A comparison of the various plottings of the routes De Soto and
Coronado may have followed and of their respective itineraries shows
that the two parties could not have been far apart in the present
Oklahoma or Indian territory, or perhaps north of that region. This
evidence is confirmed by the story of the Indian woman, related by
Castañeda. Dr J. G. Shea, in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical History,
vol. ii, p. 292, states that Coronado heard of his countryman De
Soto, and sent a letter to him. This is almost certainly a mistake,
which probably originated in a misinterpretation of a statement made
by Jaramillo.
[46] See his Carta in Doc. Inéd. España, vol. civ, p. 491.
[47] The Titulo, etc, dated 6 Julio, 1529, is in Pacheco y Cardenas,
Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos de Indias, vol. iv, pp. 572–574.
[48] Fragmento Visita: Mendoza, Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 90,
§ 86. “Porque antes que el dicho visorey viniese . . . habia muy poca
gente y los corregimientos bastaban para proveellos y sustentallos,
y como despues de la venida del dicho visorey creció la gente y se
aumentó, y de cada dia vienen gentes pobres á quien se ha de proveer
de comer, con la dicha baja y vacaciones se han proveido y remediado,
y sin ella hubieran padecido y padecieran gran necesidad, y no se
poblara tanto la tierra, y dello se dió noticia á S. M. y lo aprobó
y se tuvo por servido en ello. § 194 (p. 117): Despues que el dicho
visorey vino á esta Nueva España, continamente ha acogido en su casa
á caballeros y otras personas que vienen necesitados de España y de
otras partes, dándoles de comer y vestir, caballos y armas con que
sirvan á S. M.” . . .
[49] Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, part II, cap. i, lib.
ii, p. 58 (ed. 1722), tells the story of Alvarado’s experiment.
The picture of the life and character of the Spanish conquerors of
America, in the eyes of a girl fresh from Europe, is so vivid and
suggestive that its omission would be unjustifiable.
[50] Tomson’s whole narrative, in Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p.
447 (ed. 1600), is well worth reading. Considerable additional
information in regard to the internal condition of New Spain, at a
little later date, may be found in the “Discourses” which follow
Tomson’s Narrative, in the same volume of Hakluyt.
[51] The proof text for this quotation, as for many of the following
statements which are taken from Mota Padilla’s Historia de la Nueva
Galicia, may be found in footnotes to the passages which they
illustrate in the translation of Castañeda’s narrative. I hope
this arrangement will prove most convenient for those who study
the documents included in this memoir. I shall not attempt in the
introductory narrative to make any further references showing my
indebtedness to Mota Padilla’s invaluable work.
[52] The Testimonio contains so much that is of interest to the
historical student that I have translated it in full herein.
[53] Herrera, Historia General, dec. VI, lib. ix, cap. xi, vol. iii,
p. 204 (ed. 1730), mentions pigs among the food supply of the army.
For the above description, which is not so fanciful as it sounds,
see notes from Mota Padilla, etc, accompanying the translation of
Castañeda.
[54] Castañeda’s statement is supported by Herrera, Historia General,
dec. VI, lib. v, cap. ix, vol. iii, p. 121 (ed. 1730), and by Tello,
in Icazbalceta’s Mexico, vol. ii, p. 370.
[55] See the Fragmento de Visita, in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico,
vol. ii, p. 95.
[56] The laws were signed at Valladolid, June 4 and June 26, 1543,
and the copy printed in Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p.
214, was promulgated in New Spain, March 13, 1544.
[57] See Mendoza’s letter to the King, December 10, 1537.
[58] The proceso which was served on Cortes is in Pacheco y Cardenas,
Doc. de Indias, vol. xv, p. 371.
[59] The grant, dated at Madrid, November 8, 1539, is given in
Tello’s Fragmento (Icazbalceta’s Doc. Hist. Mexico, vol. ii, p. 371).
[60] Before the end of the month Mendoza wrote a letter to the King,
in which he gave a detailed account of the preparations he had made
to insure the success of the expedition, and of the departure of the
army. This letter is not known to exist.
[61] This march from Compostela to Culiacan, according to the letter
which Coronado wrote from Granada-Zuñi on August 3, occupied eighty
days. The same letter gives April 22 as the date when Coronado left
Culiacan, after stopping for several days in that town, and this date
is corroborated by another account, the Traslado de las Nuevas. April
22 is only sixty days after February 23, the date of the departure,
which is fixed almost beyond question by the legal formalities of
the Testimonio of February 21–26. We have only Ramusio’s Italian
text of Coronado’s August 3 letter, so that it is easy to suspect
that a slip on the part of the translator causes the trouble. But to
complicate matters, eighty days previous to April 22 is about the
1st of February. Mota Padilla, who used material of great value in
his Historia de la Nueva Galicia, says that the army marched from
Compostela “el 1° de Febrero del año de 1540.” Castañeda does not
give much help, merely stating that the whole force was assembled at
Compostela by “el dia de carnes tollendas,” the carnival preceding
Shrove tide, which in 1540 fell on February 10, Easter being March
28. Mendoza, who had spent the New Year’s season at Pasquaro, the
seat of the bishopric of Michoacan, did not hasten his journey across
the country, and we know only that the whole force had assembled
before he arrived at Compostela. At least a fortnight would have
been necessary for completing the organization of the force, and for
collecting and arranging all the supplies.
Another combination of dates makes it hard to decide how rapidly the
army marched. Mendoza was at Compostela February 26. He presumably
started on his return to Mexico very soon after that date. He went
down the coast to Colima, where he was detained by an attack of fever
for some days. Thence he proceeded to Jacona, where he wrote a letter
to the King, April 17, 1540. March 20 Mendoza received the report
of Melchior Diaz, who had spent the preceding winter in the country
through which Friar Marcos had traveled, trying to verify the friar’s
report. Diaz, and Saldivar his lieutenant, on their return from the
north, met the army at Chiametla as it was about to resume its march,
after a few days’ delay. Diaz stopped at Chiametla, while Saldivar
carried the report to the viceroy, and he must have traveled very
rapidly to deliver his packets on March 20, when Mendoza had left
Colima, although he probably had not arrived at Jacona.
Everything points to the very slow progress of the force, hampered
by the long baggage and provision trains. Castañeda says that they
reached Culiacan just before Easter, March 28, less than thirty-five
days after February 23. Here Coronado stopped for a fortnight’s
entertainment and rest, according to Castañeda, who was present. Mota
Padilla says that the army stayed here a month, and this agrees with
Castañeda’s statement that the main body started a fortnight later
than their general.
The attempt to arrange an itinerary of the expedition is perplexing,
and has not been made easier by modern students. Professor Haynes,
in his Early Explorations of New Mexico (Winsor’s Narrative and
Critical History, vol. ii, p. 481), following Bandelier’s statement
on page 26 of his Documentary History of Zuñi, says that the start
from Compostela was made “in the last days of February, 1540.” Mr
Bandelier, however, who has given much more time to the study of
everything connected with this expedition than has been possible
for any other investigator, in his latest work—The Gilded Man, p.
164—adopts the date which is given by Mota Padilla. The best and the
safest way out of this tangle in chronology is gained by accepting
the three specific dates, February 23—or possibly 24—Easter, and
April 22, disregarding every statement about the number of days
intervening.
[62] Mota Padilla says, “warden of one of the royal storehouses in
Mexico,” which may refer to some other position held by Samaniego, or
may have arisen from some confusion of names.
[63] This is taken from Mota Padilla’s account of the incident,
without any attempt to compare or to harmonize it with the story told
by Castañeda. Mota Padilla’s version seems much the more reasonable.
[64] A note, almost as complicated as that which concerns the date
of the army’s departure, might be written regarding the length of
the stay at Culiacan. Those who are curious can find the facts in
Coronado’s letter from Granada, in Castañeda, and in the footnotes to
the translation of the latter.
[65] The complete text of Alarcon’s report was translated into
Italian by Ramusio (vol. iii, fol. 303, ed. 1556), and the Spanish
original is not known to exist. Herrera, however, gives an account
which, from the close similarity to Ramusio’s text and from the
personality of the style, must have been copied from Alarcon’s own
narrative. The Ramusio text does not give the port of departure.
Herrera says that the ships sailed from Acapulco. Castañeda implies
that the start was made from La Natividad, but his information could
hardly have been better than second hand. He may have known what the
viceroy intended to do, when he bade the army farewell, two days
north of Compostela. Alarcon reports that he put into the port of
Santiago de Buena Esperanza, and as the only Santiago on the coast
hereabout is south of La Natividad, which is on the coast of the
district of Colima, H. H. Bancroft (North Mexican States, vol. i, p.
90) says the fleet probably started from Acapulco. Bancroft does not
mention Herrera, who is, I suppose, the conclusive authority. Gen. J.
H. Simpson (Smithsonian Report for 1869, p. 315), accepted the start
from La Natividad, and then identified this Santiago with the port
of Compostela, which was well known under the name of Xalisco. The
distance of Acapulco from Colima would explain the considerable lapse
of time before Alarcon was ready to start.
[66] Coronado’s description of this portion of the route in
the letter of August 3 is abbreviated, he says, because it was
accompanied by a map. As this is lost, I am following here, as I
shall do throughout the Introduction, Bandelier’s identification of
the route in his Historical Introduction, p. 10, and in his Final
Report, part II, pp. 407–409. The itinerary of Jaramillo, confused
and perplexing as it is, is the chief guide for the earlier part
of the route. There is no attempt in this introductory narrative
to repeat the details of the journey, when these may be obtained,
much more satisfactorily, from the translation of the contemporary
narratives which form the main portion of this memoir.
[67] This “Red House,” in the Nahuatl tongue, has been identified
with the Casa Grande ruins in Arizona ever since the revival of
interest in Coronado’s journey, which followed the explorations in
the southwestern portion of the United States during the second
quarter of the present century. Bandelier’s study of the descriptions
given by those who saw the “Red House” in 1539 and 1540, however,
shows conclusively that the conditions at Casa Grande do not meet the
requirements for Chichilticalli. Bandelier objects to Casa Grande
because it is white, although he admits that it may once have been
covered with the reddish paint of the Indians. This would suit Mota
Padilla’s explanation that the place was named from a house there
which was daubed over with colored earth—almagre, as the natives
called it. This is the Indian term for red ocher. Bandelier thinks
that Coronado reached the edge of the wilderness, the White Mountain
Apache reservation in Arizona, by way of San Pedro river and Arivaypa
creek. This requires the location of Chichilticalli somewhere in the
vicinity of the present Fort Grant, Arizona.
[68] Hakluyt, Voyages, vol. iii, p. 375, ed. 1600.
[69] Hawikuh, near Ojo Caliente, was the first village captured by
the Spaniards, as Bandelier has shown in his Contributions, p. 166,
and Documentary History of Zuñi, p. 29. The definite location of
this village is an important point, and the problem of its site was
one over which a great deal of argument had been wasted before Mr
Bandelier published the results of his critical study of the sources,
which he was enabled to interpret by the aid of a careful exploration
of the southwestern country, undertaken under the auspices of the
Archæological Institute of America. It was under the impetus of the
friendly guidance and careful scrutiny of results by Professor Henry
W. Haynes and the other members of the Institute that Mr Bandelier
has done his best work. It is unfortunate that he did not use the
letter which Coronado wrote from Granada-Hawikuh, August 3, 1540,
which is the only official account of the march from Culiacan to
Zuñi. The fact that Bandelier’s results stand the tests supplied by
this letter is the best proof of the exactness and accuracy of his
work. (This note was written before the appearance of Mr Bandelier’s
Gilded Man, in which he states that Kiakima, instead of Hawikuh,
is the Granada of Coronado. Mr F. W. Hodge, in an exhaustive paper
on The First Discovered City of Cibola (American Anthropologist,
Washington, April, 1895), has proved conclusively that Mr Bandelier’s
earlier position was the correct one.)
[70] Marcos returned to Mexico with Juan de Gallego, who left
Cibola-Zuñi soon after August 3. Bandelier, in his article on the
friars, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review, vol. xv, p. 551,
says that “the obvious reason” for Marcos’s return “was the feeble
health of the friar. Hardship and physical suffering had nearly
paralyzed the body of the already aged man. He never recovered his
vigor, and died at Mexico, after having in vain sought relief in the
delightful climate of Jalapa, in the year 1558”—seventeen years later.
[71] Alvarado’s official report is probably the paper known as
the Relacion de lo que. . . . Alvarado y Fray Joan de Padilla
descubrieron en demanda de la mar del Sur, which is translated
herein. The title, evidently the work of some later editor, is
a misnomer so far as the Mar del Sur is concerned, for this—the
Pacific ocean—was west, and Alvarado’s explorations were toward the
east. This short report is of considerable value, but it is known
only through a copy, lacking the list of villages which should have
accompanied it. Muñoz judged that it was a contemporary official
copy, which did not commend itself to that great collector and
student of Spanish Americana. There is nothing about the document to
show the century or the region to which it relates, so that one of
Hubert H. Bancroft’s scribes was misled into making a short abstract
of it for his Central America, vol. ii, p. 185, as giving an account
of an otherwise unknown expedition starting from another Granada, on
the northern shore of Lake Nicaragua.
[72] Castañeda says that this Indian accompanied Alvarado on the
first visit to the buffalo plains, and this may be true without
disturbing the statement above.
[73] He was called “The Turk” because the Spaniards thought that he
looked like one. Bandelier, in American Catholic Quarterly Review,
vol. xv, p. 555, thinks this was due to the manner in which he wore
his hair, characteristic of certain branches of the Pawnee.
[74] This probability is greatly strengthened by Mota Padilla’s
statement in relation to the Turk and Quivira, quoted in connection
with Castañeda’s narrative.
[75] The Spaniards had already observed two distinct branches of
these pure nomads, whom they knew as Querechos and Teyas. Bandelier,
in his Final Report, vol. i. p. 179, identified the Querechos with
the Apaches of the plains, but later investigation by Mr James Mooney
shows that Querecho is an old Comanche name of the Tonkawa of western
central Texas (Hodge, Early Navajo and Apache, Am. Anthropologist,
Washington, July, 1895, vol. iii, p. 235). I am unable to find any
single tribal group among the Indians whom we know which can be
identified with the Teyas, unless, as Mr Hodge has suggested, they
may have been the Comanche, who roamed the plains from Yellowstone
Park to Durango, Mexico.
[76] I am inclined, also, to believe Jaramillo’s statement that the
day’s marches on the journey to Quivira were short ones. But when he
writes that the journey occupied “more than thirty days, or almost
thirty days’ journey, although not long day’s marches,”—seguimos
nuestro viaje . . . más de treinta dias ú casi treinta dias de
camino, aunque no de jornadas grandes—and again, that they decided to
return “because it was already nearly the beginning of winter, . . .
and lest the winter might prevent the return,”—nos paresció á todos,
que pues que hera ya casi la boca del inbierno, porque si me acuerdo
bien, jera media y más de Agosto, y por ser pocos para inbernar
allí, . . . y porque el invierno no nos cerrase los caminos de nieves
y rios que no nos dexesen pasar (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias,
vol. xiv, pp. 312, 314)—we experience some of the difficulties which
make it hard to analyse the captain’s recollections critically and
satisfactorily.
[77] Final Report, vol. i, p. 170.
[78] Ibid., vol. i, p. 178.
[79] Bandelier’s best discussion of the route is in his article on
Fray Juan de Padilla, in the American Catholic Quarterly Review,
vol. xv, p. 551. The Gilded Man also contains an outline of the
probable route. An element in his calculation, to which he gives
much prominence, is the tendency of one who is lost to wander always
toward the right. This is strongly emphasized in the Gilded Man; but
it can, I think, hardly merit the importance which he gives to it.
The emphasis appears, however, much more in Bandelier’s words than in
his results. I can not see that there is anything to show that the
Indian guides ever really lost their reckoning.
[80] Bandelier accounts for sixty-seven days of short marches and
occasional delays between the separation of the force on Canadian
river and the arrival at Quivira. It may be that the seventy-seven
days of desert marching which Coronado mentions in his letter of
October 20, 1541, refers to this part of the journey, instead of to
the whole of the journey from the bridge (near Mora on the Canadian)
to Quivira. But the number sixty-seven originated in a blunder of
Ternaux-Compans, who substituted it for seventy-seven, in translating
this letter. The mistake evidently influenced Bandelier to extend the
journey over more time than it really took. But this need not affect
his results materially, if we extend the amount of ground covered by
each day’s march and omit numerous halts, which were very unlikely,
considering the condition of his party and the desire to solve the
mystery of Quivira. If the Spaniards crossed the Arkansas somewhere
below Fort Dodge, and followed it until the river turns toward the
southeast, Quivira can hardly have been east of the middle part of
the state of Kansas. It was much more probably somewhere between
the main forks of Kansas river, in the central part of that state.
Bandelier seems to have abandoned his documents as he approached
the goal, and to have transported Coronado across several branches
of Kansas river, in order to fill out his sixty-seven days—which
should have been seventy-seven—and perhaps to reach the region fixed
on by previous conceptions of the limit of exploration. He may have
realized that the difficulty in his explanation of the route was that
it required a reduction of about one-fourth of the distance covered
by the army in the eastward march, as plotted by General Simpson.
This can be accounted for by the wandering path which the army
followed.
[81] See the note at the end of the translation.
[82] The Spanish (judicial) league was equivalent to 2.63 statute
miles.
[83] Castañeda implies that Friar Antonio Victoria, who broke his leg
near Culiacan, accompanied the main force on its march to Cibola.
This is the last heard of him, and it is much more probable that he
remained in New Galicia.
[84] Vetancurt, in the Menologia, gives the date of the martyrdom of
Fray Juan de Padilla as November 30, 1544, and I see no reason to
prefer the more general statements of Jaramillo, Castañeda, and Mota
Padilla, which seem to imply that it took place in 1542. Docampo and
the other companions of the friar brought the news to Mexico. They
must have returned some time previous to 1552, for Gomara mentions
their arrival in Tampico, on the Mexican gulf, in his Conquista
de Mexico published in that year. Herrera and Gomara say that the
fugitives had been captured by Indians and detained as slaves for
ten months. These historians state also that a dog accompanied the
fugitives. Further mention of dogs in connection with the Coronado
expedition is in the stories of one accompanying Estevan which
Alarcon heard along Colorado river, also in the account of the death
of Melchior Diaz, and in the reference by Castañeda to the use of
these animals as beasts of burden by certain plains tribes.
Mendiota and Vetancurt say that, of the two donados, Sebastian died
soon after his return, and the other lived long as a missionary among
the Zacatecas.
[85] The maps of the New World drawn and published between 1542 and
1600, reproductions of several of which accompany this memoir, give
a better idea of the real value of the geographical discoveries made
by Coronado than any bare statement could give. In 1540, European
cartographers knew nothing about the country north of New Spain.
Cortes had given them the name—Nueva España or Hispania Nova—and
this, with the name of the continent, served to designate the inland
region stretching toward the north and west. Such was the device
which Mercator adopted when he drew his double cordiform map in
1538 (plates XLV, XLVI). Six years later, 1544, Sebastian Cabot
published his elaborate map of the New World (see plate XL). He had
heard of the explorations made by and for Cortes toward the head of
the Gulf of California, very likely from the lips of the conqueror
himself. He confined New Spain to its proper limits, and in the
interior he pictured Indians and wild beasts. In 1548 the maps of
America in Ptolemy’s Geography for the first time show the results of
Coronado’s discoveries (see plate XLI). During the remainder of the
century Granada, Cibola, Quivira, and the other places whose names
occur in the various reports of the expedition, appear on the maps.
Their location, relative to each other and to the different parts of
the country, constantly changes. Quivira moves along the fortieth
parallel from Espiritu Santo river to the Pacific coast. Tiguex and
Totonteac are on any one of half a dozen rivers flowing into the Gulf
of Mexico, the Espiritu Santo, or the South sea. Acuco and Cicuye
are sometimes placed west of Cibola, and so a contemporary map maker
may be the cause of the mistaken title to the report of Alvarado’s
expedition to the Rio Grande. But many as were the mistakes, they
are insignificant in comparison with the great fact that the people
of Europe had learned that there was an inhabited country north of
Mexico, and that the world was, by so much, larger than before.
[86] See Castañeda’s account of the finding of similar message by the
party under Diaz.
[87] The account of this trip in Herrera (dec. VI, lib. ix, cap.
xv, ed. 1728) is as follows: “Haviendo llegado à ciertas Montañas,
adonde el Rio se estrechaba mucho, supo, que vn Encantador andaba
preguntando por donde havia de pasar, y haviendo entendido, que por
el Rio, puso desde vna Ribera à la otra algunas Cañas, que debian de
ser hechiçadas; pero las Barcas pasaron sin daño; y haviendo llegado
mui arriba, preguntando por cosas de la Tierra, para entender, si
descubriria alguna noticia de Francisco Vazquez de Cornado. . . .
Viendo Alarcon, que no hallaba lo que deseaba, i que havia subido por
aquel Rio 85 Leguas, determinò de bolver.” . . .
[88] Mota Padilla (p. 158, § 1). “Los Indios, para resistir el frio,
llevan en las manos un troncon ardiendo que les calienta el pecho, y
del mismo modo la espalda; siendo esto tan comun en todos los indios,
que por eso los nuestros pusieron á este rio el nombre del rio del
Tison, cerca de él vieron un árbol en el cual estaban escritas unas
letras, que decian: al pié está una carta: y con efecto; la hallaron
en una olla, bien envuelta, porque no se humedeciese, y su contenido
era: que el año de 40 llegó alli Francisco de Alarcon con tres
navíos, y entrando por la barra de aquel rio, enviado por el virey
D. Antonio de Mendoza, en busca de Francisco Vazquez Coronado; y que
habiendo estado alli muchos dias sin noticia alguna le fué preciso
salir porque los navíos se comian de broma.”
[89] The accusation was made by others at the time. H. H. Bancroft
repeats the charge in his Mexico, but it should always be remembered
that Mr Bancroft, or his compilers, in everything connected with
the conqueror, repeat whatever it may have pleased Cortes to write,
without criticism or question.
[90] The report or memorandum was written by Juan Paez, or more
probably by the pilot Ferrel. It has been translated in the reports
of the United States Geological Survey West of the One Hundredth
Meridian. (Appendix to part i, vol. vii, Archæology, pp. 293–314.)
The translation is accompanied by notes identifying the places named,
on which it is safe enough to rely, and by other notes of somewhat
doubtful value.
NOTES TO THE NARRATIVE OF CASTAÑEDA, pp. 413–598
[91] This text is, as far as possible, a copy of the Relacion in the
Lenox Library. No attempt has been made to add marks of punctuation,
to accent, or to alter what may have been slips of the copyist’s pen.
[92] The Primera Parte begins a new leaf in the original.
[93] This is a marginal correction of what is clearly a slip of the
pen in the text.
[94] The Segunda Parte begins a new page in the manuscript.
[95] The heading of the third part is written on the same page with
the preceding text of the second part, there being no break between
the end of the second part and the heading which follows it. The
following page is left blank.
[96] There were several representatives of the family of Castañeda
among the Spaniards in America as early as the middle of the
sixteenth century, but the only possible mention of this Pedro,
of the Biscayan town of Najera, which I have seen outside of the
present document, is the following item from a Relacion de los pesos
de oro quo están señalados por indios vacos á los conquistadores de
Nueva España y á sus hijos, cuyos nombres se expresan (año 1554),
in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, xiv, 206: “A los nueve hijos
de Pero Franco, conquistador, é su mujer, que son: María de Acosta,
madre de todos, Pero Francisco de Castañeda, Juana de Castañeda,
Inés de Castañeda, Francisco de Castañeda, Lorenzo Franco, Marta de
Castañeda, Anton de Vargas y Juana de Castañeda, les están señalados
de entretenimiento en cada un año duzientos y setenta pesos. CCLXX.”
[97] Mendoza died in Lima, July 21, 1552.
[98] Ternaux renders this: “C’est ainsi que l’homme qui se place
derrière la barrière qui dans les courses des taureaux, sépare le
spectateur des combattants, voit bien mieux la position dans laquelle
il se trouvait lorsqu’il combattait, qu’alors même qu’il était dans
la carrière.”
[99] President, or head, of the Audiencia, the administrative and
judicial board which governed the province.
[100] The Segunda Relacion Anónima de la Jornada que hizo Nuño de
Guzman, 1529, in Icazbelceta’s Documentos para la Historia de Mexico,
vol. ii, p. 303, also implies that the name of the “Seven Cities” had
already been given to the country which he was trying to discover.
[101] Marqués del Valle de Oaxaca y Capitan General de la Nueva
España y de la Costa del Sur.
[102] Guzman had presided over the trial of Cortes, who was in Spain
at the time, for the murder of his first wife seven years previously
(October, 1522). See Zaragoza’s edition of Suarez de Peralta’s
Tratado, p. 315.
[103] The name was changed in 1540.
[104] The best discussion of the stories of the Seven Caves and the
Seven Cities is in Bandelier’s Contributions, p. 9, ff.
[105] A judge appointed to investigate the accounts and
administration of a royal official.
[106] A full account of the licentiate de la Torre and his
administration is given by Mota Padilla (ed. Icazbalceta, pp.
103–106). He was appointed juez March 17, 1536, and died during 1538.
[107] They appeared in New Spain in April, 1536, before Coronado’s
appointment. Castañeda may be right in the rest of his statement.
[108] This account has been translated by Buckingham Smith. See
Bibliography for the full title.
[109] Bandelier (Contributions, p. 104) says this was Topia, in
Durango, a locality since noted for its rich mines.
[110] Mota Padilla, xxii, 2, p. 111: “Determinó el virey lograr la
ocasion de la mucha gente noble que habia en México, que como corcho
sobre el agua reposado, se andaba sin tener qué hacer nī en qué
ocuparse, todos atenidos á que el virey les hiciese algunas mercedes,
y á que los vecinos de México les sustentasen á sus mesas; y asi, le
fué fácil aprestar mas de trescientos hombres, los mas de á caballo,
porque ya se criaban muchos; dióles á treinta pesos y prometioles
repartimientos en la tierra que se poblase, y mas cuando se afirmaba
haber un cerro de plata y otras minas.”
[111] See Mendoza’s letter to the King, regarding Samaniego’s
position.
[112] Mota Padilla, xxii, iii. p. 112, mentions among those who had
commands on the expedition D. Diego de Guevara and Diego Lopez de
Cardenas. The second error may be due to the presence of another
Diego Lopez in the party.
[113] The correct date is 1540. Castañeda carries the error
throughout the narrative.
[114] See the instructions given by Mendoza to Alarcon, in Buckingham
Smith’s Florida, p. 1. The last of them reads: “Llevareys ciertas
cossas que doña Beatriz de Strada embia para el Capitan General su
marido, y mandareys que en ello y en lo que mas llevaredes para
algunos de los soldados que con él estan que os ayan recomendado
amigos ó parientes sayos haya buen recaudo.”
[115] See the writings of Tello and Mota Padilla concerning Oñate.
Much of the early prosperity of New Galicia—what there was of
it—seems to have been due to Oñate’s skillful management.
[116] The following sections from the Fragmento de la Visita hecha
á don Antonio de Mendoza, printed in Icazbalceta’s Documentos para
la Historia de Mexico, ii, 72, add something to the details of the
departure of the expedition:
“199. Item, si saben &c. que la gente que salió de la villa de S.
Miguel de Culuacan, que es el postrer lugar de Galicia de la Nueva
España, para ir en descubrimiento de la tierra nueva de Cibola con
el capitan general Francisco Vazquez de Coronado, fueron hasta
doscientos y cincuenta españoles de á caballo, los cuales así
para sus personas, como para su carruaje, armas, y bastimentos, y
municiones, y otras cosas necesaries para el dicho viaje, llevaron
mas de mill caballos y acémilas, y así lo dirán los testigos, porque
lo vieron y hallaron presentes, y fueron al dicho viaje: digan lo que
saben &c.
“200. Item, . . . que asimismo con la dicha gente española salieron
de la dicha villa de S. Miguel de Culuacan hasta trescientos
indios, poco mas ó menos, los cuales fueron de su voluntad á servir
en la dicha jornada, y el dicho visorey les mandó socorrer, y se
les socorrió con dineros y provisiones, y á los que eran casados
y dejaban acá sus mujeres les proveyó de lo necesario para su
sustentamiento, y esto es público y notorio. . . .
“201. Item, . . . que el dicho visorey proveyó para la gente que
fué al dicho descubrimiento, demas de los socorros que les hizo en
dineros, y caballos, y armas y otras cosas, les dió mucha cantidad
de ganados vacunos y ovejunos, sin otra mucha cantidad de ganados
que llevaban los capitanes y soldados, que bastaron para proveorse
todo el tiempo que estuvieron al dicho descubrimiento; y asimismo el
dicho visorey les dió mucha cantidad de rescates que llevaba á cargo
el fator de S.M., para que con ellos comprasen maiz y las otras cosas
de bastimentos de la tierra por do pasasen, porque no se hiciese
molestia á los indios: . . .
“202. Item, . . . que el dicho visorey mandó y encargó al dicho
capitan general tuvieso especial cuidado que los indios que desta
tierra iban á servir en el dicho descubrimiento, fuesen bien tratados
y proveidos de lo que hubiesen menester, y los que se quisiesen
volver no fuesen detenidos, antes los enviase ricos y contentos, y el
dicho general así lo hizo y cumplió, . . .
“203. Item, si saben que por razon de los dichos caballos y carruaje
que llevaron los capitanes y españoles, los indios fueron reservados
de llevar cargas de los capitanes y españoles, y si algunos llevaron,
seria de su comida, y ropa y bastimentos, como otros españoles lo
hacian, que cargahan sus caballos y sus personas de bastimentos, . . .
“204. Item, . . . que de todos los dichos indios que fueron á servir
en la dicha jornada, murieron tan solamente hasta veinte ó treinta
personas, y si mas murieran, los testigos lo vieran y supieran: . . .
“205. Item, . . . que todos los tamemes que los indios dieron, . . .
se les pagó muy á su contento á los indios, por mandado del dicho
visorey:” . . .
The evidence of the Informacion, which was taken at Compostela just
after the army departed, is so suggestive that I have translated the
most valuable portions in full at the end of this memoir.
Mota Padilla, xxii, 3, p. 112: . . . “habiendo llegado la comitiva á
Compostela hizo el gobernador reseña de la gente y halló doscientos
y sesenta hombres de á caballo con lanzas, espadas y otras armas
manuales, y algunos con cotas, celadas y barbotes, unas de hierro y
otras de cuero de vaca crudio, y los caballos con faldones de manta
de la tierra; sesenta infantes, ballesteros y arcabuceros, y otros
con espadas y rodelas: dividió la gente en ocho compañias. . . .
Repartida, pues, la gente de esta suerte, con mas de mil caballos sin
acémilas, y otros de carga con seis pedreros, pólvora y municion, y
mas de mil indios amigos é indias de servicio, vaqueros y pastores de
ganado mayor y menor.”
[117] The account which Mota Padilla gives, cap. xxii, sec. 4, p.
112, is much clearer and more specific than the somewhat confused
text of Castañeda. He says: “Á Chametla . . . hallaron la tierra
alzada, de suerte que fué preciso entrar á la sierra en busca de
maiz, y por cabo el maese de campo, Lopez de Samaniego; internáronse
en la espesura de un monte, en donde un soldado que inadvertidamente
se apartó, fué aprehendido por los indios, dió voces, á las que, como
vigilante, acudió el maese de campo, y libró del peligro al soldado,
y pareciéndole estar seguro, alzó la vista á tiempo que de entre unos
matorrales se le disparó una flecha, que entrándole por un ojo, le
atravesó el cerebro. . . . Samaniego (era) uno de los mas esforzados
capitanes y amado de todos; enterróse en una ramada, de donde despues
sus huesos fueron trasladados á Compostela.”
[118] Compare the Spanish text.—The report of Diaz is incorporated
in the letter from Mendoza to the King, translated herein. This
letter seems to imply that Diaz stayed at Chichilticalli; but if such
was his intention when writing the report to Mendoza, he must have
changed his mind and returned with Saldivar as far as Chiametla.
[119] Compare the Spanish text for this whole paragraph. Ternaux
renders this clause “feignant d’être très-effrayé.”
[120] Bandelier, in his Gilded Man, identifies this with Zuñi river.
The Rio Vermejo of Jaramillo is the Little Colorado or Colorado
Chiquito.
[121] Mota Padilla, p. 113: “They reached Tzibola, which was a
village divided into two parts, which were encircled in such a way
as to make the village round, and the houses adjoining three and
four stories high, with doors opening on a great court or plaza,
leaving one or two doors in the wall, so as to go in and out. In the
middle of the plaza there is a hatchway or trapdoor, by which they
go down to a subterranean hall, the roof of which was of large pine
beams, and a little hearth in the floor, and the walls plastered.
The Indian men stayed there days and nights playing (or gaming) and
the women brought them food; and this was the way the Indians of the
neighboring villages lived.”
[122] The war cry or “loud invocation addressed to Saint James
before engaging in battle with the Infidels.”—Captain John Stevens’
Dictionary.
[123] Compare the translation of the Traslado de las Nuevas herein.
There are some striking resemblances between that account and
Castañeda’s narrative.
[124] Gomara, Hist. Indias, cap. ccxiii, ed. 1554: “Llegando a Sibola
requirieron a los del pueblo que los recibiessen de paz; ca no yuan
a les hazer mal, sino muy gran bien, y pronecho, y que les diessen
comida, ca lleuauan falta de ella. Ellos respondieron que no querian,
pues yuan armados, y en son de les dar guerra: que tal semblante
mostrauan. Assi que cōhatieron el pueblo los nuestros, defendieron
lo gran rato ochocientos hombres, que dentro estanan: descalabraron
a Francisco Vazquez, capitan general del exercito. y a otros muchos
Españoles: mas al cabo se salieron huyendo. Entraron los nuestros y
nombraron la Granada, por amor del virrey, [=q] es natural dela de
España. Es Sibola de hasta doziētas casas de tierra y madera tosca,
altas quatro y cinco sobrados, y las puertas como escotillones de
nao, suben a ellos con escaleras de palo, que quitan de noche y en
tiempos de guerra. Tiene delante cada casa una cueua, donde como en
estafa, se recogen los inuiernos, que son largas, y de muchas nienes.
Aunque no esta mas de 37-1/2 grados de la Equinocial: que sino fuesse
por las montañas, seria del temple de Sevilla. Las famosas siete
ciudades de fray Marcos de Niça, que estan en espacio de seys leguas,
ternan obra de 4,000 hombres. Las riquezas de su reyno es no tener
que comer, ni que vestir, durādo la nieve siete meses.”
[125] Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, lib. XXXV, cap. vi, p. 610 (ed.
1853), says of Cabeza de Vaca and his companions: “Pues passadas las
sierras ques dicho, llegaron estos quatro chripstianos . . . á tres
pueblos que estaban juntos é pequeños, en que avia hasta veynte casas
en ellos, las quales eran como las passadas é juntas, . . . á este
pueblo, ó mejor diçiendo pueblos juntos, nombraron los chripstianos
la _Villa de los Coraçones_, porque les dieron alli más de
seysçientos coraçones de venados escalados é secos.” Cabeza de Vaca
describes this place in his Naufragios, p. 172 of Smith’s translation.
[126] It is possible that the persistent use of the form Señora,
Madame, for the place Sonora, may be due to the copyists, although
it is as likely that the Spanish settlers made the change in their
common parlance.
[127] This should be September. See the next chapter; also the
Itinerary.
[128] Bandelier, in his Final Report, vol. i, p. 108, suggests the
following from the Relacion of Padre Sedelmair, S.J., 1746, which
he quotes from the manuscript: “Sus rancherías, por grandes de
gentío que sean, se reducen á una ó dos casas, con techo de terrado
y zacate, armadas sobre muchos horcones por pilares con viguelos de
unos á otros, y bajas, tan capaces que caben en cada una mas de cien
personas, con tres divisiones, la primera una enramada del tamaño de
la casa y baja para dormir en el verano, luego la segunda division
como sala, y la tercera como alcoba, donde por el abrigo meten los
viejos y viejas, muchachitos y muchachitas, escepto los pimas que
viven entre ellos, que cada familia tiene su choza aparte.” These
were evidently the ancestors of the Yuman Indians of Arizona.
[129] Fletcher, in The World Encompassed by Sir Francis Drake, p.
131, (ed. 1854) tells a similar story of some Indians whom Drake
visited on the coast of California: “Yet are the men commonly so
strong of body, that that which 2 or 3 of our men could hardly beare,
one of them would take vpon his backe, and without grudging, carrie
it easily away, vp hill and downe hill an English mile together.”
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 158, describes an attempt to catch
one of these Indians: “Quiso el capitan [Melchior Diaz] remitir
á un indio, porque el virey viese su corpulencia y hallando á un
mancebo, trataron de apresarlo; mas hizo tal resistencia, que entre
quatro españoles no pudieron amarrarlo, y daba tales gritos, que los
obligaron á dejarlo, por no indisponer los ánimos de aquellos indios.”
[130] Father Sedelmair, in his Relacion, mentions this custom of the
Indians. (See Bandelier, Final Report, vol. i, p. 108): “Su frazada
en tiempo de frio es un tizon encendido que aplicándole á la boca
del estómago caminan por las mañanas, y calentando ya el sol como á
las ocho tiran los tizones, que por muchos que hayan tirado por los
caminos, pueden ser guias de los caminantes; de suerte que todos
estos rios pueden llarmarse rios del Tizon, nombre que algunas mapas
ponen á uno solo.”
[131] Cortes.
[132] Mota Padilla, sec. xxxii, p. 158, says: Melchior Dias paso
el rio del Tison “en unos cestos grandes que los indios tienen
aderezados con un betum que no les pasa el agua, y asidos de él
cuatro ó seis indios, lo llevan nadando, . . . á lo que ayudaron
tambien las indias.”
[133] The Zunis make a similar sort of preserves from the fruit of
the tuna and the yucca. See Cushing in The Millstone, Indianapolis,
July, 1884, pp. 108–109.
[134] Compare the Spanish text for this whole description. Mota
Padilla, sec. xxii, 6, p. 113, says: “Chichilticali (que quiere
decir casa colorada, por una que estaba en él embarrada con tierra
colorada, que llaman almagre); aquí se hallaron pinos con grandes
piñas de piñones muy buenos; y mas adelante, en la cima de unas
peñas, se hallaron cabezas de carneros de grandes cuernos, y algunos
dijeron haber visto tres ó cuatro carneros de aquellos, y que eran
muy ligeros (de estos animales se han visto en el Catay, que es la
Tartaria.)”
[135] Compare chapter 13. These two groups of pueblos were not the
same.
[136] Compare the lines which the Hopi or Maki Indians still mark
with sacred meal during their festivals, as described by Dr Fewkes in
his “Few Summer Ceremonials,” in vol. ii of the Journal of American
Ethnology and Archæology.
[137] Compare the Spanish text.
[138] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux translates it: “Les bords
sont tellement élevés qu’ils croyaient être à trois ou quatre lieues
en l’air.”
[139] The report of Alvarado, translated herein, is probably the
official account of what he accomplished.
[140] In regard to the famous rock fortress of Acoma see Bandelier’s
Introduction, p. 14, and his Final Report, vol. i, p. 133. The
Spaniards called it by a name resembling that which they heard
applied to it in Zuñi-Cibola. The true Zuñi name of Acoma, on the
authority of Mr F. W. Hodge, is Hákukia; that of the Acoma people,
Hákukwe.
[141] An error for Tiguex, at or near the present Bernalillo. Simpson
located this near the mouth of the river Puerco, southeast of
Acoma, but I follow Bandelier, according to whom Alvarado pursued a
northeasterly direction from Acoma. See his Introduction, p. 30, and
Final Report, vol. i, p. 129.
[142] Pecos. Besides his Final Report, vol. i, p. 127, see
Bandelier’s Report on the Pecos Ruins.
[143] The account which Mota Padilla (cap. xxxii, 5, p. 161) gives
of the Turk and his stories is very significant: Alvarado “halló un
indio en aquellos llanos quien le dijo, mas por señas que por voces,
ser de una provincia que distaba treinta soles, la cual se llamaba
Copala, y al indio se le puso por nombre el Turco, por ser muy
moreno, apersonado y de buena disposicion; y les dijo tantas cosas
de aquella provincia, que los puso en admiracion, y en especial que
habia tanta cantidad de oro, que no solo podian cargar los caballos,
sino carros; que habia una laguna en la que navegaban canoas, y que
las del cacique tenian argollas de oro; y para que se explicase,
le mostraban plata, y decia que no, sino como un anillo que vió
de oro; decia que á su cacique lo sacaban en andas á las guerras,
y que cuando queria, les quitaban los bozales á unos lebreles que
despedazaban á los enemigos; que tenian una casa muy grande, adonde
todos acudian á servirle; que en las puertas tenian mantas de
algodon.”
Gomara, Indias, cap. ccxiiii, adds some details: “Viendo la poca
gente, y muestra de riqueza, dieron los soldados muy pocas gracias
a los frayles, que conellos yuan, y que loauan aquella tierra de
Sibola: y por no boluer a Mexico sin hazer algo, ni las manos vazias,
acordaron de passar adelante, que les dezian ser mejor tierra. Assi
que fueron a Acuco, lugar sobre vn fortissimo peñol, y desde alii fue
don Garci lopez de Cardenas con su compañia de cauallos a la mar, y
Francisco Vazquez con los de mas a Tiguex, que esta ribera de vn gran
rio. Alli tuuieron nueua de Axa, y Quiuira: donde dezian, que estana
vn Rey, dicho por nombre Tatarrax, barbudo, canos, y rico, que ceñia
vn bracamarte, que rezaua en horas, que adoraua vna cruz de oro, y
vna ymagen de muger, Señora Del cielo. Mucho alegro, y sostuuo esta
nueua al exercito, aunque algunos la tuuieron por falsa, y echadiza
de frayles. Determinaron yr alla con intencion de inuernar en tierra
tan rica como se sonaua.”
[144] Coronado probably reached the Rio Grande near the present
Isleta. Jaramillo applies this name to Acoma, and perhaps he is more
correct, if we ought to read it Tutahaio, since the Tiguas (the
inhabitants of Isleta, Sandia, Taos, and Picuris pueblos) call Acoma
Tuthea-uây, according to Bandelier, Gilded Man, p. 211.
[145] This was Matsaki, at the northwestern base of Thunder mountain,
about 18 miles from Hawikuh, where the advance force had encamped.
[146] The Spanish manuscript is very confusing throughout this
chapter. As usual, Ternaux passes over most of the passages which
have given trouble, omitting what he could not guess.
[147] Dutch Jack, perhaps.
[148] The instructions which Mendoza gave to Alarcon show how
carefully the viceroy tried to guard against any such trouble with
the natives. Buckingham Smith’s Florida, p. 4: “Iten: si poblaredes
en alguna parte, no sea entre los yndios, sino apartado dellos, y
mandareys que ningun español ni otra persona de las vuestras vaya
al lugar ni á las cassas de los yndios sino fuere con expressa
licencia vuestra, y al que lo contrario hiziere castigalle eys muy
asperamente, y licencia aveys de dalla las vezes que fuere necessario
para alguna cossa que convenga y á personas de quien vos esteys
confiado que no hará cossa mal hecha, y estad muy advertido en
guardar esta orden, porque es cossa que conviene mas de lo que vos
podeys pensor.”
[149] Espejo, Relacion del Viaje, 1584 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc.
de Indias, vol. xv, p. 175), says that at Puala (Tiguex) pueblo,
“hallamos relacion muy verdadera; que estubo en esta provincia
Francisco Vazquez Coronado y le mataron en ella nueve soldados y
cuarenta caballos, y que por este respeto habia asolado la gente de
un pueblo desta provincia, y destos nos dieron razon los naturales
destos pueblos por señas que entendimos.”
[150] Ternaux says Diego Lopez Melgosa, and when Melgosa’s name
appears again he has it Pablo Lopez Melgosa.
[151] Evidently the underground, or partially underground, ceremonial
chambers or kivas.
[152] Compare the Spanish text.
[153] Gomara, cap. ccxiiii, gives the following account of these
events: “Fueronse los Indios vna noche y amanecieron muertos treynta
cauallos, que puso temor al exercito. Caminando, quemaron vn
lugar, y en otro que a cometieron, les mataron ciertos Españoles,
y hirieron cinquenta cauallos, y metieron dentro los vezinos a
Francisco de Onãdo, herido, o muerto, para comer, y sacrificar,
a lo que pensaron, o quiça para mejor ver, que hombres oran los
Españoles, ca no se hallo por alli rastro de sacrificio humano.
Pusieron cerco los nuestros al lugar, pero no lo pudieron tomar en
mas de quarenta, y cinco dias. Bouian niene los cercaños por falta
de agua, y viendose perdidos, hizieron vna hoguera, echaron en ella
sus mãtas, plumajes, Turquesas, y cosas preciadas, porque no las
gozassen aquellos estrangeres. Salieron en esquadron, con los niños,
y mugeres en medio, para abrir camino por fuerça, y saluarse: mas
pocos escaparon de las espadas, y canallos, y de vn rio [=q] cerca
estaua. Murieron en la pelea siete Españoles y quedaron heridos
ochẽta, y muchos cauallos, por[=q] veays quanto vale la determinacion
en la necessidad. Muchos Indios se boluieron al pueblo, con la gente
menuda, y se defendieron hasta que se les puso fuego. Elose tanto
aquel rio estãdo en siete y treynta grados de la Equinocial, que
sufria passar encima hombres a cauallo, y cauallos con carga. Dura la
nieve medio año. Ay en a[=q]lla ribera melones, y algodon blanco, y
colorado, de que hazen muy mas anchas mantas, que en otras partes de
Indias.”
Mota Padilla, xxxii, 6, p. 161: “Esta accion en tuvo en España por
mala, y con razon, porque fué una crueldad considerable; y habiendo
el maese de campo, Garcia Lopez pasado á España á heredar un
mayorazgo, estuvo preso en una fortaleza por este cargo.”
[154] Wooden warclubs shaped like potato-mashers.
[155] Mota Padilla, xxxii, 7, p. 161, describes this encounter: “D.
García pasó al pueblo mayor á requerir al principal cacique, que
se llamaba D. Juan Loman, aunque no estaba bautizado, y se dejó
ver por los muros sin querer bajar de paz, y á instancias de D.
García, ofreció salirle á hablar, como dejase el caballo y espada,
porque tenia mucho miedo; y en esta conformidad, desmontó D. García
del caballo, entrególe con la espada á sus soldados, á quienes
hizo retirar, y acercándose á los muros, luego que Juan Loman se
afrontó, se abrazó de él, y al punto, entre seis indios que habia
dejado apercibidos, lo llevaron en peso y lo entraran en el pueblo
si la puerta no es pequeña, por lo que en ella hizo hincapié, y
pudo resistir hasta que llegaron soldados de á caballo, que le
defendieron. Quisieron los indios hacer alguna crueldad con dicho D.
García, por lo que intentaron llevarlo vivo, que si los indios salen
con macanas ó porras que usaban, le quitan la vida.”
[156] But see the Spanish. Ternaux translates it: “Les Indiens
parvinrent à s’emparer de (d’Obando) et l’emmenèrent vivant dans leur
village, . . . car c’était un homme distingué qui, par sa vertu et
son affabilité, s’était fait aimer de tout le monde.”
[157] Ternaux substituted the name of Don Garci-Lopez for that of Don
Lope throughout this passage.
[158] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: “Ils prizent le parti
d’abandonner le village pendant la nuit: ils se mirent done en route:
les femmes marchaient au milieu d’eux. Quand ils furent arrivés à un
endroit où campait don Rodrigo Maldonado, les sentinelles donnèrent
l’alarme.”
[159] There is much additional information of the siege and capture
of Tiguex in the account given by Mota Padilla, xxxii, 8, p. 161:
“Habiéndose puesto el cerco, estuvieron los indios rebeldes á los
requerimientos, por lo que se intentó abrir brecha, y rota la
argamasa superficial, se advirtió que el centro del muro era de
palizada, troncos y mimbrea bien hincados en la tierra, por lo que
resistian los golpes que daban con unas malas barras, en cuyo tiempo
hacian de las azoteas mucho daño en los nuestros con las piedras y
con la flechas por las troneras; y quoriendo un soldado tapar con
lodo una tronera de donde se hacia mucho daño, por un ojo le entraron
una flecha, de que cayó muerto: llamábase Francisco Pobares; y á otro
que se llamaba Juan Paniagua, muy buen cristiano y persona noble,
le dieron otro flechazo en el párpado de un ojo, y publicaba que á
la devocion del rosario, que siempre rezaba, debió la vida; otre
soldado, llamado Francisco de Ovando, se entró de bruzas por una
portañuela, y apenas hubo asomado la cabeza, cuando le asieron y le
tiraron para adentro, quitándole la vida: púsose una escala por donde
á todo trance subieron algunos; pero con arte, los indios tenian
muchas piezas á cielo descubierto, para que se no comunicasen; y como
á cortas distancias habia torrecillas con muchas saeteras y troneras,
hacian mucho daño, de suerte que hirieron mas de sesenta, de los
que murieron tres: un fulano Carbajal, hermano de Hernando Trejo,
quien fué despuesteniente de gobernador por Francisco de Ibarra, en
Chametla: tambien muriõ un vizcaino, llamado Alonso de Castañeda, y
un fulano Benitez; y esto fué por culpa de ellos, pues ya que habia
pocas armas de fuego con que ofender, pudieron haber pegado fuego á
los muros, pues eran de troncones y palizadas con solo el embarrado
de tierra.
“9. Viendo el gobernador el poco efecto de su invasion, mandó se
tocase á recoger, con ánimo de rendirlos por falta de agua, ya que no
por hambre, porque sabia tenian buenas trojes de maiz. Trataron de
curar los heridos, aunque se enconaron, y se cicatrizaban; y segun se
supo, era la causa el que en unas vasijas de mimbre encerraban los
indios vívoras, y con las flechas las tocaban para que mordiesen las
puntas y quedasen venenosas; y habiéndose mantenido algun tiempo,
cuando se esperaba padeciesen falta de agua, comenzó á nevar, con
cuya nieve se socorrieron y mantuvieron dos meses, en los que
intentaron los nuestros muchos desatinos: el uno fué formar unos
ingenios con unos maderos, que llamaban vaivenes, y son los antiguos
arietes con que se batian las fortalezas en tiempo que no se conocia
la pólvora; mas no acertaron: despues, por falta de artillería,
intentaron hacer unos cañones de madera bien liados de cordeles á
modo de cohetes; mas tampoco sirvió; y no arbitraron el arrimar leña
á los muros y prenderles fuego: á mi ver entiendo que la crueldad
con que quitaron la vida á los ciento y treinta gandules, los hizo
indignos del triunfo, y así, en una noche los sitiados salieron y
se pusieron en fuga, dejando á los nuestros burlados y sin cosa de
provecho que lograsen por despojos de la plaza sitiada y se salieron
los indios con su valeroso hecho.
“10. Por la parte que salieron estaban de centinelas dos soldados
poco apercibidos, de los cuales el uno no pareció, y el otro fué
hallado con el corazon atravesado con una flecha; y traido el
cuerpo, le pusieron junto á la lumbrada comun del campo; y cuando
volvieron los soldados, que intentaron el alcance de los indios, al
desmontar uno de ellos del caballo, le pisó la boca al miserable, y
se atribuyó su fatal muerte á haber sido renegador y blasfemo. Luego
que amaneció, se trató de reconocer el pueblo, y entrando, se halló
abastecido pero sin agua, y se reconoció un pozo profundo en la plaza
que aquellos indios abrieron en busca de agua, y por no encontrarla,
se resolvieron á la fuga, que consiguieron.” . . .
[160] Ternaux translated this, “à la fin de 1542.” Professor Haynes
corrected the error in a note in Winsor’s Narrative and Critical
History, vol. ii, p. 491, saying that “it is evident that the siege
must have been concluded early in 1541.”
[161] Should be Alcaraz.
[162] Mota Padilla’s account of the death of Diaz is translated in
the Introduction.
[163] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux: “Le général le rétablit dans
sa dignité, examina le pays, et retourna au camp.”
[164] Or Cervantes, as Ternaux spells it.
[165] Coronado says, in his letter of October 20, that he started
April 23.
[166] The Rio Pecos. The bridge, however, was doubtless built across
the upper waters of the Canadian.
[167] There is an elaborate account of the sign language of the
Indians, by Garrick Mallery, in the first annual report of the Bureau
of Ethnology, 1879–80.
[168] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165, says: “Hasta allí caminaron
los nuestros, guiados por el Turco para el Oriente, con mucha
inclinacion al Norte, y desde entônces los guió vía recta al Oriente;
y habiendo andado tres jornadas, hubo de hacer alto el gobernador
para conferir sobre si seria acertado dejarse llevar de aquel
indio, habiendo mudado de rumbo, en cuyo intermedio un soldado, ó
por travesura, ó por hacer carne, se apartó, y aunque lo esperaron,
no se supo mas de él; y á dos jornadas que anduvieron, guiados
todavía del indio, pasaron una barranca profunda, que fué la primera
quiebra que vieron de la tierra desde Tigües.” Compare the route of
the expedition in the Introduction, and also in the translation of
Jaramillo.
[169] Compare the Spanish. Temaux: “Mais cette fois on n’avait pas
voulu le croire; les Querechos ayant rapporté la même chose que le
Turc.”
[170] Ternaux read this Coloma. The reference is clearly to the
district of Colima in western Mexico, where one of the earliest
Spanish settlements was made.
[171] The Spanish text is very confused. Ternaux says: “Les chevaux
rompirent leurs liens et s’échappèrent tous à l’exception de deux ou
trois qui furent retenus par des nègres qui avaient pris des casques
et des boucliers pour se mettre à l’abri. Le vent en enleva d’autres
et les colla contre les parois du ravin.”
[172] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 3, p. 165: “A la primera barranca. . . .
á las tres de la tarde hicieron alto, y repentinamente un recio
viento les llevó una nube tan cargada, que causó horror el granizo,
que despedia tan gruesos como nueces, huevos de gallina y de ánsares,
de suerte que era necesario arrodelarse para la resistencia; los
caballos dieron estampida y se pusieron en fuga, y no se pudieran
hallar si la barranca no los detiene; las tiendas que se habian
armado quedaron rotas, y quebradas todas las ollas, cazuelas, comales
y demas vasijas; y afligidos con tan varios sucesos, determinaron en
aquel dia que fué el de Ascension del Señor de 541, que el ejército
se volviese á Tigües á reparar, como que era tierra abastecida de
todo.”
[173] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xi, xii,
vol. iii, p. 206, ed. 1728: “La relacion que este Indio hacia, de
la manera con que se governaban en vna Provincia mas adelante,
llamada Harae, i juzgandose, que era imposible que alli dexase de
haver algunos Christianos perdidos del Armada de Panfilo de Narvuez,
Francisco Vazquez acordò de escrivir vna Carta, i la embiò con el
Indio fiel de aquellos dos, porque el que havia de quedar, siempre le
llevaron de Retaguarda, porque el bueno no le viese. . . . Embiada
la Carta, dando cuenta de la jornada que hacia el Exercito, i
adonde havia llegado, pidiendo aviso, i relacion de aquella Tierra,
i llamando aquellos Christianos, si por caso los huviese, ò que
avisasen de lo que havian menester para salir de cautiverio.”
[174] A manera de alixares. The margin reads Alexeres, which I can
not find in the atlases. The word means threshing floor, whence
Ternaux: “autres cabanes semblables à des bruyères (alixares).”
[175] Bandelier suggests that the name may have originated in the
Indian exclamation, Texia! Texia!—friends! friends!—with which they
first greeted the Spaniards.
[176] Ternaux: “il y avait des vignes, des mûriers et des rosiers
(_rosales_), dont le fruit que l’on trouve en France, sert en guise
de verjus; il y en avait de mûr.”
[177] Captain John Stevens’s New Dictionary says the sanbenito was
“the badge put upon converted Jews brought out by the Inquisition,
being in the nature of a scapula or a broad piece of cloth hanging
before and behind, with a large Saint Andrews cross on it, red and
yellow. The name corrupted from Saco Benito, answerable to the
sackcloth worn by penitents in the primitive church.” Robert Tomson,
in his Voyage into Nova Hispania, 1555, in Hakluyt, iii, 536,
describes his imprisonment by the Holy Office in the city of Mexico:
“We were brought into the Church, euery one with a S. Benito vpon his
backe, which is a halfe a yard of yellow cloth, with a hole to put
in a mans head in the middest, and cast ouer a mans head: both flaps
hang one before, and another behinde, and in the middest of euery
flap, a S. Andrewes crosse, made of red cloth, sowed on vpon the
same, and that is called S. Benito.”
[178] The Tiguex country is often referred to as the region where
the settlements were. Ternaux says “depuis Tiguex jusqu’au dernier
village.”
[179] Compare the Spanish text.
[180] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol.
iii, p. 206 (ed. 1728): “Los treinta Caballos fueron en busca de la
Tierra poblada, i hallaron buenos Pueblos, fundados junto à Buenos
Arroíos, que van à dàr al Rio Grande, que pasaron. Anduvieron cinco,
ò seis dias por estos Pueblos, llegaron à lo vltimo de Quivira,
que decian los Indios ser mucho, i hallaron vn Rio de mas Agua, i
poblacion que los otros; i preguntando que si adelante havia otra
cosa, dixeron, que de Quivira no havia sino Harae, i que era de la
misma manera en Poblaciones, i tamaño. . . . Embiòse à llamar al
Señor, el qual era vn Hombre grande, y de grandes miembros, de buena
proporcion, llevò docientos Hombres desnudos, i mal cubiertas sus
carnes, llevaban Arcos, i Flechas, i Plumas en las cabeças.” Compare
Jaramillo’s statement and Coronado’s letter, as discussed in the
Introduction.
[181] Ternaux: “les rives, qui sont convertes d’une plante dont le
fruit ressemble au raisin muscat.”
[182] Compare the Spanish text; Ternaux omits this sentence.
[183] Castañeda’s date is, as usual, a year later than the actual one.
[184] Yuge-ning-ge, as Bandelier spells it, is the aboriginal name of
a former Tewa village, the site of which is occupied by the hamlet of
Chamita, opposite San Juan. The others are near by.
[185] Taos, or Te-uat-ha. See Bandelier’s Final Report, vol. i, p.
123, for the identification of these places.
[186] This rendering, doubtless correct, is due to Ternaux. The
Guadiana, however, reappears above ground some time before it begins
to mark the boundary of the Spanish province of Estremadura. The
Castañeda family had its seat in quite the other end of the peninsula.
[187] Mota Padilla, xxxiii, 4., p. 165: “Al cabo de dos meses, poco
mas ó ménos, volvió con su gente el general á Tigües, y dieron razon
que habiendo caminado mas de cien leguas. . . . Quivira se halló ser
un pueblo de hasta cien casas.”
[188] The Newfoundland region.
[189] Ternaux’s rendering. Compare the Spanish text.
[190] Compare the Spanish. Several words in the manuscript are not
very clear. Ternaux omits them, as usual.
[191] Omitted by Ternaux, who (p. 151) calls these the Pacasas.
[192] Compare the Spanish text. Ternaux (p. 152) renders: “Ils ont
soin de bâtir leurs villages de manière a ce qu’ils soient séparés
les uns des autres par des ravins impossibles à franchir,” which is
perhaps the meaning of the Spanish.
[193] Ternaux, p. 156: “couvertes en nattes de glaīeul.” The Spanish
manuscript is very obscure.
[194] An account of these people is given in the Trivmphos, lib. 1,
cap. ii, p. 6, Andres Perez de Ribas, S. J. “Estas [casas] hazian,
vnas de varas de monte hincadas en tierra, entretexidas, y atadas
con vejneos, que son vnas ramas como de çarçaparrilla, muy fuertes,
y que duran mucho tiēpo. Las parades que haziā con essa barazon las
afortanan con vna torta de barro, para que no las penetrasse el
Sol, ni los vientos, cubriendo la casa con madera, y encima tierra,
ó barro, con que hazian açotea, y con esso se contentauan. Otros
hazian sus casas de petates [=q] es genero de esteras texidas de caña
taxada.” Bandelier found the Opata Indians living in houses made with
“a slight foundation of cobblestones which supported a framework
of posts standing in a thin wall of rough stones and mud, while a
slanting roof of yucca or palm leaves covered the whole.”—Final
Report, pt. i, p. 58.
[195] The meaning of this sentence in the Spanish is not wholly
clear. Ternaux, p. 156: “Cette manière de bâtir . . . change dans cet
endroit probablement, parce qu’il n’y a plus d’arbres sans épines.”
[196] The _Opuntia tuna_ or prickly pear.
[197] _Prosopis juliflora._
[198] _Cereus thurberii._
[199] Sonora.
[200] Oviedo, Historia, vol. iii, p. 610 (ed. 1853): “Toda esta
gente, dende las primeras casas del mahiz, andan los hombres muy
deshonestos, sin se cobrir cosa alguna de sus personas; é las mugeres
muy honestas, con unas sayas de cueros de venados hasta los piés, é
con falda que detrás les arrastra alguna cosa, é abiertas por delante
hasta el suelo y enlaçadas con unas correas. É traen debaxo, por
donde están abiertas, una mantilla de algodon é otra ençima, é unas
gorgueras de algodon, que les cubren todos los pechos.”
[201] Ternaux, pp. 157–158: “une multitude de tribus à part, réunis
en petites nations de sept ou huit, dix ou douze villages, ce sont:
Upatrico, Mochila, Guagarispa, El Vallecillo, et d’autres qui son
près des montagues.”
[202] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 111, quotes from the
Relaciones of Zárate-Salmeron, of some Arizona Indians: “Tambien
tienen para su sustento Mescali que es conserva de raiz de maguey.”
The strong liquor is made from the root of the Mexican or American
agave.
[203] These were doubtless cantaloupes. The southwestern Indians
still slice and dry them in a manner similar to that here described.
[204] The Pueblo Indians, particularly the Zuñi and Hopi, keep eagles
for their feathers, which are highly prized because of their reputed
sacred character.
[205] Chichiltic-calli, a red object or house, according to Molina’s
Vocabulario Mexicano, 1555. Bandelier, Historical Introduction, p.
11, gives references to the ancient and modern descriptions. The
location is discussed on page 387 of the present memoir.
[206] Ternaux (p. 162) succeeded no better than I have in the attempt
to identify this fish.
[207] Ternaux, p. 162: “A l’entrée du pays inhabité on rencontre une
espèce de lion de couleur fauve.” Compare the Spanish text. These
were evidently the mountain lion and the wild cat.
[208] Albert S. Gatschet, in his Zwölf Sprachen, p. 106, says that
this word is now to be found only in the dialect of the pueblo of
Isleta, under the form sibúlodá, buffalo.
[209] Matsaki, the ruins of which are at the northwestern base of
Thunder mountain. See Bandelier’s Final Report, pt. i, p. 133, and
Hodge, First Discovered City of Cibola.
[210] The mantles of rabbit hair are still worn at Moki, but those
of turkey plumes are out of use altogether. See Bandelier’s Final
Report, pt. i, pp. 37 and 158. They used also the fiber of the yucca
and agave for making clothes.
[211] J. G. Owens, Hopi Natal Ceremonies, in Journal of American
Archæology and Ethnology, vol. ii, p. 165 _n._, says: “The dress
of the Hopi [Moki, or Tusayan] women consists of a black blanket
about 3-1/2 feet square, folded around the body from the left side.
It passes under the left arm and over the right shoulder, being
sewed together on the right side, except a hole about 3 inches long
near the upper end through which the arm is thrust. This is belted
in at the waist by a sash about 3 inches wide. Sometimes, though
not frequently, a shirt is worn under this garment, and a piece of
muslin, tied together by two adjacent corners, is usually near by, to
be thrown over the shoulders. Most of the women have moccasins, which
they put on at certain times.”
Gomara, ccxiii, describes the natives of Sibola: “Hazen con todo esso
vnas mantillas de pieles de conejos, y liebres, y de venados, que
algodon muy poco alcançan: calçan çapatos de cuero, y de inuierno
vnas como botas hasta las rodillas. Las mugeres van vestidas de Metl
hasta en pies, andan ceñidas, trençan los cabellos, y rodeanselos
ala cabeça por sobre las orejas. La tierra es arenosa, y de poco
fruto, oreo [=q] por pereza dellos, pues donde siembran, lleua mayz,
frisoles, calabaças, y frutas, y aun se crian en ella gallipauos, que
no se hazen en todos cabos.”
In his Relacion de Viaje, p. 173, Espejo says of Zuñi: “en esta
provincia se visten algunos de los naturales, de mantas de algodon
y cueros de las vacas, y de gamuzas aderezadas; y las mantas de
algodon las traen puestas al uso mexicano, eceto que debajo de partes
vergonzosas traen unos paños de algodon pintados, y algunos dellos
traen camisas, y las mugeres traen naguas de algodon y muchas dellas
bordadas con hilo de colores, y encima una manta como la traen los
indios mexicanos, y atada con un paño de manos como tohalla labrada,
y se lo atan por la cintura con sus borlas, y las naguas son que
sirven de faldas de camisa á raiz de las carnes, y esto cada una lo
trae con la mas ventaja que puede; y todos, asi hombres como mujeres,
andan calzados con zapatos y hotas, las suelas de cuero de vacas,
y lo de encima de cuero de venado aderezado; las mugeres traen el
cabello muy peinado y bien puesto y con sus moldes que traen en la
cabeza uno de una parte y otro de otra, á donde ponon el cabello con
curiosidad sin traer nengun tocado en la cabeza.”
Mota Padilla, xxxii, 4, p. 160: “Los indios son de buenas estaturas,
las indias bien dispuestas: traen unas mantas blancas, que las
cubren desde los hombros hasta los piés y por estar cerradas, tienen
por donde sacar los brazos; asimismo, usan traer sobre las dichas
otras mantas que se ponen sobre el hombro izquierdo, y el un cabo
tercian por debajo del brazo derecho como capa: estiman en mucho los
cabellos; y así, los traen muy peinados, y en una jícara de agua,
se miran como en un espejo; pártense el cabello en dos trenzas,
liadas con cintas de algodon de colores, y en cada lado de la cabeza
forman dos ruedas ó circulos, que dentro de ellos rematan, y dejan
la punta del cabello levantado como plumajes y en unas tablitas
de hasta tres dedos, fijan con pegamentos unas piedras verdes que
llaman chalchihuites, de que se dice hay minas, como tambien se dice
las hubo cerca de Sombrerete, en un real de minas que se nombra
Chalchihuites, por esta razon; . . . con dichas piedras forman
sortijas que con unos palillos fijan sobre el cabello como ramillete:
son las indias limpias, y se precian de no parecer mal.”
[212] Ternaux, p. 164: “les épis partent presque tous du pied, et
chaque épi a sept ou huit cents grains, ce que l’on n’avait pas
encore vu aux Indes.” The meaning of the Spanish is by no means
clear, and there are several words in the manuscript which have been
omitted in the translation.
[213] Ternaux, p. 164: “ni de conseils de vieillards.”
[214] Papa in the Zuñi language signifies “elder brother,” and may
allude either to age or to rank.
[215] Dr J. Walter Fewkes, in his Few Summer Ceremonials at the
Tusayan Pueblos, p. 7, describes the Dā’wā-wýmp-ki-yas, a small
number of priests of the sun. Among other duties, they pray to the
rising sun, whose course they are said to watch, and they prepare
offerings to it.
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, says that at Cibola, “no se vió
templo alguno, ni se les conoció ídolo, por lo que se tuvo entendido
adoraban al sol y á la luna, lo que se confirmó, porque una noche que
hubo un eclipse, alzaron todos mucha gritería.”
[216] Ternaux, p. 165: “Les étuves sont rares dans ce pays. Ils
regardent comme un sacrilége que les femmes entrent deux à la fois
dans un endroit.”
In his Few Summer Ceremonials at Tusayan, p. 6, Dr Fewkes says that
“with the exception of their own dances, women do not take part in
the secret kibva [estufa] ceremonials; but it can not be said that
they are debarred entrance as assistants in making the paraphernalia
of the dances, or when they are called upon to represent
dramatizations of traditions in which women figure.”
[217] Mr Frank Hamilton Cushing, in the Compte-rendu of the Congrès
International des Americanistes, Berlin, 1888, pp. 171–172, speaking
of the excavations of “Los Muertos” in southern Arizona, says: “All
the skeletons, especially of adults [in the intramural burials],
were, with but few exceptions, disposed with the heads to the east
and slightly elevated as though resting on pillows, so as to face
the west; and the hands were usually placed at the sides or crossed
over the breast. With nearly all were paraphernalia, household
utensils, articles of adornment, etc. This paraphernalia quite
invariably partook of a sacerdotal character.” In the pyral mounds
outside the communal dwellings, “each burial consisted of a vessel,
large or small, according to the age of the person whose thoroughly
cremated remains it was designed to receive, together, ordinarily,
with traces of the more valued and smaller articles of personal
property sacrificed at the time of cremation. Over each such vessel
was placed either an inverted bowl or a cover (roughly rounded by
chipping) of potsherds, which latter, in most cases, showed traces of
having been firmly cemented, by means of mud plaster, to the vessels
they covered. Again, around each such burial were found always
from two or three to ten or a dozen broken vessels, often, indeed,
a complete set; namely, eating and drinking bowls, water-jar and
bottle, pitcher, spheroidal food receptacle, ladles large and small,
and cooking-pot. Sometimes, however, one or another of these vessels
actually designed for sacrifice with the dead, was itself used as the
receptacle of his or her remains. In every such case the vessel had
been either punctured at the bottom or on one side, or else violently
cracked—from Zuñi customs, in the process of ‘killing’ it.” The
remains of other articles were around, burned in the same fire.
Since the above note was extracted, excavations have been conducted
by Dr. J. Walter Fewkes at the prehistoric Hopī pueblo of Sikyatki,
an exhaustive account of which will be published in a forthcoming
report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sikyatki is located at the base
of the First Mesa of Tusayan, about 3 miles from Hano. The house
structures were situated on an elongated elevation, the western
extremity of the village forming a sort of acropolis. On the
northern, western, and southern slopes of the height, outside the
village proper, cemeteries were found, and in these most of the
excavations were conducted. Many graves were uncovered at a depth
varying from 1 foot to 10 feet, but the skeletons were in such
condition as to be practically beyond recovery. Accompanying these
remains were hundreds of food and water vessels in great variety
of form and decoration, and in quality of texture far better than
any earthenware previously recovered from a pueblo people. With the
remains of the priests there were found, in addition to the usual
utensils, terra cotta and stone pipes, beads, prayer-sticks, quartz
crystals, arrowpoints, stone and shell fetiches, sacred paint, and
other paraphernalia similar to that used by the Hopi of today. The
house walls were constructed of small, flat stones brought from the
neighboring mesa, laid in adobe mortar and plastered with the same
material. The rooms were invariably small, averaging perhaps 8 feet
square, and the walls were quite thin. No human remains were found in
the houses, nor were any evidences of cremation observed.
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 5, p. 160, describes a funeral which was
witnessed by the soldiers of Coronado’s army: “en una ocasion vieron
los españoles, que habiendo muerto un indio, armaron una grande
balsa ó luminaria de leña, sobre que pusieron el cuerpo cubierto con
una manta, y luego todos los del pueblo, hombres y mujeres, fueron
poniendo sobre la cama de leña, pinole, calabazas, frijoles, atole,
maiz tostado, y de lo demas que usaban comer, y dieron fuego por
todas partes, de suerte que en breve todo se convirtió en cenizas con
el cuerpo.”
[218] The pueblo of Picuris.
[219] Bandelier gives a general account of the internal condition of
the Pueblo Indians, with references to the older Spanish writers, in
his Final Report, pt. i, p. 135.
[220] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 141, quotes from Benavides,
Memorial, p. 43, the following account of how the churches and
convents in the pueblo region were built: “los hā hecho tan solamēte
las mugeres, y los muchachos, y muchachas de la dotrina; porque entre
estos naciones se vsa hazer las mugeres las paredes, y los hombres
hilan y texen sus mantas, y van á la guerra, y a la caza, y si
obligamos a algū hombre á hazer pared, se corre dello, y las mugeres
se rien.”
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 159: “estos pueblos [de Tigües y
Tzibola] estaban murados . . . si bien se diferenciaban en que los
pueblos de Tzibola son fabricados de pizarras unidas con argamasa de
tierra; y los de Tigües son de una tierra güijosa, aunque muy fuerte;
sus fábricas tienen las puertas para adentro del pueblo, y la entrada
de estos muros son puertas pequeñas y se sube por unas escalerillas
angostas, y se entra de ellas á una sala de terraplen, y por otra
escalera se baja al plan de la poblacion.”
Several days before Friar Marcos reached Chichilticalli, the natives,
who were telling him about Cibola, described the way in which these
lofty houses were built: “para dármelo á entender, tomaban tierra y
ceniza, y echábanle agua, y señalábanme como ponian la piedra y como
subīan el edificio arriba, poniendo aquello y piedra hasta ponello
en lo alto; preguntábales á los hombres de aquella tierra si tenian
alas para subir aquellos sobrados; reianse y señalábanme el escalera,
tambien como la podria yo señalar, y tomaban un palo y ponianlo
sobre la cabeza y decian que aquel altura hay de sobrado á sobrado.”
Relacion de Fray Marcos in Pacheco y Cardenas, Doc. de Indias, vol.
iii, p. 339.
Lewis H. Morgan, in his Ruins of a Stone Pueblo, Peabody Museum
Reports, vol. xii, p. 541, says: “Adobe is a kind of pulverized
clay with a bond of considerable strength by mechanical cohesion.
In southern Colorado, in Arizona, and New Mexico there are immense
tracts covered with what is called adobe soil. It varies somewhat
in the degree of its excellence. The kind of which they make their
pottery has the largest per cent of alumina, and its presence is
indicated by the salt weed which grows in this particular soil. This
kind also makes the best adobe mortar. The Indians use it freely in
laying their walls, as freely as our masons use lime mortar; and
although it never acquires the hardness of cement, it disintegrates
slowly . . . This adobe mortar is adapted only to the dry climate of
southern Colorado, Arizona, and New Mexico, where the precipitation
is less than 5 inches per annum . . . To the presence of this adobe
soil, found in such abundance in the regions named, and to the
sandstone of the bluffs, where masses are often found in fragments,
we must attribute the great progress made by these Indians in house
building.”
[221] Bandelier discusses the estufas in his Final Report, pt. i, p.
144 ff., giving quotations from the Spanish writers, with his usual
wealth of footnotes. Dr Fewkes, in his Zuñi Summer Ceremonials, says:
“These rooms are semisubterranean (in Zuñi), situated on the first or
ground floor, never, so far as I have seen, on the second or higher
stories. They are rectangular or square rooms, built of stone, with
openings just large enough to admit the head serving as windows, and
still preserve the old form of entrance by ladders through a sky hole
in the roof. Within, the estufas have bare walls and are unfurnished,
but have a raised ledge about the walls, serving as seats.”
[222] The Spanish is almost illegible. Ternaux (pp. 169–170) merely
says: “Au milien estun foyer allumé.”
[223] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, p. 160: “En los casamientos [á
Tigües] hay costumbre, que cuando un mozo da en servir á una
doncella, la espera en la parte donde va á acarrear agua, y coge el
cántaro, con cuya demostracion manifiesta á los deudos de ella, la
voluntad de casarse: no tienen estos indios mas que una muger.”
Villagra, Historia de la Nueva Mexico, canto xv, fol. 135:
Y tienen una cosa aquestas gentes,
Que en saliendo las mozas de donzellas,
Son á todos comunes, sin escusa,
Con tal que se lo paguen, y sin paga,
Es una vil bageza, tal delito,
Mas luego que se casan viuen castas,
Contenta cada qual con su marido,
Cuia costumbre, con la grande fuerça,
Que por naturaleza ya tenian,
Teniendo por cortissimo nosotros,
Seguiamos tambien aquel camino,
Iuntaron muchas mantas bien pintadas,
Para alcançar las damas Castellanas,
Que mucho apetecieron y quisieron.
It is hoped that a translation of this poem, valuable to the
historian and to the ethnologist, if not to the student of
literature, may be published in the not distant future.
[224] This appears to be the sense of a sentence which Ternaux omits.
[225] The American turkey cocks.
[226] A custom still common at Zuñi and other pueblos. Before the
introduction of manufactured dyes the Hopi used urine as a mordant.
[227] Mr. Owens, in the Journal of American Ethnology and Archæology,
vol. ii, p. 163 _n._, describes these mealing troughs: “In every
house will be found a trough about 6 feet long, 2 feet wide, and 8
inches deep, divided into three or more compartments. In the older
houses the sides and partitions are made of stone slabs, but in some
of the newer ones they are made of boards. Within each compartment is
a stone (trap rock preferred) about 18 inches long and a foot wide,
set in a bed of adobe and inclined at an angle of about 35°. This
is not quite in the center of the compartment, but is set about 3
inches nearer the right side than the left, and its higher edge is
against the edge of the trough. This constitutes the nether stone of
the mill. The upper stone is about 14 inches long, 3 inches wide, and
varies in thickness according to the fineness of the meal desired.
The larger stone is called a máta, and the smaller one a matáki. The
woman places the corn in the trough, then kneels behind it and grasps
the matáki in both hands. This she slides, by a motion from the back,
back and forth over the máta. At intervals she releases her hold
with her left hand and with it places the material to be ground upon
the upper end of the máta. She usually sings in time to her grinding
motion.”
There is a more extended account of these troughs in Mindeleff’s
Pueblo Architecture, in the Eighth Report of the Bureau of Ethnology,
p. 208. This excellent monograph, with its wealth of illustrations,
is an invaluable introduction to any study of the southwestern
village Indians.
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 3, p. 159: “tienen las indias sus cocinas
con mucho aseo, y en el moler el maiz se diferencian de las demas
poblaciones [á Tigües], porque en una piedra mas áspera martajan el
maiz, y pasa á la segunda y tercera, de donde le sacan en polvo como
harina; no usan tortillas que son el pan de las indias y lo fabrican
con primor, porque en unas ollas ponen á darle al maiz un cocimiento
con una poca de cal, de donde lo sacan ya con el nombre de mixtamal.”
[228] See W. H. Holmes, Pottery of the Ancient Pueblos, Fourth Annual
Report of the Bureau of Ethnology; also his Illustrated Catalogue of
a portion of the collections made during the field season of 1881, in
the Third Annual Report. See p. 519 _n._, regarding pottery found at
Sikyatki.
[229] Bandelier, in his Visit to Pecos, p. 114, n., states that the
former name of the pueblo was Aquiu, and suggests the possibility of
Castañeda having originally written Acuyó. The Relacion del Sucoso,
translated herein, has Acuique. As may be seen by examining the
Spanish text, the Lenox manuscript copy of Castañeda spells the name
of this village sometimes Cicuyo and sometimes Cicuye.
[230] Compare Bandelier’s translation of this description, from
Ternaux’s text, in his Gilded Man, p. 206. See the accompanying
illustrations, especially of Zuñi, which give an excellent idea of
these terraces or “corridors” with their attached balconies.
[231] The spring was “still trickling out beneath a massive ledge of
rocks on the west sill” when Bandelier sketched it in 1880.
[232] The former Tano pueblo of Galisteo, a mile and a half northeast
of the present town of the same name, in Santa Fé county.
[233] According to Mota Padilla, this was called Coquite.
[234] These Indians were seen by Coronado during his journey across
the plains. As Mr Hodge has suggested, they may have been the
Comanches, who on many occasions are known to have made inroads on
the pueblo of Pecos.
[235] Ternaux’s rendering of the uncertain word teules in the Spanish
text. Molina, in the Vocabulario Mexicana (1555), fol. 30, has “brauo
hombre . . . tlauele.” Gomara speaks of the chichimecas in the
quotation in the footnote on page 529. The term was applied to all
wild tribes.
[236] Bandelier, Final Report, pt. i, p. 34: “With the exception of
Acoma, there is not a single pueblo standing where it was at the
time of Coronado, or even sixty years later, when Juan de Oñate
accomplished the peaceable reduction of the New Mexican village
Indians.” Compare with the discussion in this part of his Final
Report, Mr Bandolier’s attempt to identify the various clusters of
villages, in his Historical Introduction, pp. 22–24.
[237] For the location of this group of pueblos see page 492, note.
[238] The Queres district, now represented by Santo Domingo, San
Felipe, Santa Ana, Sia (Castañeda’s Chia), and Cochiti. Acoma and
Laguna, to the westward, belong to the same linguistic group. Laguna,
however, is a modern pueblo.
[239] One of these was the Tano pueblo of Galisteo, as noted on page
523.
[240] The Jemes pueblo clusters in San Diego and Guadalupe canyons.
See pl. LXX.
[241] The Tewa pueblo of Yugeuingge, where the village of Chamita,
above Santa Fé, now stands.
[242] Taos.
[243] The Keres or Queres pueblo of Sia.
[244] As Ternaux observes, Castañeda mentions seventy-one. Sia may
not have been the only village which he counted twice.
[245] The trend of the river in the section of the old pueblo
settlements is really westward.
[246] Compare the Spanish text.
[247] The Tusayan Indians belong to the same linguistic stock as the
Ute, Comanche, Shoshoni, Bannock, and others. The original habitat
of the main body of these tribes was in the far north, although
certain clans of the Tusayan people are of southern origin. See
Powell, Indian Linguistic Families, 7th Annual Report of the Bureau
of Ethnology, p. 108.
[248] The Spaniards under Coronado. The translation does not pretend
to correct the rhetoric or the grammar of the text.
[249] Ternaux, p. 184: “D’après la route qu’ils ont suivie, ils
ont dú venir de l’extrémité de l’Inde orientale, et d’une partie
très-inconnue qui, d’après la configuration des côtes, serait située
très-avant dans l’intérieur des terres, entre la Chine et la Norwège.”
[250] See the Carta escrita por Santisteban á Mendoza, which tells
nearly everything that is known of the voyage of Villalobos. We can
only surmise what Castañeda may have known about it.
[251] The Spanish text fully justifies Castañeda’s statement that he
was not skilled in the arts of rhetoric and geography.
[252] Compare the Spanish text. I here follow Ternaux’s rendering.
[253] In a note Ternaux, p. 185, says: “Le [dernier] mot est
illisible, mais comme l’auteur parle de certain émail que les
Espagnols trouvèrent, . . . j’ai cru pouvoir hasarder cette
interprétation.” The word is legible enough, but the letters do not
make any word for which I can find a meaning.
[254] More than once Castañeda seems to be addressing those about him
where he is writing in Culiacan.
[255] Ternaux omits all this, evidently failing completely in the
attempt to understand this description of the rolling western
prairies.
[256] Compare the Spanish. This also is omitted by Ternaux.
[257] Espejo, Relacion, p. 180: “los serranos acuden á servir á los
de las poblaciones, y los de las poblaciones les llaman á estos,
querechos; tratan y contratan con los de las poblaciones, llevandoles
sal y caza, venados, conejos y liebres y gamuzas aderezadas y otros
géneros de cosas, á trucque de mantas de algodon y otras cosas con
que les satisfacen la paga el gobierno.”
[258] Compare the Spanish.
[259] The well known travois of the plains tribes.
[260] Benavides: Memorial (1630), p. 74: “Y las tiendas las llenan
cargadas en requas de perros aparejados cō sus en xalmillas, y son
los perros medianos, y suelē lleuar quiniētos perros en vna requa vno
delante de otro, y la gente lleua cargada su mercaduria, que trueca
por ropa de algodon, y por otras cosas de [=q] carecen.”
[261] Pemmican
[262] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxii, 2, p. 165: “Habiendo andado cuatro
jornadas por estos llanos, con grandes neblinas, advirtieron los
soldados rastro como de picas de lanzas arrastradas por el suelo,
y llevados por la curiosidad, le siguieron hasta dar con cincuenta
gandules, que con sus familias, seguian unas manadas de dichas vacas,
y en unos perrillos no corpulentos, cargaban unas varas y pieles, con
las que formaban sus tiendas ó toritos, en donde se entraban para
resistir el sol ó el agua. Los indios son de buena estatura, y no se
supo si eran haraganes ó tenian pueblos; presumióse los tendrian,
porque ninguna de las indias llevaba niño pequeño; andaban vestidas
con unos faldellines de cuero de venado de la cintura para abajo, y
del mismo cuero unos capisayos ó vizcainas, con que se cubren; traen
unas medias calzas de cuero adobado y sandalias de cuero crudo: ellos
andan desnudos, y cuando mas les affige el frio, se cubren con cueros
adobados; no usan, ni los hombres ni las mujeres, cabello largo, sino
trasquilados, y de media cabeza para la frente rapados á navaja;
usan por armas las flechas, y con los sesos de las mismas vacas
benefician y adoban los cueros: llámanse cibolos, y tienen mas impetu
para embestir que los toros, aunque no tanta fortaleza; y en las
fiestas reales que se celebraron en la ciudad de México por la jura
de nuestro rey D. Luis I, hizo el conde de San Mateo de Valparaiso se
llevase una cibola para que se torease, y por solo verla se despobló
México, por hallar lugar en la plaza, que le fué muy útil al tabla
jero aquel dia.”
[263] Compare the Spanish. Omitted by Ternaux.
[264] Mr Savage, in the Transactions of the Nebraska Historical
Society, vol. i, p. 198, shows how closely the descriptions of
Castañeda, Jaramillo, and the others on the expedition, harmonize
with the flora and fauna of his State.
[265] Ternaux, p. 194, read this Capetlan.
[266] Temaus, ibid., miscopied it Guyas.
[267] Herrera, Historia General, dec. vi, lib. ix, cap. xii, vol.
iii, p. 207 (ed. 1730): “Toda esta Tierra [Quivira] tiene mejor
aparencia, que ninguna de las mejores de Europa, porque no es mui
doblada, sino de Lomas, Llanos, i Rios de hermosa vista, i buena para
Ganados, pues la experiencia lo mostraba. Hallaronse Ciruelas de
Castilla, entre coloradas, i verdes, de mui gentil sabor; entre las
Vacas se hallò Lino, que produce la Tierra, mui perfecto, que como
el Ganado no lo come, se queda por alli con sus cabeçuelas, i flor
azul; i en algunos Arroios, se ballaron Vbas de buen gusto, Moras,
Nueces, i otras Frutas; las Casas, que estos Indios tenian eran de
Paja, muchas de ellas redondas, que la Paja llegaba hasta el suelo, i
encima vna como Capitla, ò Garita, de donde se asomaban.”
Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Esta Quinira en quarenta grados, es tierra
templada, de buenas aguas, de muchas yeruas, ciruelas, moras, nuezes,
melones, y vuas, que maduran bien: no ay algodon, y visten cueros de
vacas, y venados. Vieron por la costa naos, que trayan arcatrazes
de oro, y de plata en las proas, cō mercaderias, y pensaron ser del
Catayo, y China, por[=q] señalauan auer navegado treynta dias. Fray
Iuan de Padilla se quedo en Tiguex, con otro frayle Francisco, y
torno a Quinira, con hasta doze Indios de Mechuacan, y con Andres do
Campo Portugues, hortelano de Francisco de Solis. Lleuo caualgaduras,
y azemilas con prouision. Leuo ouejas, y gallinas de Castilla, y
ornamentos para dezir missa. Los de Quiuira mataron a los frayles, y
escapose el Portugues, con algunos Mechuacanes. El qual, aun que se
libro entonces de la muerte, no se libro de catinerio, porque luego
le prendieron: mas de alli a diez meses, que fue esclauo, huyo con
dos perros. Santiguaua por el camino con vna cruz, aque le ofrecian
mucho, y do quiera que llegaua, le dauan limosna, aluergue, y de
comer. Vino a tierra de Chichimecas, y aporto a Panuco.”
[268] The Mississippi and Missouri rivers.
[269] This is probably a reminiscence of Cabeza de Vaca’s narrative.
[270] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 4, p. 166, gives his reasons for the
failure of the expedition: “It was most likely the chastisement of
God that riches were not found on this expedition, because, when this
ought to have been the secondary object of the expedition, and the
conversion of all those heathen their first aim, they bartered with
fate and struggled after the secondary; and thus the misfortune is
not so much that all those labors were without fruit, but the worst
is that such a number of souls have remained in their blindness.”
[271] Or perhaps as Ternaux, p. 202, rendered it, “courir la bague.”
[272] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 6, p. 166: “así el [gobernador]
como los demas capitanes del ejército, debían estar tan ciegos de
la pasion de la codicia de riquezas, que no trataban de radicarse
poblando en aquel paraje que veian tan abastecido, ni de reducir
á los indios é instruirlos en algo de la fé, que es la que debian
propagar: solo trataron de engordar sus caballos para lo que se
ofreciese pasado el invierno; y andando adiestrando el gobernador
uno que tenia muy brioso, se le fué la silla, y dando la boca en el
suelo, quedó sin sentido, y aunque despues se recobró, el juicio
le quedó diminuto, con lo cual trataron todos de desistir de la
empresa.” Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Cayo en Tiguex del cauallo Francisco
Vazquez, y con el golpe salio de sentido, y deuaneuua: lo qual vnos
tuuierō por dolor, y otros por fingido, ca estanan mal con el, porque
no poblaua.”
[273] _Or_, During the time that he was confined to his bed, . . . .
[274] Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 203: “Le chirurgien qui le
pansait et qui lui servait en méme temps d’espion, l’avait averti du
mécontentement des soldats.”
[275] Compare the Spanish.
[276] Compare the Spanish text.
[277] Ternaux, p. 209: “à une heure très-avancée.”
[278] Compare the spelling of this name on page 460 of the Spanish
text.
[279] The correct date is, of course, 1542.
[280] A Franciscan. He was a “frayle de misa.”
[281] General W. W. H. Davis, in his Spanish Conquest of New Mexico,
p. 231, gives the following extract, translated from an old Spanish
MS. at Santa Fé: “When Coronado returned to Mexico, he left behind
him, among the Indians of Cibola, the father fray Francisco Juan de
Padilla, the father fray Juan de la Cruz, and a Portuguese named
Andres del Campo. Soon after the Spaniards departed, Padilla and the
Portuguese set off in search of the country of the Grand Quivira,
where the former understood there were innumerable souls to be saved.
After traveling several days, they reached a large settlement in
the Quivira country. The Indians came out to receive them in battle
array, when the friar, knowing their intentions, told the Portuguese
and his attendants to take to flight, while he would await their
coming, in order that they might vent their fury on him as they ran.
The former took to flight, and, placing themselves on a height within
view, saw what happened to the friar. Padilla awaited their coming
upon his knees, and when they arrived where he was they immediately
put him to death. The same happened to Juan de la Cruz, who was
left behind at Cibola, which people killed him. The Portuguese and
his attendants made their escape, and ultimately arrived safely in
Mexico, where he told what had occurred.” In reply to a request for
further information regarding this manuscript, General Davis stated
that when he revisited Santa Fé, a few years ago, he learned that one
of his successors in the post of governor of the territory, having
despaired of disposing of the immense mass of old documents and
records deposited in his office, by the slow process of using them
to kindle fires, had sold the entire lot—an invaluable collection
of material bearing on the history of the southwest and its early
European and native inhabitants—as junk.
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 7, p. 167, gives an extended account of
the friars: “Pero porque el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla cuando acompañó
á D. Francisco Vazquez Coronado hasta el pueblo de Quivira, puso
en él una cruz, protestando no desampararla aunque le costase la
vida, por tener entendido hacer fruto en aquellos indios y en los
comarcanos, determinó volverse, y no bastaron las instancias del
gobernador y demas capitanes para que desistiese por entónces del
pensamiento. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda rogó tambien le dejasen
volver con el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla hasta el pueblo de Coquite,
en donde le parecia podrian servir de domesticar algo á aquellos
indios por parecerle se hallaban con alguna disposicion; y que pues
él era viejo, emplearia la corta vida que le quedase en procurar la
salvacion de las almas de aquellos miserables. A su imitacion tambien
el padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, religioso lego (como lo era Fr. Luis
de Ubeda) pretendió quedarse en aquellas provincias de Tigües, y
porque se discurrió que con el tiempo se conseguiria la poblacion
de aquellas tierras, condescendió el gobernador á los deseos de
aquellos apostólicos varones, y les dejaron proveidos de lo que por
entónces pareció necesario; y tambien quiso quedarse un soldado,
de nacion portugues, llamado Andres del Campo, con ánimo de servir
al padre Padilla, y tambien dos indizuelos donados nombrados Lúcas
y Sebastian, naturales de Michoacan; y otros dos indizuelos que en
el ejército hacian oficios de sacristanes, y otro muchacho mestizo:
dejáronle á dicho padre Padilla ornamentos y provision para que
celebrase el santo sacrificio de la misa, y algunos bienecillos que
pudiese dar á los indios para atraerlos á su voluntad.
“8. . . . Quedaron estos benditos religiosos como corderos entre
lobos; y viéndose solos, trató el padre Fr. Juan de Padilla, con
los de Tigües, el fin que le movia á quedarse entre ellos, que no
era otro que el detratar de la salvacion de sus almas; que ya los
soldados se habian ido, que no les serian molestos, que él pasaba
á otras poblaciones y les dejaba al padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz para
que les fuese instruyendo en lo que debian saber para ser cristianos
é hijos de la Santa Iglesia, como necesario para salvar sus almas,
que les tratasen bien, y que él procuraria volver á consolarles:
despídese con gran ternura, dejando, como prelado, lleno de
bendiciones, á Fr. Juan de la Cruz, y los indios de Tigües señalaron
una escuadra de sus soldados que guiasen a dichos padres Fr. Juan
de Padilla y Fr. Luis de Ubeda hasta el pueblo de Coquite, en donde
les recibieron con demostraciones de alegría, y haciendo la misma
recomendacion por el padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda, le dejó, y guiado de
otros naturales del mismo pueblo, salió para Quivira con Andres del
Campo, donados indizuelos y el muchacho mestizo: llegó á Quivira y
se postró al pié de la cruz, que halló en donde la habia colocado;
y con limpieza, toda la circunferencia, como lo habia encargado, de
que se alegró, y luego comenzó á hacer los oficios de padre maestro y
apóstol de aquellas gentes; y hallándolas dóciles y con buen ánimo,
se inflamó su corazon, y le pareció corto número de almas para Dios
las de aquel pueblo, y trató de ensanchar los senos de nuestra madre
la Santa Iglesia, para que acogiese á cuantos se le decia haber en
mayores distancias.
“9. Salió de Quivira, acompañado de su corta comitiva, contra la
voluntad de los indios de aquel pueblo, que le amaban como á su
padre, mas á una jornada le salieron indios de guerra, y conociendo
mal ánimo de aquellos bárbaros, le rogó al portugues, que pues iba
á caballo huyese, y que en su conserva llevase aquellos donados y
muchachos, que como tales podrian correr y escaparse: hiciéronlo así
por no hallarse capaces de otro modo para la defensa, y el bendito
padre, hincado de rodillas ofreció la vida, que por reducir almas á
Dios tenia sacrificada, logrando los ardientes deseos de su corazon,
la felicidad de ser muerto flechado por aquellos indios bárbaros,
quienes le arrojaron en un hoyo, cubriendo el cuerpo con innumerables
piedras. Y vuelto el portugues con los indizuelos á Quivira, dieren
la noticia, la que sintieron mucho aquellos naturales, por el amor
que tenian á dicho padre, y mas lo sintieran si hubieran tenido pleno
conocimiento de la falta que les hacia; no sabe el dia de su muerte,
aunque sí se tiene por cierto haber sido en el año de 542: y en
algunos papeles que dejó escritos D. Pedro de Tovar en la villa de
Culiacan, se dice que los indios habian salido á matar á este bendito
padre, por robar los ornamentos, y que habia memoria de que en su
muerte se vieron grandes prodigios, como fué inundarse la tierra,
verse globos de fuego, cometas y oscurecerse el sol.
“10. . . . Del padre Fr. Juan de la Cruz, la noticia que se tiene
es, que despues de haber trabajado en la instruccion de los indios
en Tigües y en Coquite, murió flechado de indios, porque no todos
abrazaron su doctrina y consejos, con los que trataba detestasen sus
bárbaras costumbres, aunque por lo general era muy estimado de los
caciques y demas naturales, que habian visto la veneracion con que el
general, capitanes y soldados lo trataban. El padre Fr. Luis de Ubeda
se mantenia en una choza por celda ó cueva, en donde le ministraban
los indios, con un poco de atole, tortillas y frijoles, el limitado
sustento, y no se supo de su muerte; si quedó entre cuantos le
conocieron la memoria de su pefecta vida.”
When the reports of these martyrdoms reached New Spain, a number
of Franciscans were fired with the zeal of entering the country
and carrying on the work thus begun. Several received official
permission, and went to the pueblo country. One of them was killed at
Tiguex, where most of them settled. A few went on to Cicuye or Pecos,
where they found a cross which Padilla had set up. Proceeding to
Quivira, the natives there counseled them not to proceed farther. The
Indians gave them an account of the death of Fray Padilla, and said
that if he had taken their advice he would not have been killed.
[282] Antonio de Espejo, in the Relacion of his visit to New Mexico
in 1582 (Pacheco y Cardenas, Documentes de Indias, vol. xv, p.
180), states that at Zuñi-Cibola, “hallamos tres indios cristianos
que se digeron llamar Andrés de Cuyacan y Gaspar de México y Anton
de Guadalajara, que digeron haber entrado con Francisco Vazquez, y
reformándolos en la lengua mexicana que ya casi la tenian olvidada;
destos supimos que habia llegado allí el dicho Francisco Vazquez
Coronado.”
[283] There were two settlements in Sonora bearing this name, one
occupied by the Eudeve and the other by the Tegui division of the
Opata. The former village is the one referred to by Castañeda.
[284] Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, 5, p. 166, says that at Sonora . . .
“murió un fulano Temiño, hermano de Baltasar Bañuelos, uno de los
quatro mineros de Zacatecas; Luis Hernandez, Domingo Fernandez y
otros.”
[285] Rudo Ensayo, p. 64: “Mago, en lengua Opata [of Sonora], es
un arbol pequeño, mui lozano de verde, y hermoso á la vista; pero
contiene una leche mortal que á corta incision de su corteza brota,
con la que los Naturales suelen untar sus flechas; y por esto la
llaman hierba de la flecha, pero ya pocos lo usan. Sirbe tambien
dicha leche para abrir tumores rebeldes, aunque no lo aconsejara,
por su calidad venenoso.” This indicates a euphorbiacea. Bandelier
(Final Report, pt. i, p. 77) believes that no credit is to be given
to the notion that the poison used by the Indians may have been snake
poison. The Seri are the only Indians of northern Mexico who in
recent times have been reported to use poisoned arrows.
[286] Ternaux, p. 223: “On parvint ainsi à Petatlan, qui dépend de
la province de Culiacan. A cette époque, ce village était soumis.
Mais quoique depuis il y ait eu plusieurs soulèvements, on y resta
quelques jours pour se refaire.” Compare the Spanish.
[287] Gomara, cap. ccxiiii: “Quando llego a Mexico traya el cabello
muy largo, y la barua trençada, y contaua estrañezas de las tierras,
rios, y montañas, [=q] a trauesso. Mucho peso a don Antonio de
Mendoça, que se boluiessen, porque auia gastado mas de sesenta mil
pesos de oro en la empresa, y aun deuia muchos dellos, y no trayan
cosa ninguna de alla, ni muestra de plata, ni de oro, ni de otra
riqueza. Muchos quisieron quedarse alla, mas Francisco Vazquez de
Coronado, que rico, y rezien casado era con hermosa muger, no quiso,
diziendo, que no se podrian sustentar, ni defender, en tan pobre
tierra, y tan lexos del socorro. Caminaron mas de nouecientas leguas
de largo esta jornada.”
[288] Ternaux, p. 228: “il n’y ait pas de succès à espérer sans
peine; mais il vaut mieux que ceux qui voudront tenter l’entreprise,
soient informés d’avance des peines et des fatigues qu’ont éprouvées
leurs prédécesseurs.”
[289] The letters of Mendoza during the early part of his
administration in Mexico repeatedly call attention to the lack of
arms and ammunition among the Spaniards in the New World.
[290] Ternaux, p. 236: “l’on trouva sur le bord oriental d’un des
lacs salés qui sont vers le sud, un endroit qui avait environ une
demi-portée de mousquet de longueur, et qui était entièrement couvert
d’os de bisons jusqu’à la hauteur de deux toises sur trois de large,
ce qui est surprenant dans un pays désert, et où personne n’aurait pu
rassembler ces os.”
[291] Compare the Spanish. Ternaux, p. 237: “Ils ont sur la partie
antérieure du corps un poil frisé semblable à la laine de moutons, il
est tres-fin sur la croupe, et lisse comme la crinière du lion.”
[292] The kersey, or coarse woolen cloth out of which the habits of
the Franciscan friars were made. Hence the name, grey friars.
[293] The earliest description of the American buffalo by a European
is in Cabeza de Vaca’s Naufragios, fol. xxvii verso (ed 1555):
“Alcançā aqui vacas y yo las he visto tres vezes, y comido dellas: y
paresceme que seran del tamaño de las de España: tienē los cuernos
pequeños como moriscas, y el pelo muy largo merino como vna bernia,
vnas son pardillas y otras negras: y a mi parescer tienen mejor y mas
gruessa carne que de las de aca. De las que no son grandes hazen los
indios mātas para cubrirse, y de las mayores hazen capatos y rodelas:
estas vienen de hazia el norte . . . mas de quatrociētas leguas: y
en todo este camino por los valles por donde ellas vienē baxan las
gentes que por allí habitan y se mantienen dellas, y meten en la
tierra grande contidad de cueros.”
Fray Marcos heard about these animals when he was in southern
Arizona, on his way toward Cibola-Zuñi: “Aquí . . . me truxeron un
cuero, tanto y medio mayor que de una gran vaca, y me dixeron ques
de un animal, que tiene solo un cuerno en la frente y queste cuerno
es corbo hacia los pechos, y que de allí sale una punta derecha, en
la cual dicen que tiene tanta fuerza, que ninguna cosa, por recia
que sea, dexa de romper, si topa con ella; y dicen que hay muchos
animales destos en aquella tierra; la color del cuero es á manera
de cabron y el pelo tan largo como el dedo.”—Pacheco y Cardenas,
Documentos de Indias, vol. iii, p. 311.
Gomara, cap. ccxv, gives the following description to accompany his
picture of these cows (plate LV, herein): “Son aquellos bueyes del
tamaño, y color, que nuestros toros, pero no de tan grandes cuernos.
Tienen vna gran giba sobre la cruz, y mas pelo de medio adelante,
que de medio atras, y es lana. Tienen como clines sobre el espinazo,
y mucho pelo, y muy largo de las rodillas abaxo. Cuelgan es por
la frente grandes guedejas, y parece que tienen baruas, segun los
muchos pelos del garguero, y varrillas. Tienen la cola muy larga
los machos, y con vn flueco grande al cabo: assique algo tienen de
leon, y algo de camello. Hieren con los cuernos, corren, alcançan, y
matan vn cauallo, quando ellos se embrauecen, y enojan: finalmente es
animal feo y fiero de rostro, y cuerpo. Huyē de los cauallos por su
mala catadura, o por nunca los auer visto. No tienen sus dueños otra
riqueza, ni hazienda, dellos comen, beuen, visten, calçan, y hazen
muchas cosas de los cueros, casas, calçado, vestido y sogas: delos
huessos, punçones: de los nernios, y pelos, hilo: de los cuernos,
buches, y bexigas, vasos: de las boñigas, lumbre: y de las terneras,
odres, en que traen y tienen agua: hazen en fin tantas cosas dellos
quantas han menester, o quantas las bastan para su biuienda. Ay
tambien otros animales, tan grandes como cauallos, que por tener
cuernos, y lana fina, los llaman carneros, y dizen, que cada cuerno
pesa dos arrouas. Ay tambien grandes perros, que lidian con vn toro,
y que lleuan dos arrouas de carga sobre salmas. quando vã a caça, o
quando se mudan con el ganado, y hato.”
Mota Padilla, cap. xxxiii, p. 164, says: “son estas vacas menores que
las nuestras; su lana menuda y mas fina que la merina; por encima un
poco morena, y entre sí un pardillo agraciado, á la parte de atras es
la lana mas menuda; y de allí para la cabeza, crian unos guedejones
grandes no tan fines; tienen cuernos pequeños, y en todo lo demas son
de la hechura de las nuestras, aunque mas cenceñas: los toros son
mayores, y sus pieles se curten dejándoles la lana, y sirven, por su
suavidad, de mullidas camas; no se vió becerrilla alguna, y puede
atribuirse, ó á los muchos lobos que hay entre ellas, ó á tener otros
parajes mas seguros en que queden las vacas con sus crias, y deben
de mudarse por temporadas, ó porque falten las aguas de aquellas
lagunas, ó porque conforme el sol se retira, les dañe la mutacion del
temperamento, y por eso se advierten en aquellos llanos, trillados
caminos ó veredas por donde entran y salen, y al mismo movimiento
de las vacas, se mueven cuadrillas de indios. . . . y se dijo ser
desabrida la carne de la hembra, y es providencia del Altisimo,
para que los indios maten los machos y reserven las hembras para el
multiplico.”
[294] Scattered through the papers of Dr J. Walter Fewkes on the Zuñi
and Tusayan Indians will be found many descriptions of the páhos
or prayer sticks and other forms used as offerings at the shrines,
together with exact accounts of the manner of making the offerings.
[295] The northeastern province of New Spain.