CHAPTER XIX.

GENERAL SITUATION IN 1894.

Terrible Oppression--Exaggerated Reports--Truth Stranger Than

Fiction--Religious Liberty Infringed Upon--Oppressive School

Laws--Rigorous Censorship--General Effort of the Government to

Suppress Christian Development.

The situation in the summer of 1894 throughout the empire was one

bordering on anarchy. From every section of the country came word of

the most atrocious treatment by the Turkish Government of its Christian

subjects. Taxes were imposed in a way that in the already impoverished

condition of the country was simply ruinous. The effect of the action

of the revolutionists in Marsovan had been to arouse very bitter

feeling against them on every hand and to create an impression, even

among those favorable to the nation, that they were chiefly responsible

for the situation. At the same time reports were sent to the European

papers of the most thrilling type. Some of these were true, most were

based upon truth, but there was not a little exaggeration in details.

Great excitement was aroused by the publication in the English

papers of a detailed statement furnished by the Vienna correspondent

of the _Daily News_ as to the treatment of Armenian prisoners in

Central Asia Minor. According to this, hundreds of them were cast into

prison, stripped of their clothes and tortured in the most diabolical

manner. While men were beaten, women were outraged in the presence

of their husbands and fathers, and general atrocities committed that

surpassed in horror those of the invasions of the Goths and Huns.

Careful investigation showed that while these charges were in some

sense correct, the impression made by them in general was often false.

In one case the hundreds dwindled to twenty-eight, and while there was

outrage enough to stir the indignation of every righteous man, there

was exaggeration enough to enable the Turkish Government to represent

that these stories were based upon a general desire to create trouble.

Instances innumerable might be given of the methods adopted with regard

to individuals. A few must suffice. An intelligent Armenian physician

had been practicing for some years in one of the cities in Central Asia

Minor. He had a good reputation, and both Greeks and Turks as well as

Armenians patronized him and urged him to accept the office of city

physician. With some reluctance he yielded. A petition was sent to

Constantinople and he was appointed. He found the drinking water of the

city polluted by the proximity of slaughter-houses and water closets

to the water course. He reported the case to the local government in

accordance with his duty as health officer. As nothing was done by

them he appealed to the Governor-General of the province, but without

any result. Then, following out strict orders from Constantinople

with regard to the prevention of cholera, he reported to the health

department at Constantinople and the headquarters of the army corps

of the district. The Governor-General thereupon received a reprimand,

and in great anger summoned the physician to the capital of the

province. A request to go to his home for warmer clothing, for it was

in mid-winter, was met with stern refusal, and a police force of twenty

men with an officer at their head dragged him through the markets and

the streets for more than half a mile, to the outskirts of the city,

where he lay for half an hour unconscious. When he recovered he was

placed upon a horse, but he could not sit up, and was tied to his back.

The governor, in great rage, said that he should not be allowed to live

in the province at all. Requests of people from another city that he

come there, were not granted.

As another illustration, a photographer of one city presented the usual

charge for some pictures made on the order of an official. The governor

summoned him, and roared out, “Are not you one of those local Armenians

that I can make rot?” So terrified was the poor man that he was glad to

slink away and say nothing about pay.

These are but illustrations of what was done over the whole empire by

the order of high officials, until there became a veritable reign of

terror, and no man felt his life or property, or the honor of his wife

and daughter safe, in any interior city, town or village. Perhaps,

however, the most forcible setting forth of the situation is found in a

statement not in regard to the ordinary brutality of officials, or the

rapacity of Kurds. It had become more and more evident that there was a

general plan of the government to intensify by its oppression, as much

as possible, the recognition on the part of the Christians of their

absolute subordination to Moslems. In response to a special request

from the British ambassador, a statement was drawn up by persons

thoroughly well-posted in regard to the general condition, and from

that statement are taken in considerable degree the facts that follow.

One of the glories of the administration of Abdul Medjid was the Hatti

Humayoun of 1856, the charter of liberty and equality to the Christians

of Turkey. This has already been referred to in preceding chapters,

and needs no further description here, except to recall the statement

that its aim was the carrying into effect of the principle of equality

between the Mussulmans and non-Mussulmans of the empire. During the

remainder of the reign of Abdul Medjid, and to a considerable extent

during that of Abdul Aziz, this principle had been followed.

Soon after the treaty of Berlin, however, there became manifest a

tendency to displace Christians by Moslems in responsible posts in

every department of government in Asiatic Turkey. Some still remained,

for the reason that there were practically no Moslems competent to fill

the positions. Administrative offices were even still to some extent

occupied by Armenians or Greeks, but their number had been increasingly

small. At the time of which we are speaking, 1894, there was in the

Council of State, to which the administration of the interior provinces

belongs, but one Christian member, notwithstanding the fact that

measures affecting the vital interests of the Christian population

were daily subjects for consideration. So also the High Council of

the Ministry of Public Instruction, specially directed by the Hatti

Humayoun to be a mixed council, had but one non-Moslem member, although

it decided upon the interests of all Christian schools in the country.

The Superior Council of Censorship had also a very insignificant

proportion of non-Moslem members, notwithstanding the fact that by far

the greatest number of books for Christians either published in Turkey

or imported from without were by Protestants. Although the proportion

of readers of books in the Protestant communities was far greater

than in any other, there was not a single Protestant on this council,

or indeed in any high council or responsible position under the

government. One result of this was seen in the absurd laws passed by

the Board of Censors with regard to the introduction and publication of

books. Instances of this kind could be given in numbers; thus the word

_Armenia_ was stricken out of every book. A translation of the hymn--

“The children are gathering from near and from far,

The trumpet is sounding the call for the war,”

was forbidden as being revolutionary, and even a number of English hymn

books were detained for weeks and months by the Board of Censors, in

the search for the English version of this same hymn.

One of the special points in the Hatti Humayoun was the suppression

of the ancient custom of making the police agents collectors of taxes.

This had given rise to grave abuses. Little by little the usage was

restored and finally, in the summer of this year, an imperial edict set

aside the work of that charter, by appointing the police throughout

the country to be tax-collecting agents, with a system of rewards to

those officers who should succeed best in collecting money. Torture and

capital punishment were absolutely forbidden by this same charter, yet

in the trials in regard to the disturbances at Angora, in 1893, and at

Yuzgat, in 1894, torture of the most inhuman character was extensively

used in order to force men to testify according to the orders of the

officials. An Armenian at Marsovan was flogged until his back was raw

flesh, to force him to sign a declaration that certain Americans were

plotting with Armenians an insurrection. An Armenian blacksmith, in the

province of Angora, was made insane by the torture inflicted on him in

prison.

Residents in Constantinople and throughout the empire in the early

years of the century had been accustomed to hear the most opprobrious

epithets used to them by Turks of every grade. Under the influence of

Abdul Medjid and the Hatti Humayoun this diminished greatly, and as a

consequence the social relations grew more and more friendly. During

the five years previous to 1894, however, a marked change was noticed

everywhere throughout the empire. There was far more of brutality in

the treatment of individuals; there was an increasing lack of regard

for the customs of the Christians. The governor of Nicomedia, only

sixty miles from Constantinople, ordered a leading Christian merchant

of that place to open his shop for business on Sunday. On his refusal

to do that which his religion forbade, this same officer publicly and

abominably reviled the religion that taught him such a thing. He then

struck the merchant in the face and tried by fierce threats to compel

him to “obey the orders of an officer of the Sultan.” In the province

of Erzrum some soldiers came to a village on Sunday and demanded sacks

to carry grain. They were requested to wait until the close of the

service when the sacks would be furnished. They however entered the

church, bawled out to the preacher to stop the service, and even drew

their swords upon the men who sought to quiet this interruption. An

officer of a Christian community in another city had occasion to go

to police headquarters for a document. He was met with a torrent of

unspeakably vile abuse of himself and the most sacred things of his

religion. There were a large number of officers and privates of the

police present, but not one remonstrated. In no case was there any

possibility of redress, although twenty years before, punishment would

have been accorded promptly to the offending officers.

With regard to the general treatment of the Christian peasants in the

districts of Eastern Turkey, it is impossible to give anything like an

adequate conception of the situation. Not merely were the villagers

subject to open robbery by the Kurds, but to the scarcely less ruinous

extortion carried on by the lower government officials. The outrages

carried on by Kurds under their new semi-military organization, had

given occasion to petition after petition to the Central Government.

No attention, however, was paid to them, and in 1893 orders were sent

from Constantinople forbidding the transmission of any more petitions

against these regiments. But it was not merely the Kurds that the

people had to fear. Reference has already been made to the Circassians

that were brought in in such numbers from the Caucasus. They had spread

themselves over Western Asia Minor, and while at first less bold

became, during the five years under special survey, so arrogant that no

Christian farmer could hope to hold his property if it pleased the eye

of one of these men. A general survey of the whole situation leaves the

inevitable impression of a plan officially adopted to wage an indirect

war upon the whole Christian population by crushing them, reducing them

to poverty, and to clear them off from the face of the land in order to

replace them by a Moslem population.

That this plan was a general one against all non-Moslems is evidenced

by the fact that the oppression and the injustice was by no means

confined to the Armenian villages and towns. The Greek villages

suffered only in a secondary measure, while the Christian population of

Mesopotamia suffered fully as much. In _The Independent_ of New York,

in the issue of January 17th, 1895, was published a long statement as

to the exactions made upon the various villages by the Kurdish chiefs

and also by the government officials. The following is an illustration

of the latter. During the summer of 1894 the government demanded back

taxes from a certain village to a large amount, which according to

the villagers had no foundation in justice. They had already been

impoverished and had no means of paying the tax. Under very heavy

pressure from the government, however, they raised a part of the sum

by mortgaging their fields and future crops, leaving a balance which

they absolutely could not pay. Driven to desperation by the soldiers,

who insisted upon collecting the taxes, they entirely deserted their

village and fled to the mountains. After some months the government

endeavored to induce them to return, and promised redress for their

wrongs. When however they did return, still increased pressure was

brought to bear upon them to secure money. In a number of villages

the people were literally bought as slaves. In some cases the food

supply, beds, household utensils, farmers’ implements were seized by

the collectors in lieu of taxes. These collectors then made false

returns of taxes received, and when the new officials came, using the

incomplete reports of their predecessors they again collected the

taxes, entailing much suffering.

In still further proof of the statement that the situation was the

result of a general plan for the suppressing of the Christians,

attention should be called to a series of facts with regard to

aggressions upon specific religious liberty. Before 1856, an imperial

firman (permit) had been required for all Christian churches, and

worship in any others than those indorsed by the Imperial Government

was absolutely forbidden. After that date the Hatti Humayoun recognized

the right of all people to worship as they saw fit; and while the

construction of churches was especially referred for authorization

by imperial firman, the right to read the Testament, as worship was

called, in private dwellings was fully acknowledged.

From that time until 1891, this liberty was enjoyed throughout the

country. When it became a question of the erection of a large church

to be consecrated for divine service, the imperial permit was always

secured. But there were many cases in smaller villages and towns, and

even in cities, where the community was not large enough to warrant

an expensive building, where the people gathered in a room in a

private house. This served for service on Sunday and sometimes on week

days; also for private schools, and meantime was in many instances

a dwelling place for the family of the preacher or teacher. It was

not until 1891 that the Sublime Porte questioned for the first time

officially the right of Christians to conduct worship in this way in

private houses. In the following year an edict was issued which took

advantage of the fact that in certain cases worship was conducted

in the same room as private schools, and basing its claim upon the

recognized law that schools were under general imperial supervision,

decreed the suppression of worship in schools not formally authorized

and found to be without permits after a stipulated time. When objection

was made to this, the reply was that this was a technical measure,

bringing existing places of worship under regular forms, and promising

that permits would be issued promptly on application. As a matter of

fact several permits were thus issued. But two years later a new move

was made in this same direction and a number of places of Protestant

worship throughout Asiatic Turkey were suppressed, under the claim

that no worship at all could be carried on in any building that had

not received specific authorization by imperial firman. The situation

was explained by a provincial official as follows: “Every place where

a Christian says his prayers is reckoned as a church, and a church

cannot exist without an imperial firman.” The result of this was that

there were numerous cases all over the country, not merely in the

interior, but in Constantinople and in Syria, where the Protestants

were prohibited from worship.

One case deserves special note. For many years the Protestant

community in Stamboul, or the city proper of Constantinople, had

worshipped in a private house under the general permit accorded in

1856. That building became unsafe through age and a new one was

desired. Petition after petition was made, and every conceivable

pretext, and many that seemed absolutely inconceivable, was brought

forward to prevent their securing the right to worship. Similar

instances occurred in Sidon, in Syria, others in the provinces of

Trebizond, Harput, Angora and Adana. In the city of Ordu, not far from

Trebizond, where there was a large Protestant community, effort after

effort was made to secure a building, and one was at last obtained

after repeated applications. Objections, however, were made by local

Greek priests, and the Turkish Government took advantage of this and

stopped the worship. It thus became notorious that the government would

take advantage of every pretext of whatever kind, whether of hostility

on the part of local magnates or of what they considered general

welfare, to check so far as possible the spread of Christian worship.

Of course the regularly authorized churches were not disturbed, whether

belonging to Armenians, Greeks, Jacobites or Protestants.

What is perhaps a still more marked instance of this is found in the

action with regard to schools. According to the Hatti Humayoun the

various communities were authorized to open schools and in the circular

that attended the promulgation of the edict it was said:

“In regard to schools created and erected by the communities, the

most absolute liberty is left to them by the Imperial Government,

which never intervenes save to prevent in cases of necessity the

confiding of the direction of these schools to persons whose

principles are notoriously hostile to the authority of the Imperial

Government or contrary to public order.”

For twenty-eight years this liberty was fully enjoyed by the various

Christian communities. The result was the springing up of a system of

education over the whole country that changed in many respects the

character of the various communities. The dominant cause for this is

set forth in another chapter, that on mission work, and need not be

explained here further than to say that the impulse was given by the

American and English missionaries, but was cordially followed out by

Armenian, Greek, Maronite, Bulgarian and other Christian communities,

and had its effect even upon the Moslems themselves. In Syria in 1882,

and throughout the empire in 1884, the government suddenly commenced

to suppress Christian schools on the ground of lack of conformity to

the school law of 1867. This was news to all. But on examination it

was found that in an obscure paragraph preceded and followed by matter

relating solely to the organization of a governmental system, there was

a single clause touching what are known as private schools. According

to this these are permitted on condition that the course of study,

the books used, and the diplomas of the teachers be submitted for the

approval of the local authorities. For fifteen years this had been

held in abeyance, and was absolutely unknown until some thirty schools

were closed in Syria for disobedience of it. Then followed a series of

negotiations, which resulted in a declaration by the Minister of Public

Instruction that existing Christian schools would not be molested if

they submitted to control in the three points mentioned. Throughout

the country there was general submission to this control, but on

application for permits, the statement was uniformly made that they

could be given to none but new schools.

This again blocked the way. Three years later a large number were

closed for lack of permits. Then followed renewed negotiations; and

a vizerial order was issued in 1889, confirming the declaration of

the Minister of Public Instruction. Again three years later the edict

referred to was issued, ordering the closing of all schools and places

of worship which did not obtain formal permits within a specified time,

though it was left to the will of the officials to issue or refuse the

permits. The situation was then somewhat alleviated, but the next year

a new difficulty arose. The local authorities claimed that the permits

required were not those of the Department of Public Instruction but

an imperial firman, and in 1894, the Sublime Porte declared that no

school of any kind could exist without an imperial firman. Stringent

orders were issued laying heavy penalties upon officials who neglected

to close schools without permits. Teachers were forbidden to allow

addresses to be made to scholars or to have essays read by scholars

at public festivals without first submitting both to the censorship.

No private house occupied by an authorized Christian school was to

be repaired except by special order from Constantinople; houses or

building lots could not be purchased by English, American or French

subjects without a bond promising that the buildings should be razed to

the ground if worship or schools were at any time established in them.

The inevitable result of this was to fill the provincial authorities

with the idea that the Ottoman Government was hostile to Christian

educational institutions.

Another illustration was the requirement by a decree issued in this

same year that all Christian schools were to give considerable

instruction in the Turkish language. Such an edict inevitably closed

the schools in Damascus, in Mesopotamia and in certain portions of

Asia Minor, where neither teachers nor scholars knew that language.

About the same time there came to light the influence of a law issued

in 1892, organizing an Imperial Civil Service school, which forbade

the employment in government bureaus of any one graduating from other

than government schools. Thus again a blow was struck at the higher

education in Christian schools throughout the country.

In the same line with this was the action of the government with

regard to censorship of the press and of books, whether those printed

in the country or imported from abroad. Immediately following 1856,

there was considerable freedom of action in this particular. While

there was a general supervision of everything that was either printed

or imported into the empire, there was manifest an inclination to trust

to the honor of reputable publishers and importers. Occasionally there

was transgression, but as a rule by private individuals. The large

societies or printing houses invariably sought to accord absolutely to

the law, even where they found it extremely irksome. With the advent

of the present Sultan, however, a change became manifest. Constantly

increasing restrictions were placed. Law after law regulating the

sale and publishing of books was issued, each more stringent than its

predecessor. No book was allowed to be printed without carrying on

its title page the permit of the Bureau of Censors, and no book was

allowed to be imported without the stamp of the censors. Considerable

negotiation in this regard resulted in a plan, which while irksome was

not really injurious, and it was thought that everything would move

rightly.

Soon, however, it became evident that still more restrictions were

to be enforced. The existing law was interpreted in the most absurd

ways. As an illustration; a colporteur started out from the city of

Erzrum to carry his books through the villages. He was stopped at the

gate of the city by the police. He showed his traveling passport and

stated that all his books had the permit of the official board of

censors. The officer would accept nothing and insisted upon his going

to the government house. There his books were placed in a room and he

was told to come after a few days. He came but there was no reply;

there had been no time to examine the case. He came again, and at last

by persistence secured the examination by the proper officer. This

examination showed conclusively that everything was according to law,

and the colporteur was permitted to go. He started again to the gate of

the city, and found a new officer on duty. He was again arrested and

sent back to the government house. Again there was a delay, until the

same officer’s attention could be secured. This thing happened several

times and several weeks passed before the man could go on his way.

Instances innumerable of this kind could be given from all over the

country.

The last law gave a list of subjects on which all publications were

absolutely prohibited, so broad that any official might if he chose,

exclude from this province all Christian literature. Any censor in the

capital or in the interior provinces might reject a book if a single

sentence in it appeared of doubtful meaning, and severe penalties upon

the importation, sale, distribution or even transportation of any book

which had not received the censors’ approval, were applied not merely

to dealers but to private owners. The result of this was that again and

again individuals were severely punished for having in their possession

technically unauthorized books; that is, such as had been published

before the existence of these later laws. The effect of this is seen

in the fact that throughout the interior provinces of the empire it

has been of late almost impossible to find any books at all, and the

children of fairly educated parents are growing up in ignorance.

But the animus of the law was seen not only in its application to the

interior provinces, but to the private libraries of foreigners, and

to the local press in the border cities. In few countries has there

been a greater newspaper development than in certain parts of Turkey.

In Constantinople, there are a large number of daily papers in every

language, Turkish, Armenian, Greek, French, English, Italian, Spanish,

Judæo-Spanish (for the large number of Spanish Jews), Bulgarian, Arabic

and others. Over every one of these papers there was exercised the

most rigid censorship; not merely local news, but foreign news was

subjected to the most careful examination, and any item of any kind,

that did not meet with the approval of the officers, was remorselessly

stricken out. More than that, every paper was compelled under penalty

of instant suppression, to publish every item that the government saw

fit to issue to it. The effect of this is seen in the statements in

connection with the massacres. No statement of any kind with regard to

these massacres was allowed, until they became so notorious that it

was simply impossible to absolutely prevent them. Then the government

issued official statements so utterly false, that not even the Turks

themselves would believe them. The following paragraphs, from the paper

referred to above, illustrate very fully the nature of many of these

restrictions:

“The censorship of foreign religious and literary works is so

stringent as to deprive the Christians in Turkey of the ordinary

means of keeping in touch with the advancement of knowledge among

their co-religionists abroad. Such classics of English literature,

for instance, as Shakespeare, Byron, Milton, Scott, are refused

authorization. So with the higher literature of any language. No

standard History, no Encyclopedia, no treatise on metaphysics of any

extended character, no full and extended theology or commentary on the

Bible, can pass the censorship for introduction into the interior of

Turkey. And if any minister or teacher, anxious to fill well his place,

ventures to smuggle such books through or to possess the rudiments of

a library, he is certain sooner or later to fall under the notice of

the paid spy, and then must submit to the condemnation for the crime

which the authorities choose to consider to be ‘incited’ by the history

or theological work concerned. The effect of the refusal to admit the

standard works of Christendom, in keeping teachers of Christian schools

in Turkey down to the level of the primary school, need not be enlarged

upon.

“The censorship of books published within the empire is still more

rigorous, no longer professing to confine itself to politics or to

polemics in religion, but taking hold of and mutilating books designed

for the religious instruction and encouragement of Christians. It is

conceivable that here Mohammedan censors might defend their right

to prohibit, as they do, the publication in Turkish, where Moslems

might see them, of the noble works which have been the inspiration

and the comfort of Christians in all ages. But it is not conceivable

that justification can be found in the case of interference with the

publication of such books, printed, not in Arabic letters that Moslems

use, but in the Christian alphabets which no Mohammedan can read. Yet

the Christian, anxious to aid his fellow-Christians to lead noble and

useful lives, may not publish articles in his own religious newspapers,

which contain, for instance, the quotation of texts of Scripture.

These are commonly prohibited either on the plea that the texts are

not suitable for the common people, or because they contain words

which are forbidden, and cannot be altered by the publisher because

they are the words of the Bible. For instance, a text which alludes to

rising from the dead may not be used because the verb ‘to rise’ in some

other context might mean something else. Any passage from the Bible

is prohibited which contains any of the following words: Persecution,

courage, liberty, strength, rights, union, equality, star (in astronomy

one has to use the word ‘luminary’ instead), king, palace, arms,

bloodshed, tyranny, hero, etc., etc. In fact these words are prohibited

in religious articles in any context whatever. A Christian religious

newspaper may not place before its readers a hymn or other poetry, and

from the hymn books used in Christian worship many of the grand old

hymns of the Church have been expunged, and the suppression sustained

after appeal to the highest authority of the Porte. A Christian

writer addressing Christians who know only Turkish, in the Turkish

language, is constantly forbidden to use words of purely religious

signification which are the words used in the Bible and the only ones

known to the people to express a given idea, because the idea is held

by the censor to belong to Mohammedanism alone. Of such are ‘the

guiding grace of God;’ forbidden, because Moslems do not admit that

Christians can have this grace. ‘Good news,’ the literal translation

used in the Bible of the Greek word ‘Evangelion,’ commonly rendered

in English as the Gospel. The use of this word is prohibited, because

Moslems do not admit that the Gospel of Jesus Christ is ‘good news.’

‘Apostle’ (resoul) is a word found in everyday Turkish law in its

sense of messenger. It is prohibited in the Christian newspaper press,

because it implies that the Apostles of Jesus Christ were sent of God,

which Moslems deny. The same prohibition, for Mohammedan religious

reasons, lies upon the use, in Christian religious books or religious

newspapers, of references to our Saviour as ‘the Saviour of the world’

or to his shedding his blood for the cleansing from sin.

“But aside from these interferences, the censors refuse to allow

certain subjects of religious discourse to be presented to Christians.

Thus the virtues of manliness, of moral courage, or resignation under

affliction, of hope in God under adversity, are all subjects concerning

which Christian religious books may not speak to Christians. The same

is true of exhortations to benevolence, of practical suggestions to

Christians as to means of copying Jesus Christ in doing good to others,

of suggestions of Christian evangelistic work among the ignorant and

degraded of the Christian communities, and of reference to Christian

missions and their operations in other parts of the world.

“Besides all this, Protestant ministers are molested in their

services when they preach upon these normal themes of their religion.

The Protestant pastor of Yuzgat was expelled from the place for no

other offence. The Protestant pastor at Sungurlu was compelled to

leave that town for preaching on the resurrection from the dead. The

Protestant pastor from Gemerek is undergoing imprisonment in the

fortress of St. Jean d’Acre for no other offence, to judge from the

evidence produced at his trial. The Protestant pastor at Chakmak, near

Cesarea, has just been thrown into prison; and those who know his

law-abiding and sterling character, assure us that his efforts to lead

his flock into closer adherence to Bible Christianity are his only

crime. Protestant pastors everywhere declare that they are compelled,

in choosing texts from the Bible, and in framing their exhortations

upon them, to hesitate, and paraphrase, and weigh words, through fear

that if they speak of the consolations of Christianity, they will

be charged with encouraging discontent; if they urge resistance to

sin, they will be condemned for suggesting resistance to the Turkish

Government; or if they speak of the demand of Christianity for pure and

noble character, they will be charged with inciting men to unlawful

aspirations. On complaint being made of such restrictions upon the

legitimate instruction of Christians, officials in high position

have answered that while provincial governors are constantly sending

extracts from the Bible to prove the necessity of suppressing that

book, Christians should be grateful for the privilege of being allowed

to have the Bible, instead of complaining at being restricted in

making or publishing comments upon it. Yet when there has been removed

from the instruction of Christians all reference to the requirements

of Christianity for practical benevolent living and to its abundance

of assurances of the Divine aid in adversity and of the rewards of

resignation, and to the proofs of its power which are found in the

experiences of the Church universal in different parts of the world,

much has been done to prevent Christians from knowing the worth or

experiencing the effects of their own religion in their own hearts.”

It might be said that this whole question of restriction of worship,

schools and the press, is looked at from the distinctively Turkish

standpoint, and the claim made that the government legitimately sought

to protect the Moslems from being infected with Christian ideas. The

answer to this is found in the fact that the restrictions did not by

any means apply merely to publications in the Arabic character, such as

is used by all Moslems, but to publications which no Moslem ever could

or would read, in the Armenian or Greek characters, or even in foreign

languages. In the same line is the fact that attacks upon Christianity

were freely allowed by the Turkish Government, while replies from

Christians were distinctly forbidden. These Moslem attacks were full

of the most scurrilous statements and contemptuous epithets, and were

so maliciously false as to almost overshoot their mark. Still the

authors of these works were decorated by the Sultan himself, and every

effort was made to give to them the widest possible circulation. So,

also, in the Turkish newspapers, attacks after attacks were made upon

the Christian subjects of the Sultan, to which absolutely no reply was

allowed. The paper closes with the following summary:--

“To review the case, we find an increasing stringency in Turkey

directed against Christian education, an increasing tendency to

hinder Christian worship, an increasing hostility to the use of books

by the Christians of Turkey, which result in actually crippling the

intellectual powers of men who would carry their culture along the

lines of the best thought of Christendom. We find an increasing

vigilance to prevent Christians from exercising the injunctions of

their religion in practical benevolence and beneficence among their

own people. And in these later years we find this tendency reaching

a climax of intensity in the rough hands laid upon the exposition of

the Christian faith in a way to prevent Christians from learning the

full value of their religion and to prevent the Christian religion

from producing its full fruit among its followers. In answer to

inquiry as to the meaning of this rapid trend of different lines

of policy converging to one point, we are told that the trouble is

that Christianity tends to make men grow into a better manhood. This

statement is made in various forms of paraphrase by officials of all

grades from Bagdad to the Bosporus, and in answer to all objections,

to the closing of schools, to the suppression of worship, to the

restrictions put upon the use of books, to the elision of words and

subjects from manuscripts in the press, and to the silencing of

Christian ministers. To this declaration we make answer that the

deliberate purpose of the founder of Christianity and of the religion

which He taught is the purpose to take the debased and ignorant, and

to make them men, self-controlled, honest and useful; that the purpose

to elevate man is not a disloyal or seditious purpose; and that any

far-reaching scheme to restrain Christianity from accomplishing its

full fruit in purifying and quickening the lives of its followers, is

war upon the Christian religion itself.”

[Illustration:

GATEWAY INTO THE WAR DEPARTMENT AT CONSTANTINOPLE. The fire tower on

the right. The horses are those used by persons wishing to go about

the city, many of the streets being almost impassable for carriages.

The wagons are what are called “emigrant” wagons, used for cartage by

peasants, who have brought them from European Turkey.]

[Illustration:

THE CITY OF TREBIZOND, on the northern coast of Asia Minor. In the

background is the Black Sea, and in the foreground the only harbor

that there is. This is open to the northeast, so that there is really

very little protection. Trebizond was one of the first cities to

suffer from massacre in the fall of 1895.]

Turkey and the Armenian atrocities · 第 19 / 30 章