bieron fuegos no usados ni acostumbrados que fue causa que doblaron
las uelas pero como en toda la noche no sintieron nada a la madrugada
se descuidarō y los enemigos entraron tan callados por el pueblo que
no [p461] fueron uistos hasta que andaban matando y robando algunas
gentes salieron a lo llano que tubieron lugar y a el salir hirieron
de muerte a el capitan y como algunos españoles se rehiçieron en
algunos cauallos bolbieron sobre los enemigos y socorrieron alguna
gente aunque fue poca y los enemigos se fueron con la presa sin
reçebir daño dexando muertos tres españoles y mucha gente de seruiçio
y mas de ueinto cauallos.
los españoles que quedaron salieron aquel dia a pie sin cauallos
la buelta de culiacan por fuera de caminos y sin ningun bastimento
hasta llegar a los coraçones adonde aquellos indios los socorrieron
de bastimentos como amigos que siempre fueron y de alli cõ grandes
trabajos que pasaron llegaron a culiacan adonde hernandarias de
saabedra alcalde mayor los reçibio y hospedo lo mejor que pudo hasta
que juan gallego llego con el socorro que traya para pasar adelante
en busca del campo que no poco le peso se obiese despoblado aquel
paso creyendo quel campo estaba en la tierra rica que auia dicho el
indio que llamaron turco porque lo parecia en su aspeto.
_Capitulo quarto como se quedo fray juan de padilla y fray luis en la
tierra y el campo se aperçibio la buelta de mexico._
ya quel general francisco uasques uido que todo estaba pacifico y que
sus negoçios se auian encaminado a su uoluntad mando que para entrado
el mes de abril del año de quinientos y quarenta y tres estubiesen
todos aperçebidos para salir la buelta de la nueba españa.
biendo esto un fray juan de padilla frayle de misa de la orden de los
menores y otro fray luis lego dixeron a el general que ellos querian
quedarse en aquella tierra el fray juan de padilla en quiuira porque
le parecia haria alli fructo su dotrina y el fray luis en cicuye
y para esto como era quaresma a la saçon predico un domingo aquel
sermon del padre de las compañas y fundo su proposito con autoridad
de la sagrada escritura y como su celo era combertir aquellas gentes
y traer los a la fe y como tubieron liçençia que para esto no era
menester embio el general con ellos una compañia que los sacasen
hasta cicuye donde se quedo el fray luis y el fray juan paso la
buelta de quiuira lleuando el portugues que diximos y el negro y el
mestiso y indios de la nueba españa con las guias que auia traydo
el general donde en llegando alla dentro de muy poco tiempo lo
martiriçaron como contamos en la segunda parte ca[~p] otauo y ansi se
puede creer murio martir pues su çelo era santo y bueno.
el fray luis se quedo en cicuye no se a sabido del mas hasta oy aun
que antes quel campo saliese de tiguex lleuandole sierta cantidad
de obejas para que se le quedasen los que las llebauan toparon
acompañado de gente que andaba uiçitando otros pueblos que estaban a
quinçe y a ueinte leguas de cicuye y no dio poca buena esperanca que
estaba en graçia del pueblo y haria fruto su dotrina aũque se quexaba
que los uiejos lo desamparaban y creyo al fin lo matarian yo para
mi tengo que como era hombre de buena y santa uida n[~r]o señor lo
guardaria y daria [p462] gracia que conbirtiese algunas gentes de
aquellas y dexase despues de sus dias quien los administrase en la
fee y no es de creer otro cosa porque la gente de por alli es piadosa
y ninguna cosa cruel antes son amigos o enemigos de la crueldad y
guardan la fee y lealtad a los amigos.
el general despachados los frayles temiendo no le dañase el traer
gente de aquella tierra a la nueba españa mādo quel seruiçio que los
soldados tenian de los naturales lo dexasen yr libres a sus pueblos
adonde quisiesen que a mi ber no lo a serto que mas ualiera se
dotrinaran entre christianos.
andaba ya el general alegre y contento llegado el plaço y todos
probeydos de lo necesario para su jornada el campo salio de tiguex la
buelta de cibola aconteçio en este camino una cosa no poco de notar
y fue que con salir los cauallos exerçitados a el trabajo gordos
y hermosos en diez dias que se tardo en llegar a cibola murieron
mas de treinta que no ubo dia que no muriesen dos y tres y mas y
despues hasta llegar a culiacan murieron gran numero de ellos cosa no
aconteçida en toda la jornada.
llegado que fue el campo a çibola se rehiço para salir por el
despoblado por ser alli lo ultimo de los poblados de aquella tierra
quedando toda aquella tierra pacifica y llana y que se quedaron
algunos amigos entre ellos de los nuestros.
_Capitulo quinto como el canpo salio del poblado y camino a culiacan
y lo que aconteçio en el camino._
dexando ya por popa podemos deçir los poblados que se auian
descubierto en la tierra nueba que como tengo dicho eran los siete
pueblos de cibola lo primero que se bio y lo prostero que se dexo
salio el campo caminando por el despoblado y en dos o tres jornadas
nunca dexaron los naturales de seguir el campo tras la retaguardia
por coger algun fardaje o gente de seruiçio porque aunque que dabā
de paz y auian sido buenos y le a les amigos todauia como bieron que
se les dexaba la tierra libre se holgauan de ber en su poder gente
de la nuestra a aunque se cre no para los enojar como se supo de
algunos que no quiseron yr con ellos que fueron de ellos inportunados
y rogados todauia lleuaron alguna gente y otros que se auian quedado
uoluntariamẽte de los quales el dia de oy abra buenas lenguas el
despoblado se camino sin contraste y como salieron en chichilticale
en la segunda jornada llego a el campo juan gallego que yba de la
nueba españa con socorro de gente y cosas neçesarias para el campo
pensando de lo hallar en la tierra del indio que llamaran turco y
como juan gallego bido que el canpo se bolbia la prime[ra] palabra
que dixo no fue deçir norabuena bengais y no lo sintio tan poco
que despues de aber hablado al general y llegados a el campo digo
a el aposento no ubiese algunos mobimientos en los caualleros con
aquel nuebo socorro que no con poco trabajo auian allegado tras ta
alli teniendo cada dia recuentros con los indios de aquellas partes
como se a dicho que estaban alcados ubo algunos tratos y platicas
de poblar por alli en alguna parte hasta dar relaçion a el [p463]
bisorey de lo que pasaba la gente de los soldados que uenian de la
tierra nueba a ninguna cosa daban consentimiento sino en bolber a la
nueba españa por donde no ubo efecto nada de lo que se proponia en
sus consultas y aunque ubo algunos alborotos al cabo se apasiaguarõ
yban con juan gallego algunos de los amotinados que despoblaron la
uilla de los coraçones asegurados por el y debajo de su palabra y
puesto que el general quisiera haçer algun castigo era poco su poder
porque ya era desobe desobedecido y poco acatado y de alli adelante
de nuebo començo a temer y haciase doliente andando con guarda en
algunas partes ubo algunas gritas y de indios y de heridos y muertes
de cauallos hasta llegar a batuco donde salieron a el campo indios
amigos del ualle del coraçon por ber a el general como amigos que
sienpre fueron y ansi auiā tratado a todos los españoles que por sus
tierras auian pasado probeyendoles en sus neçesidades de bastimentos
y gente si necesario era y ansi fueron de los n[=r]os siempre muy
bien tratados y gratificados en esta jornada se aprobo del agua
del menbrillo ser buena contra la yerba de estas partes porque en
un paso algunas jornadas antes de llegar a el ualle de señora los
indios enemigos hirieron a un español llamado mesa y con ser la
herida mortal de yerba fresca y tardarse mas de dos oras en curar con
el agua no murio puesto que quedolo que la yerba auia infiçionado
podrido y se cayo la carne hasta dexar los guesos y nierbos desnudos
con pestilençial hedor que fue la herida en la muñeca y auia llegado
la ponsoña hasta la espalda quando se uino a curar y todo esto
desamparo la carne.
caminaba el campo sin tomar reposo porque ya en esta saçon auia
falta de bastimentos que como aquellas comarcas estaban alçadas
las bituallas no auia adonde las tomar hasta que llego a petlatlan
haçiendo algunas entradas en las trabesias por buscar bastimentos
patlatlan es de la prouinçia de culiacan y a esta causa estaba de paz
aunque despues aca a bido algunas nobedades alli descanso el campo
algunos dias por se basteçer y salidos de alli con mayor presteça que
de antes procuraron pasar aquellas treinta leguas que ay el ualle de
culiacan donde de nuebo los acogieron como gente que benia con su
gouernador mal tratado.
_Capitulo sexto como el general salio de culiacan para dar quenta a
el uisorey del campo que le encargo._
ya parece que en aber llegado a el ualle de culiacan se da fin a los
trabajos de esta jornada lo uno por ser el general gouernador y lo
otro por estar en tierra de christianos y ansi se començaron luego
asentar algunos de la superioridad y dominio que sobre ellos tenian
sus capitanes y aun algunos capitanes de la obidencia del general y
cada uno haçia ya cabeça de su juego de manera que pasando el general
a la uilla que estaua de alli diez leguas mucha de la gente o la mas
de ella se le quedo en el ualle reposando y algunos con proposito
de no le seguir bien sintio el general que por uia de fuerça ya no
era poderoso [p464] aunque la autoridad de ser gouernador le daba
otra nueba autoridad determino llebar lo por otra mejor uia que
fue mandar prober a todos los capitanes de bastimentos y carne de
lo que auia en algunos pueblos que como gouernador estaban en su
cabeça y mostrose estar doliente haçiendo cama porque los que con el
ubiesen de negoçiar pudiesen hablarle o el con ellos mas libremente
sin enpacho ni obenpacion y no dexaba de embiar a llamar algunos
particulares amigos para les rogar y encargar hablasen a los soldados
y los animasen a salir de alli en su compañia la buelta de la nueba
españa y les dixesen lleuaba muy a cargo de los faboreçeran si con
el uisorey don Antonio de mendoça como en su gouernaçion a los que
con el quisiesen quedar en ella y desque ubo negociado salio con su
campo en tiempo reçio y principio de las aguas que era por san juan
en el qual tiempo lluebe brabamẽte y los rios de aquel despoblado que
se pasan hasta conpostela sõ muchos y muy peligrosos y caudalosos de
grandes y brauos lagartos en un rio de los quales estando asentado
el campo pasando un soldado de la una parte a la otra a bista de
todos fue arrebatado de un lagarto y llebado sin poder ser socorrido
el general camino dexando por todas partes gentes que no le querian
seguir y llego a mexico con menos de çien hombres a dar quenta a el
uisorey don Antonio de mendoça no fue del bien recebido aun que dio
sus descargos y desde alli perdio reputaçion y gouerno poco tiempo
la gouernaçion que se le auiã encargado de la nueba galiçia porque
el uisorey la tomo en si hasta que uino a el la audiençia como a el
presente lo ay y este fue el fin que ubieron aquellos descubrimientos
y jornada que se hiço de la tierra nueba.
quedanos agora deçir por que uia se podria entrar y por mas derecho
camino en ella aunque digo que no ay atajo sin trabajo y siempre es
lo mejor lo que se sabe porque prebienen bien los hombres lo que
saben que a de benir y necesidades en que ya otra uez se bieron y
decir sea a que parte cae quiuira ques el rumbo que llebo el campo y
a qual parte cae la india mayor que era lo que se pretendia buscar
quando el campo salio para alla que agora por aber uillalobos
descubierto esta costa de la mar del sur que es por esta uia de
poniente se cognoçe y be claramente que se auia de bolber estando
como estabamos debajo del norte a el poniente y no haçia oriente como
fuimos y con esto dexaremos esta materia y daremos fin a este tratado
como ay a hecho relaçion de algunas cosas notables que dexe de contar
por las tratar particularmente en los dos capitulos siguientes.
_Capitulo septimo de las cosas que le aconteçieron al capitan Juan
gallego por la tierra alçada lleuando el socorro._
bien se sufrira pues en el capitulo pasado pase en silençio las
haçañas quel capitan juan gallego hiço con ueinte compañeros que
lleuabase diga en el presente capitulo para que en los tiempos
benideros los que lo leyeren y de ello dieren notiçia tengan autor
sierto con quien aprobar y que no escribe fabulas como algunas cosas
que en n[=r]os tiempos [p465] leemos en los libros de cauallerias
que si no fuese por lleuar aquellas fabulas de encãtamientos ay cosas
el dia de oy acontesidas en estas partes por n[=r]os españoles en
conquistas y recuentros abidos con los naturales que sobrepujan en
hechos de admiraçion no solo a los libros ya dichos sino a los que
se escriben de los doçe pares de françia porque tanteado y mirado la
fatales fuerças que los autores de aquellos tienpos les atribuyen
y las lucidas y resplandesientes armas de que los adornan y las
pequeñas estaturas de que agora son los hombres de n[=r]os tiempos
y las pocas y ruynes armas de en estas partes mas es de admirar las
cosas estrañas que con tales armas los n[=r]os acometen y hacen el
dia de oy que las que escribē de los antiguos pues tambien peleaban
ellos con gentes barbaras y desnudas como los n[=r]os con indios
donde no dexa de aber hombres que entre ellos sõ esforcados y
ualientes y muy çerteros flecheros pues le abemos uisto derribar las
aues que ban bolando y corriendo tras las liebres flecharlas todo
esto he dicho a el fin que algunas cosas que tenemos por fabulosas
pueden ser berdaderas y pues cada dia bemos en n[=r]os tiempos cosas
mayores como an sido las de don fer^{do} cortes en los benideros
tienpos que con tresientos hombres osa se entrar en el riñon de la
nueba españa donde tan grande numero de gentes como es mexico y con
quinientos españoles la acabase de ganar y señorear en dos años cosa
de grande admiraçion.
los hechos de don pedro de aluarado en la conquista de guatimala y lo
de montejo en tabasco las conquistas de terra firme y del peru cosas
eran todas estas para que yo ubiera de callar y pasar en silençio lo
que agora quiero contar pero por que estoy obligado a dar relacion de
las cosas en esta jornada acontecidas e querido se sepan tambien las
que agora dire con las demas que tengo dicho.
y es ansi quel capitan juan gallego llego a la uilla de culiacan con
bien poca gente y alli recogio la que pudo de la que se auia escapado
de la uilla de los coraçones o por mejor decir de suya que por todos
fueron ueinte y dos hombres y con estos camino por toda aquella
tierra poblada en que andubo doçientas leguas y de tierra de guerra
y gente alçada que auian estado ya en el amistad de los españoles
teniendo cada dia o poco menos recuentros con los enemigos y siempre
caminaua dexando atras el fardaje con las dos partes de las gentes
lleuando continuamente la auangardia con seis o siete españoles sin
otros amigos que los lleuaban entrando en los pueblos por fuerça
matando y destruyendo y poniendo fuego dando en los enemigos tam
de supito y con tanta presteça y denuedo que no les daban lugar a
que se juntasen ni entendiesen de suerte que eran tan temidos que
no auia pueblo que esperar los osase que ansi huyan de ellos como
de un poderoso exercito tanto que les aconteçio yr diez dias todo
por poblado que no tenian ora de descanso y todo lo haciã con siete
compañeros que quando llegaua el fardaje con toda la demas gente
no tenian en que entender saluo en robar que ya ellas auian muerto
y preso la gente que auian podido auer a las manos y la demas auia
huydo y como no paraban aunque los pueblos de [p466] adelante tenian
algun abiso eran con ellos tam presto que no les daban lugar a se
recoger en espeçial en aquella parte donde auia sido la uilla de los
coraçones que alli mato y ahorco buena cantidad de gente en castigo
de su rebelion y en todo esto no perdio compañero sin se lo hirieron
saluo uno que por despojar a un indio que casi estaba muerto le hirio
en el parpalo del ojo quando le ronpio el pelejo y por ser con yerba
obiera de morir sino fuera socorrido con el agua del membrillo y
perdio el ojo fueron tales estos hijos digo hechos que aquella gente
tendra en memoria todo quanto la uida les durare en espeçial quatro
o cinco indios amigos que salieron con ellos de los coraçones que
quedaron desto tam admirados que los tenian mas por cosa diuina que
humana y si como nro campo los topo no los topara obieran de llegar
a la tierra del indio que llamauan turco do yban encaminados y lo
pasaran sin riesgo segũ la buena orden y gouierno lleuaba y bien
dotrinada y exerçitada en la guerra de los quales algunos quedaron en
esta uilla de culiacan donde yo a el presente escribo esta relaçion y
notiçia a donde ansi ellos como yo y los demas que en esta prouincia
paramos no nos a faltado trabajos apasiguando y sustentando esta
tierra tomando rebeldes y biniendo en probeça y neçesidad y en esta
ora mas por estar la tierra mas probe y alcançada que nunca lo fue.
_Capitulo otauo en que se quentan algunas cosas admirables que se
bieron en los llanos con la façion de los toros_.
no sin misterio calle y dicimule en la segunda parte deste libro en
el capitulo septimo que habla de los llanos las cosas de que hare
mençion en este capitulo particular adonde se hallase todo junto
pues eran cosas señaladas y no uistas en otras partes y atrebome
a las escrebir porque escribo en tiempo que son oy biuos muchos
hombres que lo bieron y haran berdadera mi escriptura quien podra
crer que caminando por aquellos llanos mill cauallos y quinientas
uacas de las nuestras y mas de çinco mill carneros y obejas y mas
de mill y quinientas personas de los amigos y seruiçio que acabando
de pasar no dexaban mas rastro que si nunca por alli ubieran pasado
nadie tanto que era menester haçer montones de guesos y boñigas de
uacas a trechos para que la retaguardia guiase tras del canpo y no
se perdiesen la yerba aunque menuda en pisandola se enhiestaua tam
limpia y derecha como de antes lo estaba.
otra cosa que se hallo a la orilla de una laguna de sal a la parte
del sur un grande ayuntamiento de guesos de uacas que tenia de largo
un tiro de ballesta o muy poquito menos y de esto casi dos estados en
partes y en ancho tres braças y mas en parte donde no ay gente que lo
pudiese haçer lo que de ello se entendio fue que con la reseca que
debe de haçer el lago o laguna en tiempo de nortes los a juntado de
el ganado que muere dentro en la laguna que de uiejo y flaco entrando
no puede salir lo que se a de notar es que numero de ganado seria
menester para tanta osamenta. [p467]
[Illustration: LXXXIV. Facsimile of Pages of Castañeda’s Relacion
From the Manuscript in the Lenox Library]
pues querer contar la façion de los toros tambien es de admirar que
ningun cauallo ubo a los principios que los biese de cara que no
huyese de su bista porque ellos tienen el rrostro ancho y corto de
ojo a ojo dos palmos de frente los ojos salidos por el lado que yendo
huyendo ben a quien los sigue tienen barbas como cabrones muy grandes
quando huyen lleuan la cabeca baxa la barba arrastrando por el suelo
del medio cuerpo para atras son señidos el pelo muy merino como de
ouejas muy finas y de la sinta para adelante el pelo muy largo de
faicion de leon raspante y una grã corcoba mayor que de camello los
cuernos cortos y gordos que se descubren poco por cima del pelo
mudan el pelo de medio cuerpo atras por mayo en un bellon y quedan
perfectos leones para mudarse arrimã a algunos arboles pequeños que
ay en algunas barranquillas y alli se rrefriegan hasta que dexan el
bellon como la culebra el pelejo tienen la cola corta y un pequeño
y sopo a el cabo lleuan la quando corren alta a manera de alacrã es
cosa de ber que quando son beçerricos son bermejos y de la manera de
los nuestros y con el tiempo y la edad se mudan en color y faiçion.
ay otra cosa que todos los toros que se mataron tenian a la oreja
isquierda hendida teniendolas sanas quando chiquitos este fue un
secreto que no se pudo alcançar la causa de ello de la lana segun la
finesa se harian buenos paños aunque no de colores por ser ella de
color de buriel.
otra cosa es de notar que andan los toros sin bacas en tanto numero
que no ay quien los pueda numerar y tam apartados de las uacas que
desde donde començamos a ber toros jasta adonde començamos a ber
uacas auia mas de quarenta leguas y la tierra adonde andaban era tan
llana y esconbrada que por do quiera que los mirasen se bia el cielo
por entre las piernas de suerte que si estaban algo lejos pareçian
escombrados pinos que juntaban las copas por lo alto y si un solo
toro estaba pareçia quatro pinos y por serca que estubiese no se
podia mirando por encima ber tierra de la otra parte causaba todo
esto ser la tierra tam redonda que do quiera que un hombre se ponia
pareçia que estaba en la cumbre y uia el çielo a el rededor de si a
tiro de ballesta y por poca cosa que se le ponia delante le quitaba
la uista de la tierra.
otras cosas se bieron que por no ser de tanta calidad no las escribo
ni hago de ellas minçion aunque no parece es de callar el tener como
tienen en beneraçion en algunas partes de los poblados de altos la
señal de la cruz por que en acuco en una fuente que estaba en lo
llano tenian una cruz de dos palmos de alto de gordor de un dedo
hecha de palo con su peña de una uara de quadro y muchos palitos
adornados de plumas a el rededor y muchas flores secas desmenuçadas.
en tutahaco en un sepulcro fuera del pueblo parecia aber se enterrado
en el frescamente alguien estaua otra cruz a la cabeçera de dos
palitos atados con hilo de algodon y flores desmenusadas secas yo
digo que a mi pareçer por alguna uia tienen alguna lunbre de cruz de
christo nuestro redentor y podria ser por la uia de la india de do
ellos proçeden. [p468]
_Capitulo nono que trata el rumbo que llebo el campo y como se podria
yr a buscar otra uia que mas derecha fuese abiendo de boluer aquella
tierra._
mucho quisiera yo agora que para dar a entender lo que quiero deçir
ubiera en mi alguna parte de cosmografia o jumetria para que pudiera
tantear o compasar la bentaja que puede aber y ay si otra uez
saliesen de la nueba españa gentes en demanda de aquella tierra en yr
alla por el riñon de la tierra o seguir el camino quel campo llebo
pero ayudandome la graçia del señor dire lo que alcanso dandolo a
entender lo mejor que a mi sea posible.
ya me pareçe que se tiene entendido quel portugues campo fue el
soldado que se escapo quando los de quiuira mataron a fray juan de
padilla el quel uino a salir a la nueba españa por panuco abiendo
andado por la tierra de los llanos hasta que uino atrabesar la
cordillera de la mar del norte dexando siempre la tierra que
descubrio don hernando de soto sobre mano isquierda porque este
nombre nunca bio el rio del espiritu santo y quando bino acabar de
atrabesar la cordillera de la mar del norte cayo sobre panuco de
manera que si no se pusiera a demandar por la mar del norte ubiera de
salir por la comarca de la marca o tierra de los sacatecas de que ya
agora se tiene lumbre.
y para aber de boluer en demanda de quiuira seria aquella uia harto
mejor y mas derecha pues ay guias en la nueba españa de las que
binieron con el portugues aunque digo que seria mejor y mas derecho
por la tierra de los guachichules arrimandose siempre a la cordillera
de la mar del sur porque es mas poblada y abria bastimento porque
engolfarse en la tierra llana seria perderse por la gran anchura
que tiene y ser esteril de comidas aunque sea berdad que dando en
las uacas no se pasaria mucha necesidad y esto es solamente para yr
en demanda de quiuira y de aquellos pueblos que decia el indio que
llemauan turco porque yr por donde fue el campo de franc^{co} uasques
coronado el grandissimo rodeo porque salen de mexico a el poniente
siento y diez leguas y despues a el nordeste cien leguas y a el norte
docientas y sinquenta y todo esto es hasta los barrancos de las uacas
y con aber andado ochoçientas y sinquenta leguas por rumbo derecho
no se an desbiado de mexico quatro sientas leguas si es querer yr a
la tierra de tiguex para desde alli bolber a el poniente en demanda
de la tierra de la india a se de lleuar el camino quel campo llebo
porque aunque se quiera tomar otro camino no lo ay que no da lugar
el ancon de mar que entra por esta costa adentro hacia el norte sino
es que se ubiese de hacer armada de mar que fuese atrabesando este
ancon de mar a desembarcar en el paraje de la isla de negros y por
alli entrar la tierra adentro atrabesando la cordillera en busca de
la tierra do proçeden los de tiguex o de otras gentes que tengan
aquella poliçia porque aber de entrar por tierra de la florida por la
mar del norte ya se a uisto y conosido que quantas jornadas por alli
se an hecho an sido infeliçes y no bien afortunadas allende de ques
la tierra de aquella parte llena de cienegas y ahogadiça esteril y la
mas mala que calienta el sol sino ban [p469] a desembarcar pasado
el rio del espiritu santo como hiço don hernando de soto y con todo
me afirmo que aunque se pase mucho trabajo es lo mejor por la tierra
que aya andado y se sepan los aguajes porque se lleuauan las cosas
necesarias con mas façilidad y mas abundosamente y en las tierras
nueuas los cauallos es lo mas neçesario y lo que mas haçe temer a
los enemigos y los que son señores del campo tambien es temida el
artilleria donde no saben el uso de ella y para poblados como los que
fran^{co} uasques descubrio fuera buena alguna pieça de artilleria
gruesa para derribar porque el no llebo sino uersillos menores y no
hombre ingenioso para que hiciese un trabuco ni otra maquina que los
atemorisas el qual es muy necesario.
digo pues que con la lunbre que el dia de oy se tiene de los rumbos
que an corrido los nauios por esta costa de la mar del sur an andado
descubriẽdo por esta parte de poniẽte y lo que se sabe de la mar
del norte haçia la nuruega ques la costa de la florida arriba los
que agora entrasen a descubrir por donde fran^{co} uasques entro
y se hallasen en tierra de çibola o de tiguex bien sabrian a que
parte auiã de yr en demanda de la tierra quel marques del ualle
don hernando cortes buscaba y la buelta que da el ancon del tiçon
para tomar el rumbo berdadero y esto bastara para dar fin a nuestra
relaçion en todo lo demas probe a aquel poderoso señor de todas las
cosas dios omnipotente quel sabe el como y quando estas tierras seran
descubiertas y para quien esta guardada esta buena uentura.
_laus deo._
Acabose de tresladar sabado a ueinte y seis de otubre de mill y
quinientos y nouẽta y seis anos en seuilla. [470]
TRANSLATION OF THE NARRATIVE OF CASTAÑEDA
Account of the Expedition to Cibola which took place in the year
1540, in which all those settlements, their ceremonies and customs,
are described. Written by Pedro de Castañeda of Najera.[96]
PREFACE
To me it seems very certain, my very noble lord, that it is a worthy
ambition for great men to desire to know and wish to preserve for
posterity correct information concerning the things that have
happened in distant parts, about which little is known. I do not
blame those inquisitive persons who, perchance with good intentions,
have many times troubled me not a little with their requests that I
clear up for them some doubts which they have had about different
things that have been commonly related concerning the events and
occurrences that took place during the expedition to Cibola, or
the New Land, which the good viceroy—may he be with God in His
glory[97]—Don Antonio de Mendoza, ordered and arranged, and on which
he sent Francisco Vazquez de Coronado as captain-general. In truth,
they have reason for wishing to know the truth, because most people
very often make things of which they have heard, and about which they
have perchance no knowledge, appear either greater or less than they
are. They make nothing of those things that amount to something, and
those that do not they make so remarkable that they appear to be
something impossible to believe. This may very well have been caused
by the fact that, as that country was not permanently occupied, there
has not been anyone who was willing to spend his time in writing
about its peculiarities, because all knowledge was lost of that
which it was not the pleasure of God—He alone knows the reason—that
they should enjoy. In truth, he who wishes to employ himself thus
in writing out the things that happened on the expedition, and the
things that were seen in those lands, and the ceremonies and customs
of the natives, will have matter enough to test his judgment, and
I believe that the result can not fail to be an account which,
describing only the truth, will be so remarkable that it will seem
incredible. [p471]
And besides, I think that the twenty years and more since that
expedition took place have been the cause of some stories which are
related. For example, some make it an uninhabitable country, others
have it bordering on Florida, and still others on Greater India,
which does not appear to be a slight difference. They are unable to
give any basis upon which to found their statements. There are those
who tell about some very peculiar animals, who are contradicted by
others who were on the expedition, declaring that there was nothing
of the sort seen. Others differ as to the limits of the provinces
and even in regard to the ceremonies and customs, attributing what
pertains to one people to others. All this has had a large part, my
very noble lord, in making me wish to give now, although somewhat
late, a short general account for all those who pride themselves on
this noble curiosity, and to save myself the time taken up by these
solicitations. Things enough will certainly be found here which are
hard to believe. All or the most of these were seen with my own eyes,
and the rest is from reliable information obtained by inquiry of
the natives themselves. Understanding as I do that this little work
would be nothing in itself, lacking authority, unless it were favored
and protected by a person whose authority would protect it from
the boldness of those who, without reverence, give their murmuring
tongues liberty, and knowing as I do how great are the obligations
under which I have always been, and am, to your grace, I humbly beg
to submit this little work to your protection. May it be received
as from a faithful retainer and servant. It will be divided into
three parts, that it may be better understood. The first will tell
of the discovery and the armament or army that was made ready, and
of the whole journey, with the captains who were there; the second,
of the villages and provinces which were found, and their limits,
and ceremonies and customs, the animals, fruits, and vegetation, and
in what parts of the country these are; the third, of the return
of the army and the reasons for abandoning the country, although
these were insufficient, because this is the best place there is
for discoveries—the marrow of the land in these western parts, as
will be seen. And after this has been made plain, some remarkable
things which were seen will be described at the end, and the way by
which, one might more easily return to discover that better land
which we did not see, since it would be no small advantage to enter
the country through the land which the Marquis of the Valley, Don
Fernando Cortes, went in search of under the Western star, and which
cost him no small sea armament. May it please our Lord to so favor
me that with my slight knowledge and small abilities I may be able
by relating the truth to make my little work pleasing to the learned
and wise readers, when it has been accepted by your grace. For my
intention is not to gain the fame of a good composer or rhetorician,
but I desire to give a faithful account and to do this slight service
to your grace, who will, I hope, receive it as from a faithful
servant and soldier, who took part in [p472] it. Although, not in
a polished style, I write that which happened—that which I heard,
experienced, saw, and did.
I always notice, and it is a fact, that for the most part when we
have something valuable in our hands, and deal with it without
hindrance, we do not value or prize it as highly as if we understood
how much we would miss it after we had lost it, and the longer we
continue to have it the less we value it; but after we have lost it
and miss the advantages of it, we have a great pain in the heart, and
we are all the time imagining and trying to find ways and means by
which to get it back again. It seems to me that this has happened to
all or most of those who went on the expedition which, in the year
of our Savior Jesus Christ 1540, Francisco Vazquez Coronado led in
search of the Seven Cities. Granted that they did not find the riches
of which they had been told, they found a place in which to search
for them and the beginning of a good country to settle in, so as
to go on farther from there. Since they came back from the country
which they conquered and abandoned, time has given them a chance to
understand the direction and locality in which they were, and the
borders of the good country they had in their hands, and their hearts
weep for having lost so favorable an opportunity. Just as men see
more at the bullfight when they are upon the seats than when they
are around in the ring,[98] now when they know and understand the
direction and situation in which they were, and see, indeed, that
they can not enjoy it nor recover it, now when it is too late they
enjoy telling about what they saw, and even of what they realize that
they lost, especially those who are now as poor as when they went
there. They have never ceased their labors and have spent their time
to no advantage. I say this because I have known several of those who
came back from there who amuse themselves now by talking of how it
would be to go back and proceed to recover that which is lost, while
others enjoy trying to find the reason why it was discovered at all.
And now I will proceed to relate all that happened from the beginning.
FIRST PART.
_Chapter 1, which treats of the way we first came to know about
the Seven Cities, and of how Nuño de Guzman made an expedition to
discover them._
In the year 1530 Nuño de Guzman, who was President of New Spain,[99]
had in his possession an Indian, a native of the valley or valleys of
Oxitipar, who was called Tejo by the Spaniards. This Indian said he
was the son of a trader who was dead, but that when he was a little
boy his father had gone into the back country with fine feathers to
trade for ornaments, and that when he came back he brought a large
amount of gold and silver, of which there is a good deal in that
country. He [p473] went with him once or twice, and saw some very
large villages, which he compared to Mexico and its environs. He had
seen seven very large towns which had streets of silver workers. It
took forty days to go there from his country, through a wilderness
in which nothing grew, except some very small plants about a span
high. The way they went was up through the country between the two
seas, following the northern direction. Acting on this information,
Nuño de Guzman got together nearly 400 Spaniards and 20,000 friendly
Indians of New Spain, and, as he happened to be in Mexico, he crossed
Tarasca, which is in the province of Michoacan, so as to get into
the region which the Indian said was to be crossed toward the North
sea, in this way getting to the country which they were looking for,
which was already named “The Seven Cities.”[100] He thought, from
the forty days of which the Tejo had spoken, that it would be found
to be about 200 leagues, and that they would easily be able to cross
the country. Omitting several things that occurred on this journey,
as soon as they had reached the province of Culiacan, where his
government ended, and where the New Kingdom of Galicia is now, they
tried to cross the country, but found the difficulties very great,
because the mountain chains which are near that sea are so rough that
it was impossible, after great labor, to find a passageway in that
region. His whole army had to stay in the district of Culiacan for
so long on this account that some rich men who were with him, who
had possessions in Mexico, changed their minds, and every day became
more anxious to return. Besides this, Nuño de Guzman received word
that the Marquis of the Valley, Don Fernando Cortes, had come from
Spain with his new title,[101] and with great favors and estates, and
as Nuño de Guzman had been a great rival of his at the time he was
president,[102] and had done much damage to his property and to that
of his friends, he feared that Don Fernando Cortes would want to pay
him back in the same way, or worse. So he decided to establish the
town of Culiacan there and to go back with the other men, without
doing anything more. After his return from this expedition, he
settled at Xalisco, where the city of Compostela is situated, and
at Tonala, which is called Guadalaxara,[103] and now this is the
New Kingdom of Galicia. The guide they had, who was called Tejo,
died about this time, and thus the name of these Seven Cities and
the search for them remains until now, since they have not been
discovered.[104] [p474]
_Chapter 2, of how Francisco Vazquez Coronado came to be governor, and
the second account which Cabeza de Vaca gave._
Eight years after Nuño de Guzman made this expedition, he was put in
prison by a juez de residencia,[105] named the licentiate Diego de la
Torre, who came from Spain with sufficient powers to do this.[106]
After the death of the judge, who had also managed the government of
that country himself, the good Don Antonio de Mendoza, viceroy of New
Spain, appointed as governor of that province Francisco Vazquez de
Coronado, a gentleman from Salamanca, who had married a lady in the
city of Mexico, the daughter of Alonso de Estrada, the treasurer and
at one time governor of Mexico, and the son, most people said, of His
Catholic Majesty Don Ferdinand, and many stated it as certain. As I
was saying, at the time Francisco Vazquez was appointed governor, he
was traveling through New Spain as an official visitor, and in this
way he gained the friendship of many worthy men who afterward went
on his expedition with him. It happened that just at this time three
Spaniards, named Cabeza de Vaca, Dorantes, and Castillo Maldonado,
and a negro, who had been lost on the expedition which Pamfilo de
Narvaez led into Florida, reached Mexico.[107] They came out through
Culiacan, having crossed the country from sea to sea, as anyone who
wishes may find out for himself by an account which this same Cabeza
de Vaca wrote and dedicated to Prince Don Philip, who is now King
of Spain and our sovereign.[108] They gave the good Don Antonio de
Mendoza an account of some large and powerful villages, four and five
stories high, of which they had heard a great deal in the countries
they had crossed, and other things very different from what turned
out to be the truth. The noble viceroy communicated this to the new
governor, who gave up the visits he had in hand, on account of this,
and hurried his departure for his government, taking with him the
negro who had come [with Cabeza de Vaca] with the three friars of the
order of Saint Francis, one of whom was named Friar Marcos of Nice,
a regular priest, and another Friar Daniel, a lay brother, and the
other Friar Antonio de Santa Maria. When he reached the province of
Culiacan he sent the friars just mentioned and the negro, who was
named Stephen, off in search of that country, because Friar Marcos
offered to go and see it, because he had been in Peru at the time
Don Pedro de Alvarado went there overland. It seems that, after the
friars I have mentioned and the negro had started, the negro did
not get on well with the friars, because he took the women that
were given him and collected turquoises, and got together a stock
of everything. Besides, the Indians in those places through which
they went got along with the negro better, because they had seen him
before. This was the reason he was sent [p475] on ahead to open up
the way and pacify the Indians, so that when the others came along
they had nothing to do except to keep an account of the things for
which they were looking.
_Chapter 3, of how they killed the negro Stephen at Cibola, and Friar
Marcos returned in flight._
After Stephen had left the friars, he thought he could get all
the reputation and honor himself, and that if he should discover
those settlements with such famous high houses, alone, he would be
considered bold and courageous. So he proceeded with the people who
had followed him, and succeeded in crossing the wilderness which lies
between the country he had passed through and Cibola. He was so far
ahead of the friars that, when these reached Chichilticalli, which is
on the edge of the wilderness, he was already at Cibola, which is 80
leagues beyond. It is 220 leagues from Culiacan to the edge of the
wilderness, and 80 across the desert, which makes 300, or perhaps
10 more or less. As I said, Stephen reached Cibola loaded with the
large quantity of turquoises they had given him and several pretty
women who had been given him. The Indians who accompanied him carried
his things. These had followed him from all the settlements he had
passed, believing that under his protection they could traverse the
whole world without any danger. But as the people in this country
were more intelligent than those who followed Stephen, they lodged
him in a little hut they had outside their village, and the older
men and the governors heard his story and took steps to find out
the reason he had come to that country. For three days they made
inquiries about him and held a council. The account which the negro
gave them of two white men who were following him, sent by a great
lord, who knew about the things in the sky, and how these were coming
to instruct them in divine matters, made them think that he must be a
spy or a guide from some nations who wished to come and conquer them,
because it seemed to them unreasonable to say that the people were
white in the country from which he came and that he was sent by them,
he being black. Besides these other reasons, they thought it was hard
of him to ask them for turquoises and women, and so they decided to
kill him. They did this, but they did not kill any of those who went
with him, although they kept some young fellows and let the others,
about 60 persons, return freely to their own country. As these, who
were badly scared, were returning in flight, they happened to come
upon the friars in the desert 60 leagues from Cibola, and told them
the sad news, which frightened them so much that they would not even
trust these folks who had been with the negro, but opened the packs
they were carrying and gave away everything they had except the holy
vestments for saying mass. They returned from here by double marches,
prepared for anything, without seeing any more of the country except
what the Indians told them. [p476]
_Chapter 4, of how the noble Don Antonio de Mendoza, made an
expedition to discover Cibola._
After Francisco Vazquez Coronado had sent Friar Marcos of Nice and
his party on the search already related, he was engaged in Culiacan
about some business that related to his government, when he heard
an account of a province called Topira,[109] which was to the north
of the country of Culiacan. He started to explore this region with
several of the conquerors and some friendly Indians, but he did not
get very far, because the mountain chains which they had to cross
were very difficult. He returned without finding the least signs of
a good country, and when he got back, he found the friars who had
just arrived, and who told such great things about what the negro
Stephen had discovered and what they had heard from the Indians, and
other things they had heard about the South sea and islands and other
riches, that, without stopping for anything, the governor set off at
once for the City of Mexico, taking Friar Marcos with him, to tell
the viceroy about it. He made the things seem more important by not
talking about them to anyone except his particular friends, under
promise of the greatest secrecy, until after he had reached Mexico
and seen Don Antonio de Mendoza. Then he began to announce that they
had really found the Seven Cities, which Nuño de Guzman had tried to
find, and for the conquest of which he had collected a force. The
noble viceroy arranged with the friars of the order of Saint Francis
so that Friar Marcos was made father provincial, as a result of which
the pulpits of that order were filled with such accounts of marvels
and wonders that more than 300 Spaniards and about 800 natives of New
Spain collected in a few days.[110] There were so many men of such
high quality among the Spaniards, that such a noble body was never
collected in the Indies, nor so many men of quality in such a small
body, there being 300 men. Francisco Vazquez Coronado, governor of
New Galicia, was captain-general, because he had been the author of
it all. The good viceroy Don Antonio did this because at this time
Francisco Vazquez was his closest and most intimate friend, and
because he considered him to be wise, skillful, and intelligent,
besides being a gentleman. Had he paid more attention and regard to
the position in which he was placed and the charge over which he was
placed, and less to the estates he left behind in New Spain, or, at
least, more to the honor he had and might secure from having such
gentlemen under his command, things would not have turned out as they
did. When this narrative is ended, it will be seen that he did not
know how to keep his position nor the government that he held. [p477]
_Chapter 5, concerning the captains who went to Cibola._
When the viceroy, Don Antonio de Mendoza, saw what a noble company
had come together, and the spirit and good will with which they had
all presented themselves, knowing the worth of these men, he would
have liked very well to make every one of them captain of an army;
but as the whole number was small he could not do as he would have
liked, and so he appointed the captains and officers, because it
seemed to him that if they were appointed by him, as he was so well
obeyed and beloved, nobody would find fault with his arrangements.
After everybody had heard who the general was, he made Don Pedro
de Tovar ensign general, a young gentleman who was the son of Don
Fernando de Tovar, the guardian and lord high steward of the Queen
Doña Juana, our demented mistress—may she be in glory—and Lope de
Samamego, the governor of the arsenal at Mexico,[111] a gentleman
fully equal to the charge, army-master. The captains were Don Tristan
de Arellano; Don Pedro de Guevara, the son of Don Juan de Guevara
and nephew of the Count of Oñate; Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas; Don
Rodrigo Maldonado, brother-in-law of the Duke of the Infantado; Diego
Lopez, alderman of Seville, and Diego Gutierres, for the cavalry. All
the other gentlemen were placed under the flag of the general, as
being distinguished persons, and some of them became captains later,
and their appointments were confirmed by order of the viceroy and by
the general, Francisco Vazquez. To name some of them whom I happen
to remember, there were Francisco de Barrionuevo, a gentleman from
Granada; Juan de Saldivar, Francisco de Ovando, Juan Gallego, and
Melchior Diaz—a captain who had been mayor of Culiacan, who, although
he was not a gentleman, merited the position he held. The other
gentlemen, who were worthy substitutes, were Don Alonso Manrique
de Lara; Don Lope de Urrea, a gentleman from Aragon; Gomez Suarez
de Figueroa, Luis Ramirez de Vargas, Juan de Sotomayor, Francisco
Gorbalan, the commissioner Riberos, and other gentlemen, men of
high quality, whom I do not now recall.[112] The infantry captain
was Pablo de Melgosa of Burgos, and of the artillery, Hernando de
Alvarado of the mountain district. As I say, since then I have
forgotten the names of many good fellows. It would be well if I could
name some of them, so that it might be clearly seen what cause I
had for saying that they had on this expedition the most brilliant
company ever collected in the Indies to go in search of new lands.
But they were unfortunate in having a captain who left in New Spain
estates and a pretty wife, a noble and excellent lady, which were not
the least causes for what was to happen. [p478]
_Chapter 6, of how all the companies collected in Compostela and set
off on the journey in good order._
When the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza had fixed and arranged
everything as we have related, and the companies and captaincies had
been arranged, he advanced a part of their salaries from the chest
of His Majesty to those in the army who were in greatest need. And
as it seemed to him that it would be rather hard for the friendly
Indians in the country if the army should start from Mexico, he
ordered them to assemble at the city of Compostela, the chief city
in the New Kingdom of Galicia, 110 leagues from Mexico, so that they
could begin their journey there with everything in good order. There
is nothing to tell about what happened on this trip, since they all
finally assembled at Compostela by shrove-tide, in the year (fifteen
hundred and) forty-one.[113] After the whole force had left Mexico,
he ordered Don Pedro de Alarcon to set sail with two ships that were
in the port of La Natividad on the South sea coast, and go to the
port of Xalisco to take the baggage which the soldiers were unable
to carry,[114] and thence to sail along the coast near the army,
because he had understood from the reports that they would have to
go through the country near the seacoast, and that we could find
the harbors by means of the rivers, and that the ships could always
get news of the army, which turned out afterward to be false, and
so all this stuff was lost, or, rather, those who owned it lost it,
as will be told farther on. After the viceroy had completed all
his arrangements, he set off for Compostela, accompanied by many
noble and rich men. He kept the New Year of (fifteen hundred and)
forty-one at Pasquaro, which is the chief place in the bishopric of
Michoacan, and from there he crossed the whole of New Spain, taking
much pleasure in enjoying the festivals and great receptions which
were given him, till he reached Compostela, which is, as I have
said, 110 leagues. There he found the whole company assembled, being
well treated and entertained by Christobal de Oñate, who had the
whole charge of that government for the time being. He had had the
management of it and was in command of all that region when Francisco
Vazquez was made governor.[115] All were very glad when he arrived,
and he made an examination of the company and found all those whom
we have mentioned. He assigned the captains to their companies, and
after this was done, on the next day, after they had all heard mass,
captains and soldiers together, the viceroy made them a very eloquent
short speech, telling them of the fidelity they owed to their general
and showing them clearly the benefits which this expedition might
afford, from the conversion of those peoples as well as in the profit
of those who should conquer the territory, and the [p479] advantage
to His Majesty and the claim which they would thus have on his favor
and aid at all times. After he had finished, they all, both captains
and soldiers, gave him their oaths upon the Gospels in a Missal that
they would follow their general on this expedition and would obey him
in everything he commanded them, which they faithfully performed, as
will be seen. The next day after this was done, the army started off
with its colors flying. The viceroy, Don Antonio, went with them for
two days, and there he took leave of them, returning to New Spain
with his friends.[116]
_Chapter 7, of how the army reached, Chiametla, and the killing of the
army-master, and the other things that happened up to the arrival at
Culiacan._
After the viceroy Don Antonio left them, the army continued its
march. As each one was obliged to transport his own baggage and
[p480] all did not know how to fasten the packs, and as the horses
started off fat and plump, they had a good deal of difficulty and
labor during the first few days, and many left many valuable things,
giving them to anyone who wanted them, in order to get rid of
carrying them. In the end necessity, which is all powerful, made them
skillful, so that one could see many gentlemen become carriers, and
anybody who despised this work was not considered a man. With such
labors, which they then thought severe, the army reached Chiametla,
where it was obliged to delay several days to procure food. During
this time the army-master, Lope de Samaniego, went off with some
soldiers to find food, and at one village, a crossbowman having
entered it indiscreetly in pursuit of the enemies, they shot him
through the eye and it passed through his brain, so that he died on
the spot.[117] They also shot five or six of his companions before
Diego Lopez, the alderman from Seville, since the commander was dead,
collected the men and sent word to the general. He put a guard in
the village and over the provisions. There was great confusion in
the army when this news became known. He was buried here. Several
sorties were made, by which food was obtained and several of the
natives taken prisoners. They hanged those who seemed to belong to
the district where the army-master was killed.
It seems that when the general Francisco Vazquez left Culiacan with
Friar Marcos to tell the viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza the news,
as already related, he left orders for Captain Melchior Diaz and
Juan de Saldivar to start off with a dozen good men from Culiacan
and verify what Friar Marcos had seen and heard. They started and
went as far as Chichilticalli, which is where the wilderness begins,
220 leagues from Culiacan, and there they turned back, not finding
anything important. They reached Chiametla just as the army was
ready to leave, and reported to the general. Although the bad news
was kept as secret as possible, some things leaked out which did not
seem to add luster to the facts.[118] Friar Marcos, noticing that
some were feeling disturbed, cleared away these clouds, promising
that what they would see should be good, and that the army was on
the way to a country where their hands would be filled, and in this
way he quieted them so that they appeared well satisfied. From there
the army marched to Culiacan, making some detours into the country
to seize provisions. They were two leagues from the town of Culiacan
at Easter vespers, when the [p481] inhabitants came out to welcome
their governor and begged him not to enter the town till the day
after Easter.
_Chapter 8, of how the army entered the town of Culiacan and the
reception it received, and other things which happened before the
departure._
When the day after Easter came, the army started in the morning to
go to the town and, as they approached, the inhabitants of the town
came out on to an open plain with foot and horse drawn up in ranks
as if for a battle, and having its seven bronze pieces of artillery
in position, making a show of defending their town. Some of our
soldiers were with them. Our army drew up in the same way and began
a skirmish with them, and after the artillery on both sides had been
fired they were driven back, just as if the town had been taken by
force of arms, which was a pleasant demonstration of welcome, except
for the artilleryman who lost a hand by a shot, from having ordered
them to fire before he had finished drawing out the ramrod. After
the town was taken, the army was well lodged and entertained by the
townspeople, who, as they were all very well-to-do people, took all
the gentlemen and people of quality who were with the army into their
own apartments, although they had lodgings prepared for them all
just outside the town. Some of the townspeople were not ill repaid
for this hospitality, because all had started with fine clothes
and accouterments, and as they had to carry provisions on their
animals after this, they were obliged to leave their fine stuff,
so that many preferred giving it to their hosts instead of risking
it on the sea by putting it in the ship that had followed the army
along the coast to take the extra baggage, as I have said. After
they arrived and were being entertained in the town, the general,
by order of the viceroy Don Antonio, left Fernandarias de Saabedra,
uncle of Hernandarias de Saabedra, count of Castellar, formerly
mayor of Seville, as his lieutenant and captain in this town. The
army rested here several days, because the inhabitants had gathered
a good stock of provisions that year and each one shared his stock
very gladly with his guests from our army. They not only had plenty
to eat here, but they also had plenty to take away with them, so that
when the departure came they started off with more than six hundred
loaded animals, besides the friendly Indians and the servants—more
than a thousand persons. After a fortnight had passed, the general
started ahead with about fifty horsemen and a few foot soldiers and
most of the Indian allies, leaving the army, which was to follow him
a fortnight later, with Don Tristan de Arellano in command as his
lieutenant.
At this time, before his departure, a pretty sort of thing happened
to the general, which I will tell for what it is worth. A young
soldier named Trugillo (Truxillo) pretended that he had seen a vision
while he was bathing in the river which seemed to be something
extraordinary,[119] [p482] so that he was brought before the
general, whom he gave to understand that the devil had told him that
if he would kill the general, he could marry his wife, Doña Beatris,
and would receive great wealth and other very fine things. Friar
Marcos of Nice preached several sermons on this, laying it all to the
fact that the devil was jealous of the good which must result from
this journey and so wished to break it up in this way. It did not
end here, but the friars who were in the expedition wrote to their
convents about it, and this was the reason the pulpits of Mexico
proclaimed strange rumors about this affair.
The general ordered Truxillo to stay in that town and not to go on
the expedition, which was what he was after when he made up that
falsehood, judging from what afterward appeared to be the truth. The
general started off with the force already described to continue his
journey, and the army followed him, as will be related.
_Chapter 9, of how the army started from Culiacan and the arrival of
the general at Cibola and of the army at Señora and of other things
that happened._
The general, as has been said, started to continue his journey from
the valley of Culiacan somewhat lightly equipped, taking with him
the friars, since none of them wished to stay behind with the army.
After they had gone three days, a regular friar who could say mass,
named Friar Antonio Victoria, broke his leg, and they brought him
back from the camp to have it doctored. He stayed with the army
after this, which was no slight consolation for all. The general
and his force crossed the country without trouble, as they found
everything peaceful, because the Indians knew Friar Marcos and some
of the others who had been with Melchior Diaz when he went with
Juan de Saldibar to investigate. After the general had crossed the
inhabited region and came to Chichilticalli, where the wilderness
begins, and saw nothing favorable, he could not help feeling somewhat
downhearted, for, although the reports were very fine about what
was ahead, there was nobody who had seen it except the Indians who
went with the negro, and these had already been caught in some lies.
Besides all this, he was much affected by seeing that the fame of
Chichilticalli was summed up in one tumble-down house without any
roof, although it appeared to have been a strong place at some former
time when it was inhabited, and it was very plain that it had been
built by a civilized and warlike race of strangers who had come from
a distance. This building was made of red earth. From here they went
on through the wilderness, and in fifteen days came to a river about
8 leagues from Cibola, which they called Red river,[120] because
its waters were muddy and reddish. In this river they found mullets
like those of Spain. The first Indians from that country were seen
here—two of them, who ran away to give the news. During [p483] the
night following the next day, about 2 leagues from the village, some
Indians in a safe place yelled so that, although the men were ready
for anything, some were so excited that they put their saddles on
hind-side before; but these were the new fellows. When the veterans
had mounted and ridden round the camp, the Indians fled. None of them
could be caught because they knew the country.
The next day they entered the settled country in good order, and when
they saw the first village, which was Cibola, such were the curses
that some hurled at Friar Marcos that I pray God may protect him from
them.
It is a little, unattractive village, looking as if it had been
crumpled all up together. There are mansions in New Spain which make
a better appearance at a distance.[121] It is a village of about 200
warriors, is three and four stories high, with the houses small and
having only a few rooms, and without a courtyard. One yard serves
for each section. The people of the whole district had collected
here, for there are seven villages in the province, and some of the
others are even larger and stronger than Cibola. These folks waited
for the army, drawn up by divisions in front of the village. When
they refused to have peace on the terms the interpreters extended to
them, but appeared defiant, the Santiago[122] was given, and they
were at once put to flight. The Spaniards then attacked the village,
which was taken with not a little difficulty, since they held the
narrow and crooked entrance. During the attack they knocked the
general down with a large stone, and would have killed him but for
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, who threw
themselves above him and drew him away, receiving the blows of the
stones, which were not few. But the first fury of the Spaniards could
not be resisted, and in less than an hour they entered the village
and captured it. They discovered food there, which was the thing
they were most in need of.[123] After this the whole province was at
peace.[124] [p484]
The army which had stayed with Don Tristan de Arellano started to
follow their general, all loaded with provisions, with lances on
their shoulders, and all on foot, so as to have the horses loaded.
With no slight labor from day to day, they reached a province which
Cabeza de Vaca had named Hearts (Corazones), because the people here
offered him many hearts of animals.[125] He founded a town here and
named it San Hieronimo de los Corazones (Saint Jerome of the Hearts).
After it had been started, it was seen that it could not be kept up
here, and so it was afterward transferred to a valley which had been
called Señora.[126] The Spaniards call it Señora, and so it will be
known by this name.
From here a force went down the river to the seacoast to find the
harbor and to find out about the ships. Don Rodrigo Maldonado, who
was captain of those who went in search of the ships, did not find
them, but he brought back with him an Indian so large and tall that
the best man in the army reached only to his chest. It was said that
other Indians were even taller on that coast. After the rains ceased
the army went on to where the town of Señora was afterward located,
because there were provisions in that region, so that they were able
to wait there for orders from the general.
About the middle of the month of October,[127] Captains Melchior Diaz
and Juan Gallego came from Cibola, Juan Gallego on his way to New
Spain and Melchior Diaz to stay in the new town of Hearts, in command
of the men who remained there. He was to go along the coast in search
of the ships.
_Chapter 10, of how the army started from the town of Señora, leaving
it inhabited, and how it reached Cibola, and of what happened to
Captain Melchior Diaz on his expedition in search of the ships and
how he discovered the Tison (Firebrand) river._
After Melchior Diaz and Juan Gallego had arrived in the town of
Señora, it was announced that the army was to depart for Cibola;
that Melchior Diaz was to remain in charge of that town with 80
men; that Juan Gallego was going to New Spain with messages for the
viceroy, and that Friar Marcos was going back with him, because he
did not think it was safe for him to stay in Cibola, seeing that
his report had [p485] turned out to be entirely false, because the
kingdoms that he had told about had not been found, nor the populous
cities, nor the wealth of gold, nor the precious stones which he
had reported, nor the fine clothes, nor other things that had been
proclaimed from the pulpits. When this had been announced, those who
were to remain were selected and the rest loaded their provisions and
set off in good order about the middle of September on the way to
Cibola, following their general.
Don Tristan de Arellano stayed in this new town with the weakest men,
and from this time on there was nothing but mutinies and strife,
because after the army had gone Captain Melchior Diaz took 25 of the
most efficient men, leaving in his place one Diego de Alcaraz, a man
unfitted to have people under his command. He took guides and went
toward the north and west in search of the seacoast. After going
about 150 leagues, they came to a province of exceedingly tall and
strong men—like giants. They are naked and live in large straw cabins
built underground like smoke houses, with only the straw roof above
ground. They enter these at one end and come out at the other. More
than a hundred persons, old and young, sleep in one cabin.[128] When
they carry anything, they can take a load of more than three or four
hundredweight on their heads. Once when our men wished to fetch a
log for the fire, and six men were unable to carry it, one of these
Indians is reported to have come and raised it in his arms, put it
on his head alone, and carried it very easily.[129] They eat bread
cooked in the ashes, as big as the large two-pound loaves of Castile.
On account of the great cold, they carry a firebrand (tison) in the
hand when they go from one place to another, with which they warm the
other hand and the body as well, and in this way they keep shifting
it every now and then.[130] On this account the large river which is
in that country was called Rio del Tison (Firebrand river). It is a
very great river and is more than 2 leagues wide at its mouth; here
it is half a league across. Here the [p486] captain heard that there
had been ships at a point three days down, toward the sea. When he
reached the place where the ships had been, which was more than 15
leagues up the river from the mouth of the harbor, they found written
on a tree: “Alarcon reached this place; there are letters at the
foot of this tree.” He dug up the letters and learned from them how
long Alarcon had waited for news of the army and that he had gone
back with the ships to New Spain, because he was unable to proceed
farther, since this sea was a bay, which was formed by the Isle of
the Marquis,[131] which is called California, and it was explained
that California was not an island, but a point of the mainland
forming the other side of that gulf.
After he had seen this, the captain turned back to go up the river,
without going down to the sea, to find a ford by which to cross to
the other side, so as to follow the other bank. After they had gone
five or six days, it seemed to them as if they could cross on rafts.
For this purpose they called together a large number of the natives,
who were waiting for a favorable opportunity to make an attack on
our men, and when they saw that the strangers wanted to cross, they
helped make the rafts with all zeal and diligence, so as to catch
them in this way on the water and drown them or else so divide them
that they could not help one another. While the rafts were being
made, a soldier who had been out around the camp saw a large number
of armed men go across to a mountain, where they were waiting till
the soldiers should cross the river. He reported this, and an Indian
was quietly shut up, in order to find out the truth, and when they
tortured him he told all the arrangements that had been made. These
were, that when our men were crossing and part of them had got over
and part were on the river and part were waiting to cross, those who
were on the rafts should drown those they were taking across and the
rest of their force should make an attack on both sides of the river.
If they had had as much discretion and courage as they had strength
and power, the attempt would have succeeded.
When he knew their plan, the captain had the Indian who had confessed
the affair killed secretly, and that night he was thrown into the
river with a weight, so that the Indians would not suspect that they
were found out. The next day they noticed that our men suspected
them, and so they made an attack, shooting showers of arrows, but
when the horses began to catch up with them and the lances wounded
them without mercy and the musketeers likewise made good shots, they
had to leave the plain and take to the mountain, until not a man of
them was to be seen. The force then came back and crossed all right,
the Indian allies and the Spaniards going across on the rafts and
the horses swimming alongside the rafts, where we will leave them to
continue their journey.[132] [p487]
To relate how the army that was on its way to Cibola got on:
Everything went along in good shape, since the general had left
everything peaceful, because he wished the people in that region
to be contented and without fear and willing to do what they were
ordered. In a province called Vacapan there was a large quantity
of prickly pears, of which the natives make a great deal of
preserves.[133] They gave this preserve away freely, and as the men
of the army ate much of it, they all fell sick with a headache and
fever, so that the natives might have done much harm to the force if
they had wished. This lasted regularly twenty-four hours. After this
they continued their march until they reached Chichilticalli. The
men in the advance guard saw a flock of sheep one day after leaving
this place. I myself saw and followed them. They had extremely large
bodies and long wool; their horns were very thick and large, and when
they run they throw back their heads and put their horns on the ridge
of their back. They are used to the rough country, so that we could
not catch them and had to leave them.[134]
Three days after we entered the wilderness we found a horn on the
bank of a river that flows in the bottom of a very steep, deep gully,
which the general had noticed and left there for his army to see,
for it was six feet long and as thick at the base as a man’s thigh.
It seemed to be more like the horn of a goat than of any other
animal. It was something worth seeing. The army proceeded and was
about a day’s march from Cibola when a very cold tornado came up in
the afternoon, followed by a great fall of snow, which was a bad
combination for the carriers. The army went on till it reached some
caves in a rocky ridge, late in the evening. The Indian allies, who
were from New Spain, and for the most part from warm countries, were
in great danger. They felt the coldness of that day so much that it
was hard work the next day taking care of them, for they suffered
much pain and had to be carried on the horses, the soldiers walking.
After this labor the army reached Cibola, where their general was
waiting for them, with their quarters all ready, and here they were
reunited, except some captains and men who had gone off to discover
other provinces.
_Chapter 11, of how Don Pedro de Tovar discovered Tusayan or
Tutahaco[135] and Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas saw the Firebrand
river and the other things that had happened._
While the things already described were taking place, Cibola being
at peace, the General Francisco Vazquez found out from the people of
the [p488] province about the provinces that lay around it, and got
them to tell their friends and neighbors that Christians had come
into the country, whose only desire was to be their friends, and to
find out about good lands to live in, and for them to come to see
the strangers and talk with them. They did this, since they know how
to communicate with one another in these regions, and they informed
him about a province with seven villages of the same sort as theirs,
although somewhat different. They had nothing to do with these
people. This province is called Tusayan. It is twenty-five leagues
from Cibola. The villages are high and the people are warlike.
The general had sent Don Pedro de Tovar to these villages with
seventeen horsemen and three or four foot soldiers. Juan de Padilla,
a Franciscan friar, who had been a fighting man in his youth, went
with them. When they reached the region, they entered the country so
quietly that nobody observed them, because there were no settlements
or farms between one village and another and the people do not leave
the villages except to go to their farms, especially at this time,
when they had heard that Cibola had been captured by very fierce
people, who traveled on animals which ate people. This information
was generally believed by those who had never seen horses, although
it was so strange as to cause much wonder. Our men arrived after
nightfall and were able to conceal themselves under the edge of the
village, where they heard the natives talking in their houses. But in
the morning they were discovered and drew up in regular order, while
the natives came out to meet them, with bows, and shields, and wooden
clubs, drawn up in lines without any confusion. The interpreter was
given a chance to speak to them and give them due warning, for they
were very intelligent people, but nevertheless they drew lines and
insisted that our men should not go across these lines toward their
village.[136] While they were talking, some men acted as if they
would cross the lines, and one of the natives lost control of himself
and struck a horse a blow on the cheek of the bridle with his club.
Friar Juan, fretted by the time that was being wasted in talking
with them, said to the captain: “To tell the truth, I do not know
why we came here.” When the men heard this, they gave the Santiago
so suddenly that they ran down many Indians and the others fled to
the town in confusion. Some indeed did not have a chance to do this,
so quickly did the people in the village come out with presents,
asking for peace.[137] The captain ordered his force to collect, and,
as the natives did not do any more harm, he and those who were with
him found a place to establish their headquarters near the village.
They had dismounted here when the natives came peacefully, saying
that they had come to give in the submission of the whole province
and that they wanted him to be friends with them and to accept the
presents which they gave him. [p489] This was some cotton cloth,
although not much, because they do not make it in that district.
They also gave him some dressed skins and corn meal, and pine nuts
and corn and birds of the country. Afterward they presented some
turquoises, but not many. The people of the whole district came
together that day and submitted themselves, and they allowed him to
enter their villages freely to visit, buy, sell, and barter with them.
It is governed like Cibola, by an assembly of the oldest men. They
have their governors and generals. This was where they obtained the
information about a large river, and that several days down the river
there were some people with very large bodies.
As Don Pedro de Tovar was not commissioned to go farther, he returned
from there and gave this information to the general, who dispatched
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas with about twelve companions to go to
see this river. He was well received when he reached Tusayan and was
entertained by the natives, who gave him guides for his journey.
They started from here loaded with provisions, for they had to go
through a desert country before reaching the inhabited region, which
the Indians said was more than twenty days’ journey. After they
had gone twenty days they came to the banks of the river, which
seemed to be more than 3 or 4 leagues above the stream which flowed
between them.[138] This country was elevated and full of low twisted
pines, very cold, and lying open toward the north, so that, this
being the warm season, no one could live there on account of the
cold. They spent three days on this bank looking for a passage down
to the river, which looked from above as if the water was 6 feet
across, although the Indians said it was half a league wide. It was
impossible to descend, for after these three days Captain Melgosa and
one Juan Galeras and another companion, who were the three lightest
and most agile men, made an attempt to go down at the least difficult
place, and went down until those who were above were unable to keep
sight of them. They returned about 4 oclock in the afternoon, not
having succeeded in reaching the bottom on account of the great
difficulties which they found, because what seemed to be easy from
above was not so, but instead very hard and difficult. They said that
they had been down about a third of the way and that the river seemed
very large from the place which they reached, and that from what they
saw they thought the Indians had given the width correctly. Those who
stayed above had estimated that some huge rocks on the sides of the
cliffs seemed to be about as tall as a man, but those who went down
swore that when they reached these rocks they were bigger than the
great tower of Seville. They did not go farther up the river, because
they could not get water. Before this they had had to go a league or
two inland every day late in the evening in order to find water, and
the guides said that if they should go four days farther it would not
be possible [p490] to go on, because there was no water within three
or four days, for when they travel across this region themselves they
take with them women loaded with water in gourds, and bury the gourds
of water along the way, to use when they return, and besides this,
they travel in one day over what it takes us two days to accomplish.
This was the Tison (Firebrand) river, much nearer its source than
where Melchior Diaz and his company crossed it. These were the same
kind of Indians, judging from what was afterward learned. They came
back from this point and the expedition did not have any other
result. On the way they saw some water falling over a rock and
learned from the guides that some bunches of crystals which were
hanging there were salt. They went and gathered a quantity of this
and brought it back to Cibola, dividing it among those who were
there. They gave the general a written account of what they had
seen, because one Pedro de Sotomayor had gone with Don Garcia Lopez
as chronicler for the army. The villages of that province remained
peaceful, since they were never visited again, nor was any attempt
made to find other peoples in that direction.
_Chapter 12, of how people came from Cicuye to Cibola to see the
Christians, and how Hernando de Alvarado went to see the cows._
While they were making these discoveries, some Indians came to Cibola
from a village which was 70 leagues east of this province, called
Cicuye. Among them was a captain who was called Bigotes (Whiskers) by
our men, because he wore a long mustache. He was a tall, well-built
young fellow, with a fine figure. He told the general that they
had come in response to the notice which had been given, to offer
themselves as friends, and that if we wanted to go through their
country they would consider us as their friends. They brought a
present of tanned hides and shields and head-pieces, which were
very gladly received, and the general gave them some glass dishes
and a number of pearls and little bells which they prized highly,
because these were things they had never seen. They described some
cows which, from a picture that one of them had painted on his
skin, seemed to be cows, although from the hides this did not seem
possible, because the hair was woolly and snarled so that we could
not tell what sort of skins they had. The general ordered Hernando
de Alvarado to take 20 companions and go with them, and gave him a
commission for eighty days, after which he should return to give an
account of what he had found.[139]
Captain Alvarado started on this journey and in five days reached a
village which was on a rock called Acuco[140] having a population of
about 200 men. These people were robbers, feared by the whole country
[p491] round about. The village was very strong, because it was up
on a rock out of reach, having steep sides in every direction, and so
high that it was a very good musket that could throw a ball as high.
There was only one entrance by a stairway built by hand, which began
at the top of a slope which is around the foot of the rock. There
was a broad stairway for about 200 steps, then a stretch of about
100 narrower steps, and at the top they had to go up about three
times as high as a man by means of holes in the rock, in which they
put the points of their feet, holding on at the same time by their
hands. There was a wall of large and small stones at the top, which
they could roll down without showing themselves, so that no army
could possibly be strong enough to capture the village. On the top
they had room to sow and store a large amount of corn, and cisterns
to collect snow and water. These people came down to the plain ready
to fight, and would not listen to any arguments. They drew lines on
the ground and determined to prevent our men from crossing these,
but when they saw that they would have to fight they offered to make
peace before any harm had been done. They went through their forms of
making peace, which is to touch the horses and take their sweat and
rub themselves with it, and to make crosses with the fingers of the
hands. But to make the most secure peace they put their hands across
each other, and they keep this peace inviolably. They made a present
of a large number of [turkey-] cocks with very big wattles, much
bread, tanned deerskins, pine [piñon] nuts, flour [corn meal], and
corn.
From here they went to a province called Triguex,[141] three days
distant. The people all came out peacefully, seeing that Whiskers
was with them. These men are feared throughout all those provinces.
Alvarado sent messengers back from here to advise the general to come
and winter in this country. The general was not a little relieved to
hear that the country was growing better. Five days from here he came
to Cicuye,[142] a very strong village four stories high. The people
came out from the village with signs of joy to welcome Hernando de
Alvarado and their captain, and brought them into the town with drums
and pipes something like flutes, of which they have a great many.
They made many presents of cloth and turquoises, of which there are
quantities in that region. The Spaniards enjoyed themselves here
for several days and talked with an Indian slave, a native of the
country toward Florida, which is the region Don Fernando de Soto
discovered. This fellow said that there were large settlements in the
farther part of that country. Hernando de Alvarado took him to guide
them to the cows; but he told them so many and such great things
about the wealth of gold and silver in his country that they did not
care about looking for cows, but returned after they had seen some
few, to report the rich news to the general. [p492] They called
the Indian “Turk,” because he looked like one.[143] Meanwhile the
general had sent Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to Tiguex with men to
get lodgings ready for the army, which had arrived from Señora about
this time, before taking them there for the winter; and when Hernando
de Alvarado reached Tiguex, on his way back from Cicuye, he found
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas there, and so there was no need for him
to go farther. As it was necessary that the natives should give the
Spaniards lodging places, the people in one village had to abandon
it and go to others belonging to their friends, and they took with
them nothing but themselves and the clothes they had on. Information
was obtained here about many towns up toward the north, and I believe
that it would have been much better to follow this direction than
that of the Turk, who was the cause of all the misfortunes which
followed.
_Chapter 13, of how the general went toward Tutahaco with a few men
and left the army with Don Tristan, who took it to Tiguex._
Everything already related had happened when Don Tristan de Arellano
reached Cibola from Señora. Soon after he arrived, the general, who
had received notice of a province containing eight villages, took
30 of the men who were most fully rested and went to see it, going
from there directly to Tiguex with the skilled guides who conducted
him. He left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to proceed to Tiguex
by the direct road, after the men had rested twenty days. On this
journey, between one day when they left the camping place and midday
of the third day, when they saw some snow-covered mountains, toward
which they went in search of water, neither the Spaniards nor the
horses nor the servants drank anything. They were able to stand
it because of the severe cold, although with great difficulty. In
eight days they reached Tutahaco,[144] where they learned that
[p493] there were other towns down the river. These people were
peaceful. The villages are terraced, like those at Tiguex, and of
the same style. The general went up the river from here, visiting
the whole province, until he reached Tiguex, where he found Hernando
de Alvarado and the Turk. He felt no slight joy at such good news,
because the Turk said that in his country there was a river in the
level country which was 2 leagues wide, in which there were fishes
as big as horses, and large numbers of very big canoes, with more
than 20 rowers on a side, and that they carried sails, and that their
lords sat on the poop under awnings, and on the prow they had a great
golden eagle. He said also that the lord of that country took his
afternoon nap under a great tree on which were hung a great number of
little gold bells, which put him to sleep as they swung in the air.
He said also that everyone had their ordinary dishes made of wrought
plate, and the jugs and bowls were of gold. He called gold acochis.
For the present he was believed, on account of the ease with which he
told it and because they showed him metal ornaments and he recognized
them and said they were not gold, and he knew gold and silver very
well and did not care anything about other metals.
The general sent Hernando de Alvarado back to Cicuye to demand some
gold bracelets which this Turk said they had taken from him at the
time they captured him. Alvarado went, and was received as a friend
at the village, and when he demanded the bracelets they said they
knew nothing at all about them, saying the Turk was deceiving him and
was lying. Captain Alvarado, seeing that there were no other means,
got the captain Whiskers and the governor to come to his tent, and
when they had come he put them in chains. The villagers prepared to
fight, and let fly their arrows, denouncing Hernando de Alvarado, and
saying that he was a man who had no respect for peace and friendship.
Hernando de Alvarado started back to Tiguex, where the general
kept them prisoners more than six months. This began the want of
confidence in the word of the Spaniards whenever there was talk of
peace from this time on, as will be seen by what happened afterward.
_Chapter 14, of how the army went from Cibola to Tiguex and what
happened to them on the way, on account of the snow._
We have already said that when the general started from Cibola,
he left orders for Don Tristan de Arellano to start twenty days
later. He did so as soon as he saw that the men were well rested and
provided with food and eager to start off to find their general. He
set off with his force toward Tiguex, and the first day they made
their camp in the best, largest, and finest village of that (Cibola)
province.[145] This is the only village that has houses with seven
stories. In this village certain houses are used as fortresses; they
are higher than the others and set [p494] up above them like towers,
and there are embrasures and loopholes in them for defending the
roofs of the different stories, because, like the other villages,
they do not have streets, and the flat roofs are all of a height and
are used in common. The roofs have to be reached first, and these
upper houses are the means of defending them. It began to snow on
us there, and the force took refuge under the wings of the village,
which extend out like balconies, with wooden pillars beneath, because
they generally use ladders to go up to those balconies, since they do
not have any doors below.
The army continued its march from here after it stopped snowing, and
as the season had already advanced into December, during the ten
days that the army was delayed, it did not fail to snow during the
evenings and nearly every night, so that they had to clear away a
large amount of snow when they came to where they wanted to make a
camp. The road could not be seen, but the guides managed to find it,
as they knew the country. There are junipers and pines all over the
country, which they used in making large brushwood fires, the smoke
and heat of which melted the snow from 2 to 4 yards all around the
fire. It was a dry snow, so that although it fell on the baggage and
covered it for half a man’s height it did not hurt it. It fell all
night long, covering the baggage and the soldiers and their beds,
piling up in the air, so that if anyone had suddenly come upon the
army nothing would have been seen but mountains of snow. The horses
stood half buried in it. It kept those who were underneath warm
instead of cold. The army passed by the great rock of Acuco, and the
natives, who were peaceful, entertained our men well, giving them
provisions and birds, although there are not many people here, as I
have said. Many of the gentlemen went up to the top to see it, and
they had great difficulty in going up the steps in the rock, because
they were not used to them, for the natives go up and down so easily
that they carry loads and the women carry water, and they do not seem
even to touch their hands, although our men had to pass their weapons
up from one to another.
From here they went on to Tiguex, where they were well received and
taken care of, and the great good news of the Turk gave no little joy
and helped lighten their hard labors, although when the army arrived
we found the whole country or province in revolt, for reasons which
were not slight in themselves, as will be shown, and our men had also
burnt a village the day before the army arrived, and returned to the
camp.[146]
_Chapter 15, of why Tiguex revolted, and how they were punished,
without being to blame for it._
It has been related how the general reached Tiguex, where he found
Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas and Hernando de Alvarado, and how he
[p495] sent the latter back to Cicuye, where he took the captain
Whiskers and the governor of the village, who was an old man,
prisoners. The people of Tiguex did not feel well about this seizure.
In addition to this, the general wished to obtain some clothing to
divide among his soldiers, and for this purpose he summoned one
of the chief Indians of Tiguex, with whom he had already had much
intercourse and with whom he was on good terms, who was called Juan
Aleman by our men, after a Juan Aleman[147] who lived in Mexico, whom
he was said to resemble. The general told him that he must furnish
about three hundred or more pieces of cloth, which he needed to give
his people. He said that he was not able to do this, but that it
pertained to the governors; and that besides this, they would have to
consult together and divide it among the villages, and that it was
necessary to make the demand of each town separately. The general did
this, and ordered certain of the gentlemen who were with him to go
and make the demand; and as there were twelve villages, some of them
went on one side of the river and some on the other. As they were in
very great need, they did not give the natives a chance to consult
about it, but when they came to a village they demanded what they had
to give, so that they could proceed at once. Thus these people could
do nothing except take off their own cloaks and give them to make up
the number demanded of them. And some of the soldiers who were in
these parties, when the collectors gave them some blankets or cloaks
which were not such as they wanted, if they saw any Indian with a
better one on, they exchanged with him without more ado, not stopping
to find out the rank of the man they were stripping, which caused not
a little hard feeling.
Besides what I have just said, one whom I will not name, out of
regard for him, left the village where the camp was and went to
another village about a league distant, and seeing a pretty woman
there he called her husband down to hold his horse by the bridle
while he went up; and as the village was entered by the upper story,
the Indian supposed he was going to some other part of it. While he
was there the Indian heard some slight noise, and then the Spaniard
came down, took his horse, and went away. The Indian went up and
learned that he had violated, or tried to violate, his wife, and
so he came with the important men of the town to complain that a
man had violated his wife, and he told how it happened. When the
general made all the soldiers and the persons who were with him come
together, the Indian did not recognize the man, either because he had
changed his clothes or for whatever other reason there may have been,
but he said that he could tell the horse, because he had held his
bridle, and so he was taken to the stables, and found the horse, and
said that the master of the horse must be the man. He denied doing
it, seeing that he had not been recognized, and it may be that the
Indian was mistaken in the horse; [p496] anyway, he went off without
getting any satisfaction.[148] The next day one of the Indians, who
was guarding the horses of the army, came running in, saying that a
companion of his had been killed, and that the Indians of the country
were driving off the horses toward their villages. The Spaniards
tried to collect the horses again, but many were lost, besides seven
of the general’s mules.[149]
The next day Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went to see the villages
and talk with the natives. He found the villages closed by palisades
and a great noise inside, the horses being chased as in a bull fight
and shot with arrows. They were all ready for fighting. Nothing could
be done, because they would not come down onto the plain and the
villages are so strong that the Spaniards could not dislodge them.
The general then ordered Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas to go and
surround one village with all the rest of the force. This village was
the one where the greatest injury had been done and where the affair
with the Indian woman occurred. Several captains who had gone on in
advance with the general, Juan de Saldivar and Barrionuevo and Diego
Lopez and Melgosa,[150] took the Indians so much by surprise that
they gained the upper story, with great danger, for they wounded many
of our men from within the houses. Our men were on top of the houses
in great danger for a day and a night and part of the next day, and
they made some good shots with their crossbows and muskets. The
horsemen on the plain with many of the Indian allies from New Spain
smoked them out from the cellars[151] into which they had broken, so
that they begged for peace.[152] Pablo de Melgosa and Diego Lopez,
the alderman from Seville, were left on the roof and answered the
Indians with the same signs they were making for peace, which was
to make a cross. They then put down their arms and received pardon.
They were taken to the tent of Don Garcia, who, according to what he
said, did not know about the peace and thought that they had given
themselves up of their own accord because they had been conquered.
As he had been ordered by the general not to take them alive, but
to make an example of them so that the other natives would fear the
Spaniards, he ordered 200 stakes to be prepared at once to burn them
alive. [p497] Nobody told him about the peace that had been granted
them, for the soldiers knew as little as he, and those who should
have told him about it remained silent, not thinking that it was any
of their business. Then when the enemies saw that the Spaniards were
binding them and beginning to roast them, about a hundred men who
were in the tent began to struggle and defend themselves with what
there was there and with the stakes they could seize. Our men who
were on foot attacked the tent on all sides, so that there was great
confusion around it, and then the horsemen chased those who escaped.
As the country was level, not a man of them remained alive, unless it
was some who remained hidden in the village and escaped that night
to spread throughout the country the news that the strangers did
not respect the peace they had made, which afterward proved a great
misfortune. After this was over, it began to snow, and they abandoned
the village and returned to the camp just as the army came from
Cibola.[153]
_Chapter 16, of how they besieged Tiguex and took it and of what
happened during the siege._
As I have already related, it began to snow in that country just
after they captured the village, and it snowed so much that for the
next two months it was impossible to do anything except to go along
the roads to advise them to make peace and tell them that they would
be pardoned and might consider themselves safe, to which they replied
that they did not trust those who did not know how to keep good
faith after they had once given it, and that the Spaniards should
remember that they were keeping Whiskers prisoner and that they did
not keep their word when they burned those who surrendered in the
village. Don Garcia Lopez de Cardenas was one of those who went to
give this notice. He started out with about 30 companions and went to
the village of Tiguex to talk with Juan Aleman. Although they were
hostile, they talked with him and said that if he wished to talk with
them he must dismount and they would come out and talk with him about
a peace, and [p498] that if he would send away the horsemen and make
his men keep away, Juan Aleman and another captain would come out of
the village and meet him. Everything was done as they required, and
then when they approached they said that they had no arms and that he
must take his off. Don Garcia Lopez did this in order to give them
confidence, on account of his great desire to get them to make peace.
When he met them, Juan Aleman approached and embraced him vigorously,
while the other two who had come with him drew two mallets[154]
which they had hidden behind their backs and gave him two such blows
over his helmet that they almost knocked him senseless. Two of the
soldiers on horseback had been unwilling to go very far off, even
when he ordered them, and so they were near by and rode up so quickly
that they rescued him from their hands, although they were unable to
catch the enemies because the meeting was so near the village that
of the great shower of arrows which were shot at them one arrow hit
a horse and went through his nose. The horsemen all rode up together
and hurriedly carried off their captain, without being able to harm
the enemy, while many of our men were dangerously wounded.[155] They
then withdrew, leaving a number of men to continue the attack. Don
Garcia Lopez de Cardenas went on with a part of the force to another
village about half a league distant, because almost all the people
in this region had collected into these two villages. As they paid
no attention to the demands made on them except by shooting arrows
from the upper stories with loud yells, and would not hear of peace,
he returned to his companions whom he had left to keep up the attack
on Tiguex. A large number of those in the village came out and our
men rode off slowly, pretending to flee, so that they drew the enemy
on to the plain, and then turned on them and caught several of their
leaders. The rest collected on the roofs of the village and the
captain returned to his camp.
After this affair the general ordered the army to go and surround
the village. He set out with his men in good order, one day, with
several scaling ladders. When he reached the village, he encamped his
force near by, and then began the siege; but as the enemy had had
several days to provide themselves with stores, they threw down such
quantities of rocks upon our men that many of them were laid out, and
they wounded nearly a hundred with arrows, several of whom afterward
died on account of the bad treatment by an unskillful surgeon who was
with the army. The siege lasted fifty days, during which time several
[p499] assaults were made. The lack of water was what troubled the
Indians most. They dug a very deep well inside the village, but were
not able to get water, and while they were making it, it fell in and
killed 30 persons. Two hundred of the besieged died in the fights.
One day when there was a hard fight, they killed Francisco de Obando,
a captain who had been army-master all the time that Don Garcia Lopez
de Cardenas was away making the discoveries already described, and
also Francisco Pobares, a fine gentleman. Our men were unable to
prevent them from carrying Francisco de Obando inside the village,
which was regretted not a little, because he was a distinguished
person, besides being honored on his own account, affable and much
beloved, which was noticeable.[156] One day, before the capture was
completed, they asked to speak to us, and said that, since they knew
we would not harm the women and children, they wished to surrender
their women and sons, because they were using up their water. It was
impossible to persuade them to make peace, as they said that the
Spaniards would not keep an agreement made with them. So they gave up
about a hundred persons, women and boys, who did not want to leave
them. Don Lope de Urrea[157] rode up in front of the town without
his helmet and received the boys and girls in his arms, and when all
of these had been surrendered, Don Lope begged them to make peace,
giving them the strongest promises for their safety. They told him to
go away, as they did not wish to trust themselves to people who had
no regard for friendship or their own word which they had pledged. As
he seemed unwilling to go away, one of them put an arrow in his bow
ready to shoot, and threatened to shoot him with it unless he went
off, and they warned him to put on his helmet, but he was unwilling
to do so, saying that they would not hurt him as long as he stayed
there. When the Indian saw that he did not want to go away, he shot
and planted his arrow between the fore feet of the horse, and then
put another arrow in his bow and repeated that if he did not go away
he would really shoot him. Don Lope put on his helmet and slowly rode
back to where the horsemen were, without receiving any harm from
them. When they saw that he was really in safety, they began to shoot
arrows in showers, with loud yells and cries. The general did not
want to make an assault that day, in order to see if they could be
brought in some way to make peace, which they would not consider.
Fifteen days later they decided to leave the village one night,
and did so, taking the women in their midst. They started about
the fourth watch, in the very early morning, on the side where the
cavalry was.[158] The alarm was given by those in the camp of Don
Rodrigo [p500] Maldonado. The enemy attacked them and killed one
Spaniard and a horse and wounded others, but they were driven back
with great slaughter until they came to the river, where the water
flowed swiftly and very cold. They threw themselves into this, and as
the men had come quickly from the whole camp to assist the cavalry,
there were few who escaped being killed or wounded. Some men from the
camp went across the river next day and found many of them who had
been overcome by the great cold. They brought these back, cured them,
and made servants of them. This ended that siege, and the town was
captured, although there were a few who remained in one part of the
town and were captured a few days later.[159]
Two captains, Don Diego de Guevara and Juan de Saldivar, had
captured the other large village after a siege. Having started out
very early one morning to make an ambuscade in which to catch some
warriors who used to come out every morning to try to frighten our
camp, the spies, who had been placed where they could see when they
were coming, saw the people come out and proceed toward the [p501]
country. The soldiers left the ambuscade and went to the village and
saw the people fleeing. They pursued and killed large numbers of
them. At the same time those in the camp were ordered to go over the
town, and they plundered it, making prisoners of all the people who
were found in it, amounting to about a hundred women and children.
This siege ended the last of March, in the year ’42.[160] Other
things had happened in the meantime, which would have been noticed,
but that it would have cut the thread. I have omitted them, but will
relate them now, so that it will be possible to understand what
follows.
_Chapter 17, of how messengers reached the army from the valley of
Señora and how Captain Melchior Diaz died on the expedition to the
Firebrand river._
We have already related how Captain Melchior Diaz crossed the
Firebrand river on rafts, in order to continue his discoveries
farther in that direction. About the time the siege ended, messengers
reached the army from the city of San Hieronimo with letters from
Diego de Alarcon,[161] who had remained there in the place of
Melchior Diaz. These contained the news that Melchior Diaz had died
while he was conducting his search, and that the force had returned
without finding any of the things they were after. It all happened in
this fashion:
After they had crossed the river they continued their search for the
coast, which here turned back toward the south, or between south and
east, because that arm of the sea enters the land due north and this
river, which brings its waters down from the north, flowing toward
the south, enters the head of the gulf. Continuing in the direction
they had been going, they came to some sand banks of hot ashes which
it was impossible to cross without being drowned as in the sea. The
ground they were standing on trembled like a sheet of paper, so
that it seemed as if there were lakes underneath them. It seemed
wonderful and like something infernal, for the ashes to bubble up
here in several places. After they had gone away from this place, on
account of the danger they seemed to be in and of the lack of water,
one day a greyhound belonging to one of the soldiers chased some
sheep which they were taking along for food. When the captain noticed
this, he threw his lance at the dog while his horse was running, so
that it stuck up in the ground, and not being able to stop his horse
he went over the lance so that it nailed him through the thighs and
the iron came out behind, rupturing his bladder. After this the
soldiers turned back with their captain, having to fight every day
with the Indians, who had remained hostile. He lived about twenty
days, during which they proceeded with great difficulty on account
of the necessity of carrying him.[162] They [p502] returned in
good order without losing a man, until he died, and after that they
were relieved of the greatest difficulty. When they reached Señora,
Alcaraz dispatched the messengers already referred to, so that
the general might know of this and also that some of the soldiers
were ill disposed and had caused several mutinies, and that he had
sentenced two of them to the gallows, but they had afterward escaped
from the prison.
When the general learned this, he sent Don Pedro de Tovar to that
city to sift out some of the men. He was accompanied by messengers
whom the general sent to Don Antonio de Mendoza the viceroy, with
an account of what had occurred and with the good news given by
the Turk. When Don Pedro de Tovar arrived there, he found that the
natives of that province had killed a soldier with a poisoned arrow,
which had made only a very little wound in one hand. Several soldiers
went to the place where this happened to see about it, and they were
not very well received. Don Pedro de Tovar sent Diego de Alcaraz
with a force to seize the chiefs and lords of a village in what they
call the Valley of Knaves (de los Vellacos), which is in the hills.
After getting there and taking these men prisoners, Diego de Alcaraz
decided to let them go in exchange for some thread and cloth and
other things which the soldiers needed. Finding themselves free, they
renewed the war and attacked them, and as they were strong and had
poison, they killed several Spaniards and wounded others so that they
died on the way back. They retired toward the town, and if they had
not had Indian allies from the country of the Hearts, it would have
gone worse with them. They got back to the town, leaving 17 soldiers
dead from the poison. They would die in agony from only a small
wound, the bodies breaking out with an insupportable pestilential
stink. When Don Pedro de Tovar saw the harm done, and as it seemed
to them that they could not safely stay in that city, he moved 40
leagues toward Cibola into the valley of Suya, where we will leave
them, in order to relate what happened to the general and his army
after the siege of Tiguex.
_Chapter 18, of how the general managed to leave the country in peace
so as to go in search of Quivira, where the Turk said there was the
most wealth._
During the siege of Tiguex the general decided to go to Cicuye and
take the governor with him, in order to give him his liberty and
to promise them that he would give Whiskers his liberty and leave
him in the village, as soon as he should start for Quivira. He was
received peacefully when he reached Cicuye, and entered the village
with several soldiers. They received their governor with much joy
and gratitude. After looking over the village and speaking with the
natives[163] he returned [p503] to his army, leaving Cicuye at
peace, in the hope of getting back their captain Whiskers.
After the siege was ended, as we have already related, he sent a
captain to Chia, a fine village with many people, which had sent to
offer its submission. It was 4 leagues distant to the west of the
river. They found it peaceful and gave it four bronze cannon, which
were in poor condition, to take care of. Six gentlemen also went to
Quirix, a province with seven villages. At the first village, which
had about a hundred inhabitants, the natives fled, not daring to
wait for our men; but they headed them off by a short cut, riding at
full speed, and then they returned to their houses in the village
in perfect safety, and then told the other villagers about it and
reassured them. In this way the entire region was reassured, little
by little, by the time the ice in the river was broken up and it
became possible to ford the river and so to continue the journey.
The twelve villages of Tiguex, however, were not repopulated at all
during the time the army was there, in spite of every promise of
security that could possibly be given to them.
And when the river, which for almost four months had been frozen over
so that they crossed the ice on horseback, had thawed out, orders
were given for the start for Quivira, where the Turk said there was
some gold and silver, although not so much as in Arche and the Guaes.
There were already some in the army who suspected the Turk, because
a Spaniard named Servantes,[164] who had charge of him during the
siege, solemnly swore that he had seen the Turk talking with the
devil in a pitcher of water, and also that while he had him under
lock so that no one could speak to him, the Turk had asked him what
Christians had been killed by the people at Tiguex. He told him
“nobody,” and then the Turk answered: “You lie; five Christians are
dead, including a captain.” And as Cervantes knew that he told the
truth, he confessed it so as to find out who had told him about it,
and the Turk said he knew it all by himself and that he did not need
to have anyone tell him in order to know it. And it was on account
of this that he watched him and saw him speaking to the devil in the
pitcher, as I have said.
While all this was going on, preparations were being made to start
from Tiguex. At this time people came from Cibola to see the general,
and he charged them to take good care of the Spaniards who were
coming from Señora with Don Pedro de Tovar. He gave them letters
to give to Don Pedro, informing him what he ought to do and how he
should go to find the army, and that he would find letters under
the crosses which the army would put up along the way. The army
left Tiguex on the 5th of May[165] and returned to Cicuye, which,
as I have said, is twenty-five marches, which means leagues, from
there, taking Whiskers with them. Arrived there, he gave them, their
captain, who already went about freely with a guard. The village was
very glad to see him, and the people were peaceful and offered food.
The governor and [p504] Whiskers gave the general a young fellow
called Xabe, a native of Quivira, who could give them information
about the country. This fellow said that there was gold and silver,
but not so much of it as the Turk had said. The Turk, however,
continued to declare that it was as he had said. He went as a guide,
and thus the army started off from here.
_Chapter 19, of how they started in search of Quivira and of what
happened on the way._
The army started from Cicuye, leaving the village at peace and, as it
seemed, contented, and under obligations to maintain the friendship
because their governor and captain had been restored to them.
Proceeding toward the plains, which are all on the other side of
the mountains, after four days’ journey they came to a river with a
large, deep current, which flowed down toward Cicuye, and they named
this the Cicuye river.[166] They had to stop here to make a bridge
so as to cross it. It was finished in four days, by much diligence
and rapid work, and as soon as it was done the whole army and the
animals crossed. After ten days more they came to some settlements
of people who lived like Arabs and who are called Querechos in that
region. They had seen the cows for two days. These folks live in
tents made of the tanned skins of the cows. They travel around near
the cows, killing them for food. They did nothing unusual when they
saw our army, except to come out of their tents to look at us, after
which they came to talk with the advance guard, and asked who we
were. The general talked with them, but as they had already talked
with the Turk, who was with the advance guard, they agreed with what
he had said. That they were very intelligent is evident from the fact
that although they conversed by means of signs they made themselves
understood so well that there was no need of an interpreter.[167]
They said that there was a very large river over toward where the
sun came from, and that one could go along this river through an
inhabited region for ninety days without a break from settlement to
settlement. They said that the first of these settlements was called
Haxa, and that the river was more than a league wide and that there
were many canoes on it. These folks started off from here next day
with a lot of dogs which dragged their possessions. For two days,
during which the army marched in the same direction as that in
which they had come from the settlements—that is, between north and
east, but more toward the north[168]—they saw [p505] other roaming
Querechos and such great numbers of cows that it already seemed
something incredible. These people gave a great deal of information
about settlements, all toward the east from where we were. Here Don
Garcia broke his arm and a Spaniard got lost who went off hunting so
far that he was unable to return to the camp, because the country is
very level. The Turk said it was one or two days to Haya (Haxa). The
general sent Captain Diego Lopez with ten companions lightly equipped
and a guide to go at full speed toward the sunrise for two days and
discover Haxa, and then return to meet the army, which set out in the
same direction next day. They came across so many animals that those
who were on the advance guard killed a large number of bulls. As
these fled they trampled one another in their haste until they came
to a ravine. So many of the animals fell into this that they filled
it up, and the rest went across on top of them. The men who were
chasing them on horseback fell in among the animals without noticing
where they were going. Three of the horses that fell in among the
cows, all saddled and bridled, were lost sight of completely.
As it seemed to the general that Diego Lopez ought to be on his way
back, he sent six of his companions to follow up the banks of the
little river, and as many more down the banks, to look for traces of
the horses at the trails to and from the river. It was impossible to
find tracks in this country, because the grass straightened up again
as soon as it was trodden down. They were found by some Indians from
the army who had gone to look for fruit. These got track of them a
good league off, and soon came up with them. They followed the river
down to the camp, and told the general that in the 20 leagues they
had been over they had seen nothing but cows and the sky. There was
another native of Quivira with the army, a painted Indian named
Ysopete. This Indian had always declared that the Turk was lying, and
on account of this the army paid no attention to him, and even now,
although he said that the Querechos had consulted with him, Ysopete
was not believed.[169]
The general sent Don Rodrigo Maldonado, with his company, forward
from here. He traveled four days and reached a large ravine like
those of Colima,[170] in the bottom of which he found a large
settlement of people. Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had passed through
this place, so that they presented Don Rodrigo with a pile of tanned
skins and other things, and a tent as big as a house, which he
directed them to keep until the army came up. He sent some of his
companions to guide the army to that place, so that they should not
get lost, although he had been making piles of stones and cow dung
for the army to follow. This was the way in which the army was guided
by the advance guard. [p506]
When the general came up with the army and saw the great quantity
of skins, he thought he would divide them among the men, and placed
guards so that they could look at them. But when the men arrived and
saw that the general was sending some of his companions with orders
for the guards to give them some of the skins, and that these were
going to select the best, they were angry because they were not going
to be divided evenly, and made a rush, and in less than a quarter of
an hour nothing was left but the empty ground.
The natives who happened to see this also took a hand in it. The
women and some others were left crying, because they thought that the
strangers were not going to take anything, but would bless them as
Cabeza de Vaca and Dorantes had done when they passed through here.
They found an Indian girl here who was as white as a Castilian lady,
except that she had her chin painted like a Moorish woman. In general
they all paint themselves in this way here, and they decorate their
eyes.
_Chapter 20, of how great stones fell in the camp, and how they
discovered another ravine, where the army was divided into two parts._
While the army was resting in this ravine, as we have related, a
tempest came up one afternoon with a very high wind and hail, and in
a very short space of time a great quantity of hailstones, as big
as bowls, or bigger, fell as thick as raindrops, so that in places
they covered the ground two or three spans or more deep. And one hit
the horse—or I should say, there was not a horse that did not break
away, except two or three which the negroes protected by holding
large sea nets over them, with the helmets and shields which all the
rest wore;[171] and some of them dashed up on to the sides of the
ravine so that they got them down with great difficulty. If this had
struck them while they were upon the plain, the army would have been
in great danger of being left without its horses, as there were many
which they were not able to cover.[172] The hail broke many tents,
and battered many helmets, and wounded many of the horses, and broke
all the crockery of the army, and the gourds, which was no small
loss, because they do not have any crockery in this region. They do
not make gourds, nor sow corn, nor eat bread, but instead raw meat—or
only half cooked—and fruit. [p507]
From here the general sent out to explore the country,[173] and they
found another settlement four days from there[174] . . . The country
was well inhabited, and they had plenty of kidney beans and prunes
like those of Castile, and tall vineyards. These village settlements
extended for three days. This was called Cona. Some Teyas,[175] as
these people are called, went with the army from here and traveled
as far as the end of the other settlements with their packs of dogs
and women and children, and then they gave them guides to proceed
to a large ravine where the army was. They did not let these guides
speak with the Turk, and did not receive the same statements from
these as they had from the others. These said that Quivira was toward
the north, and that we would not find any good road thither. After
this they began to believe Ysopete. The ravine which the army had now
reached was a league wide from one side to the other, with a little
bit of a river at the bottom, and there were many groves of mulberry
trees near it, and rosebushes with the same sort of fruit that they
have in France. They made verjuice from the unripe grapes at this
ravine, although there were ripe ones.[176] There were walnuts and
the same kind of fowls as in New Spain, and large quantities of
prunes like those of Castile. During this journey a Teya was seen
to shoot a bull right through both shoulders with an arrow, which
would be a good shot for a musket. These people are very intelligent;
the women are well made and modest. They cover their whole body.
They wear shoes and buskins made of tanned skin. The women wear
cloaks over their small under petticoats, with sleeves gathered up
at the shoulders, all of skin, and some wore something like little
sanbenitos[177] with a fringe, which reached half-way down the thigh
over the petticoat.
The army rested several days in this ravine and explored the
country. Up to this point they had made thirty-seven days’ marches,
traveling [p508] 6 or 7 leagues a day. It had been the duty of one
man to measure and count his steps. They found that it was 250
leagues to the settlements.[178] When the general Francisco Vazquez
realized this, and saw that they had been deceived by the Turk
heretofore, and as the provisions were giving out and there was no
country around here where they could procure more, he called the
captains and ensigns together to decide on what they thought ought
to be done. They all agreed that the general should go in search of
Quivira with thirty horsemen and half a dozen foot-soldiers, and
that Don Tristan de Arellano should go back to Tiguex with all the
army. When the men in the army learned of this decision, they begged
their general not to leave them to conduct the further search, but
declared that they all wanted to die with him and did not want to go
back. This did not do any good, although the general agreed to send
messengers to them within eight days saying whether it was best for
them to follow him or not, and with this he set off with the guides
he had and with Ysopete. The Turk was taken along in chains.
_Chapter 21, of how the army returned to Tiguex and the general
reached Quivira._