptivity, are quite different from the thing itself, which divine
grace bestows on us for our possession and imitation.]
[Footnote 363: "For the sake of man" (Stoic) Apol. I. 10: II. 4, 5;
Dial. 41, p. 260, Apol I. 8: "Longing for the eternal and pure life, we
strive to abide in the fellowship of God, the Father and Creator of all
things, and we hasten to make confession, because we are convinced and
firmly believe that that happiness is really attainable." It is
frequently asserted that it is the Logos which produces such conviction
and awakens courage and strength.]
[Footnote 364: Justin has destroyed the force of this argument in two
passages (I. 44, 59) by tracing (like the Alexandrian Jews) all true
knowledge of the poets and philosophers to borrowing from the books of
the Old Testament (Moses). Of what further use then is the [Greek:
sperma logos emphuton]? Did Justin not really take it seriously? Did he
merely wish to suit himself to those whom he was addressing? We are not
justified in asserting this. Probably, however, the adoption of that
Jewish view of the history of the world is a proof that the results of
the demon sovereignty were in Justin's estimation so serious that he no
longer expected anything from the [Greek: sperma logos emphuton] when
left to its own resources; and therefore regarded truth and prophetic
revelation as inseparable. But this view is not the essential one in the
Apology. That assumption of Justin's is evidently dependent on a
tradition, whilst his real opinion was more "liberal."]
[Footnote 365: Compare with this the following passages: In Apol. I. 20
are enumerated a series of the most important doctrines common to
philosophers and Christians. Then follow the words: "If we then in
particular respects even teach something similar to the doctrines of the
philosophers honoured among you, though in many cases in a divine and
more sublime way; and we indeed alone do so in such a way that the
matter is proved etc." In Apol. I. 44: II. 10. 13 uncertainty, error,
and contradictions are shown to exist in the case of the greatest
philosophers. The Christian doctrines are more sublime than all human
philosophy (II. 15). "Our doctrines are evidently more sublime than any
human teaching, because the Christ who appeared for our sakes was the
whole fulness of reason" ([Greek: to logikon to holon], II. 10). "The
principles of Plato are not foreign ([Greek: allotria]) to the teaching
of Christ, but they do not agree in every respect. The same holds good
of the Stoics" (II. 13). "We must go forth from the school of Plato"
(II. 12). "Socrates convinced no one in such a way that he would have
been willing to die for the doctrine proclaimed by him; whereas not only
philosophers and philologers, but also artisans and quite common
uneducated people have believed in Christ" (II. 10). These are the very
people--and that is perhaps the strongest contrast found between Logos
and Logos in Justin--among whom it is universally said of Christianity:
[Greek: dunamis esti tou arrêtou patros kai ouchi anthrôpeiou logou
kataskeuê] (see also I. 14 and elsewhere.)]
[Footnote 366: In Justin's estimate of the Greek philosophers two other
points deserve notice. In the first place, he draws a very sharp
distinction between real and nominal philosophers. By the latter he
specially means the Epicureans. They are no doubt referred to in I. 4,
7, 26 (I. 14: Atheists). Epicurus and Sardanapalus are classed together
in II. 7; Epicurus and the immoral poets in II. 12; and in the
conclusion of II, 15 the same philosopher is ranked with the worst
society. But according to II. 3 fin. ([Greek: adunaton Kunikô,
adiaphoron to telos prothemenô, to agathon eidenai plên adikphorias])
the Cynics also seem to be outside the circle of real philosophers. This
is composed principally of Socrates, Plato, the Platonists and Stoics,
together with Heraclitus and others. Some of these understood one set of
doctrines more correctly, others another series. The Stoics excelled in
ethics (II. 7); Plato described the Deity and the world more correctly.
It is, however, worthy of note--and this is the second point--that
Justin in principle conceived the Greek philosophers as a unity, and
that he therefore saw in their very deviations from one another a proof
of the imperfection of their teaching. In so far as they are all
included under the collective idea "human philosophy," philosophy is
characterised by the conflicting opinions found within it. This view was
suggested to Justin by the fact that the highest truth, which is at once
allied and opposed to human philosophy, was found by him among an
exclusive circle of fellow-believers. Justin showed great skill in
selecting from the Gospels the passages (I. 15-17), that prove the
"philosophical" life of the Christians as described by him in c. 14.
Here he cannot be acquitted of colouring the facts (cf. Aristides) nor
of exaggeration (see, for instance, the unqualified statement: [Greek:
ha echomen eis koinon pherontes kai panti deomenô koinônountes]). The
philosophical emperors were meant here to think of the "[Greek: philois
panta koina]." Yet in I. 67 Justin corrected exaggerations in his
description. Justin's reference to the invaluable benefits which
Christianity confers on the state deserves notice (see particularly I.
12, 17.) The later Apologists make a similar remark.]
[Footnote 367: Dialogue 8. The dialogue takes up a more positive
attitude than the Apology, both as a whole and in detail. If we consider
that both works are also meant for Christians, and that, on the other
hand, the Dialogue as well as the Apology appeals to the cultured
heathen public, we may perhaps assume that the two writings were meant
to present a graduated system of Christian instruction. (In one passage
the Dialogue expressly refers to the Apology.) From Justin's time onward
the apologetic polemic of the early Church appears to have adhered
throughout to the same method. This consisted in giving the polemical
writings directed against the Greeks the form of an introduction to
Christian knowledge, and in continuing this instruction still further in
those directed against the Jews.]
[Footnote 368: Dial. 2. sq. That Justin's Christianity is founded on
theoretical scepticism is clearly shown by the introduction to the
Dialogue.]
[Footnote 369: Dial. 8: [Greek: houtôs dê kai dia tauta philosophos
egô].]
[Footnote 370: Dial., l.c.: [Greek: parestin soi ton Christon tou Theou
epignonti kai teleiô genomenô eudaimonein].]
[Footnote 371: See particularly the closing chapter.]
[Footnote 372: Suppl. 2,]
[Footnote 373: Suppl. 4.]
[Footnote 374: Suppl. 5-7.]
[Footnote 375: Suppl. 24 (see also Aristides c. 13).]
[Footnote 376: Suppl, 7 fin. and many other places.]
[Footnote 377: _E.g._, Suppl. 8. 35 fin.]
[Footnote 378: The Crucified Man, the incarnation of the Logos etc. are
wanting. Nothing at all is said about Christ.]
[Footnote 379: Suppl. 7.]
[Footnote 380: Cf. the arguments in c. 8 with c. 9 init.]
[Footnote 381: Suppl. 11.]
[Footnote 382: Suppl. 23.]
[Footnote 383: Suppl. 18, 23-27. He, however, as well as the others,
sets forth the demon theory in detail.]