CHAPTER XII.

MAHMUD II.

A Disintegrating Empire--An Energetic Sultan--Napoleon

and Alexander--Lord Stratford de Redcliffe--Greek War

for Independence--Russia’s Perfidy--Destruction of the

Janissaries--Reforms Attempted--Mehemet Ali of Egypt--Accession of

Abd-ul-Medjid.

The general situation at the commencement of the reign of Mahmud II is

thus clearly described by Sir Stratford Canning:

“The state of Turkey itself was anything but satisfactory in view

of those powers who did not wish the Porte to become the prey either

of Russia or of France. Both morally and materially the empire was

bordering on decrepitude. The old political system of Turkey had worn

itself out. The population was not yet prepared for the new order

of things. A depreciated currency, a disordered revenue, a mutinous

militia, dilapidated fortresses, a decreasing population, a stagnant

industry, and general misrule, were the monuments which time had left

of Ottoman domination in the second capital of the Roman Empire, and

throughout those extensive regions which had been the successive seats

of civilization, ever varying, generally advancing, from the earliest

periods of social settlement and historical tradition. A continual and

often a sanguinary antagonism of creeds, of races, of districts and

authorities within the frontier, and frequent wars of little glory and

much loss with the neighboring powers, had formed of late the normal

condition of the Porte’s dominions.

“Russia, France, Austria, and even Persia, had by turns contracted

the area and drained the resources of the empire. From the corrupt

monotony of his seraglio, the Sultan had to send forth his firmans,

his emissaries, his bands of irregular soldiery, or, it might be,

his naval armaments, against an invading enemy, a rebellious chief,

or an armed insurrection. Several great families, several unsubdued

tribes, and here and there an overpowerful pasha, had succeeded in

braving and circumscribing the imperial authority. The Mamelukes still

prevailed in Egypt. The most important part of Syria was under the

sway of a Christian Emir. Ali Pasha of Janina exercised royal power

in the provinces bordering on Greece, and Greece itself, excited by

Russia, was preparing to burst the fetters which had so long bound

her to the Ottoman throne. Servia, Montenegro, and the Danubian

Principalities were all more or less in league with Russia, and the

Porte, at war with that formidable power, had everything to apprehend

from the Russian forces concentrated upon her northern frontier.

The Sultan’s fleet was manned with Christian Greeks from the island

population of the Archipelago; the Barbary Powers were scarcely even in

nominal dependence on the Porte; and a sect of Mohammedans, called the

Wahhabis, and having a kind of analogy with our Puritans, had hoisted a

separate standard of religious belief in parts of Egypt and Arabia.”

Mahmud II was unquestionably the greatest monarch of the Osmanli

dynasty from Suleiman the Magnificent, 1566, to his enthronement. He

escaped assassination at the dethronement of Mustapha IV by concealment

in an old oven, and was called from dust and ashes to be girded with

the sword of Osman. He was then, by the death of Selim III and Mustapha

IV, the only heir of the throne. The Janissaries killed his faithful

and able grand vizier, who was bent upon reforming them, but Mahmud

was sacred even to them. He then resolved upon their destruction, for

sixteen years was slowly working towards it, and then the stroke fell

upon them like a thunderbolt, and they were no more.

He saw his empire going to ruin in every possible direction, and

enemies multiplying on every hand.

Napoleon and Alexander studied many schemes of dividing up the Turkish

Empire, but in every scheme Russia was to have Constantinople and the

Dardanelles, and to this France would never agree, and the whole scheme

of division fell through. In a few years Moscow was in flames to drive

out Napoleon, and France had twice been occupied by foreign armies,

while Constantinople remained intact.

Mahmud had plans of reform in all departments of government, and he,

first of all the Sultans of his dynasty, saw not merely the political

necessity of friendly relations with the Christian nations, but the

advantage to his own government of modeling his army and navy after

them. In 1809 he made a treaty with England to the disgust of the other

powers. In 1810 he had many bloody battles with the Russians on the

Danube, in which he lost Silistria and other valuable positions. But

the plans of Napoleon troubled Russia, and she was glad to make peace

with Turkey and withdraw her forces for other uses, giving up Silistria

and other places.

By the treaty of Bucharest, 1812, Moldavia and Wallachia were given

back to the Sultan. Servia, also, after a most devoted struggle

for freedom, was coldly surrendered to the Turks, who occupied the

fortresses and renewed their tyranny. A Servian historian accuses

Russia of this base abandonment for the purpose of finding, at some

future time, an occasion for intervention.

In the treaty of Bucharest, Sir Stratford Canning (quoted above), a

young man of twenty-three, first displayed that remarkable insight

and skill which made him during his long career the greatest diplomat

England has produced. France was earnestly seeking an alliance with

Turkey. Russia was disposed to peace because she had 22,000 of her

choicest troops on the Danube, which a favorable peace would enable her

to withdraw. Canning showed the Turks clearly the dangers they would

incur by mingling in the contests of France and Russia. All parties

acknowledged the consummate skill with which he cleared away objections

and effected a treaty useful to Turkey, Russia and England.

The embarrassment of the Sultan increased on every side, and his

reign became a struggle for existence rather than for reform. The

rebellious Janissaries were always a thorn in his side, but in Egypt

the Mamelukes were far worse than the Janissaries. The Wahabites had

raised a powerful insurrection in Arabia and would dominate the sacred

cities. Greece was also threatening rebellion, but, worst of all,

England, France, Austria and Russia were pressing upon him conflicting

claims which might result in war. The Ulema, the whole power of the

Mosques, were against all reforms, all innovations, and they backed

up the Janissaries in their rebellions. He faced all his enemies with

unflinching resolution. He committed to Mehemet Ali of Egypt the work

of subduing the Mamelukes and Wahabites. He performed his work with an

energy and success that amazed the world. The Sultan soon understood

that if two enemies had been destroyed, one had come forward more

powerful and dangerous than the two, one who was destined to wreck the

empire but for the intervention of Europe.

It was about this time that the famous _hetæria_ arose, an association

destined to have great influence among the Greeks, and to play an

important part in Greek independence. The Greeks, like most of the

Christians under Turkish rule, accepted that authority so long as

it did not affect their religion and general customs. Certain ones,

however, proved recalcitrant. Some mountaineers took refuge in the

rough country back from the coast of the Archipelago, and rivaled the

bandits of Macedonia, Servia and Sicily. Others turning to commerce,

sought to get the better of their Moslem rulers by shrewdness of

intellect. They profited by the struggle in the Mediterranean between

France and England, and under cover of the Turkish flag acquired great

commercial strength, owning, in 1815, 600 vessels. They sent their

children abroad, and established schools everywhere on the Islands of

the Archipelago, in Asia Minor and even in Constantinople. A few of

these men joined in a company called the _hetæria_, or association,

founded for the purpose of propagating religious instruction and the

publication of religious books. They claimed to have the support of

the Prime Minister of Russia, and secured the alliance of the chief

brigands of the Pindus, the head men of the interior Greek communities,

the merchants of the Archipelago and the heads of the Mainotes of the

Morea who had proved impervious to Russian advances. Their one object

was the independence of Greece, and they seized the opportunity offered

by the revolt of the famous Ali Pasha of Janina to make a strike for

that independence.

Ali Pasha, who had long had more or less intimate relations with

these Greeks, summoned them to his aid and proclaimed himself

their protector. They hesitated, but influenced by the report that

the Turkish Government had decided upon the extermination of the

Christians, joined hands with the Albanians, and Marco Bozzaris became

the ally of the “Lion of Janina.” In 1826 came the outrages at Patras

and Seres, and soon there was insurrection from the Danube to the Gulf

of Corinth. Russia again failed the very people who relied upon her,

the Sultan’s Government decreed the disarmament and massacre of the

Greeks, hung the Patriarch at the door of his palace in Constantinople,

and on Easter Day three archbishops, and eighty bishops, exarchs

and archimandrites shared his fate. Through Thrace, Macedonia and

Thessaly the massacre spread, peaceable and defenseless Greeks were

pillaged or slain, churches were destroyed, and women and children

were dragged into slavery. In Greece, however, and in Albania, Ali

Pasha and Ypsilanti held the Turks in check, captured several places,

and retorted upon the Moslems the terrors of massacre. Then came

treason, and Ali Pasha fell, but Greece refused to yield. The Turks

in fury avenged themselves on Scio, which had taken no part in the

insurrection, and out of 100,000 inhabitants scarcely 900 were left. It

was scarcely surprising that reprisals followed such a massacre, but

the utmost done by them was little in comparison with the atrocities

which the Christians of the whole empire had endured.

The insurrection went on. Appeals were made to the Christian nations

of Europe, and delegates sent to a Congress which met at Verona.

The great purpose of that Congress being, however, to stifle the

insurrections of Italy and Spain, it could hardly be expected to help

Greece. They even invited the Sultan to membership in the Congress.

Everywhere, however, there was popular enthusiasm. In France, England,

and Germany, societies of Phil-hellenes were formed, and America

lifted her voice in support of this effort for freedom. Many arms

and munitions were sent to the aid of the Greeks, and many men came

to share their fortunes, Lord Byron, Colonel Fabvier, Count Rosa and

others. The Greeks, however, could not agree among themselves, and

internal dissensions, including even war, prevented their securing the

results of their victories. The Turks profited by their misfortunes,

and weakened the power of the Greeks till Missolonghi fell and Athens

and Nauplia alone remained. The Greeks were almost disheartened, and

turned to England for help. What Sir Stratford Canning felt is evident

from the following extract from his Memoirs.

“In the port of Ipsera we gathered cruel evidence of what war is when

kindled by the antipathies of race and creed. It was little more than

dawn when we anchored before the town. The houses had every appearance

of undisturbed repose, and the early hour sufficed to account for the

want of movement in the streets. The admiral’s steward went ashore

with the full expectation of finding a market well stocked with all

the objects he required. Imagine his surprise when the truth broke

upon him. A death-silence indoors as well as without, not a voice, not

a footstep, not an inhabitant; the town was a mere shell, plausible

to the eye, but utterly void of life. Later in the day a party of us

landed with our guns and strayed among the vineyards in search of game.

At one spot near the coast we came upon a piteous sight, the bones of

many who had preferred a voluntary death to captivity, when their homes

became the prey of a Turkish squadron. Mothers in horror and despair

had slaughtered their children on the cliff, and thrown themselves

over on their bodies which had already found a resting-place below.

Scarcely less horrible than this scene of death was the apparition of

two survivors from the interior of the island. Worn nearly to skeletons

by fear and anguish and famine, the very types of hopeless misery,

with haggard eyes and loathsome beards, and tattered rags by way of

clothing, they told without language the history of their sufferings.

Heavens! how I longed to be the instrument of repairing such calamities

by carrying my mission of peace and deliverance to a successful issue!”

He, however, could not do much, as Russia refused to join heartily.

Mahmud persisted in forcing subjugation. Athens fell and at last a

sort of agreement was reached by which the Greeks gained somewhat.

Then came the battle of Navarino, when the Allied fleets under the

lead of the British Admiral repelled an attack by the Turks which

resulted in the destruction of the Turkish fleet. The responsibility

perhaps rested with the turbulent Ibrahim Pasha, but the inevitable

result was war with Russia which ended in the Treaty of Adrianople, by

which the independence of Greece was assured, although the completely

organized kingdom was not established for a few years. During the

negotiations between the five powers, which resulted in the coronation

of King Otho, Russian influence was predominant, but had to submit

to much of hostility from the people, who could not forget the way

in which they had been now encouraged, then left in the lurch by the

Monarch of the North. In the meantime the Sultan was training under

European drill-masters a body of 14,000 artillery for the destruction

of the Janissaries. When his arrangements were complete and he felt he

could trust the commander of the artillery, “Black Hell,” he obtained

from the Grand Council of State an order sanctioned by a fetva of the

Sheik-ul-Islam, requiring each company of the Janissaries to furnish

so many of their number to the artillery. It was rejected with scorn.

They turned their soup kettles upside down and beat upon them in sign

of rebellion. The palace gates were shut and they could not get at the

Sultan. The batteries were ready in barges on the Asiatic side and soon

to the consternation of the Janissaries every street leading from the

barracks was swept by shot and shell as soon as they appeared. They

made desperate rallies, but grape cut them down. The remnant retired

to their barracks to defend themselves to the last. “Black Hell” had

no intention to give them any chance to fight. He shelled the barracks

till he set them on fire and not a man escaped. The joy of the people

was unbounded. The Janissaries had become a terror to Moslems as well

as Christians. Their robberies and murders knew no law. The smaller

bodies scattered through the cities were hunted down like wild beasts,

the corps abolished and all its standards and emblems destroyed.

Mahmud was now, 1826, free to institute reforms. He resolved to have

a cabinet of prominent ministers, each of whom should be responsible

for his department, and to model his government after that of England.

He felt keenly the loss of Greece and the destruction of his fleet,

but did not abate one jot of his eagerness for reform. He had 40,000

soldiers under the discipline of the young Moltke, afterwards so

distinguished in German history. Russia caring little for Greece, but

never losing sight of Constantinople, saw her opportunity, came down

upon him with demands that stirred his wrath, but he was powerless

and she forced upon him the treaty of Akkerman with many stipulations

injurious to Turkey, such as increased privileges for the Danubian

Principalities and free passage of the straits.

After the destruction of the Janissaries and of the Turkish fleet

and the loss of Greece, Russia regarded Turkey as an easy prey, and

the next step by the Czar was to send into Bulgaria in 1828 an army

which he believed would march triumphantly across the Balkans, through

Eastern Rumelia to Constantinople. But the Turks fought with such

enthusiasm that the campaign of 1828 was a failure.

In 1829 Diebitsch crossed the Balkan with some hard fighting and came

down upon Adrianople, which he took with ease. A most destructive

cholera or plague was decimating his army, and if the Turks had only

maintained their positions two weeks longer Diebitsch would have had no

force left. He played a high game of bluff, declared he had 50,000 men

and that he would march immediately upon the city. The ambassadors all

joined in beseeching the Sultan to save his capital, which he did by an

indemnity of £5,000,000. When he found out the deception, and that the

Russian army was chiefly beneath the soil, his chagrin was so bitter

that he shut himself up, and for a whole week his officers could not

see him. The result was the Treaty of Adrianople, which added to the

previous agreements the demand for a heavy war indemnity to Russia.

The indemnity, which was manfully paid, swept off the gold and silver

of the empire, and Mahmud substituted a base coin of the same numerical

value, a kind of “fiat money” which was thought at first to be a grand

invention, but which played the mischief with commerce and with the

finances generally.

Undaunted by all these reverses he rebuilt his navy, employing one

American, Mr. Eckford, and his foreman, Mr. Rhodes, who produced some

of the most noble vessels of war then afloat.

He introduced reforms in the civil administration which were welcomed

by the people; the rajahs were treated with a justice and consideration

that was new to them. Many Armenians were introduced into offices never

before given to rajahs. One Armenian was at the head of the mint,

another was the Sultan’s architect and another chief of his powder

works and most of the construction of arms, and another was collector

of the port. The latter was a man of remarkable capacity, a friend

of learning and a good friend of the first American missionaries.

Could Mahmud have had a decade of peace after the destruction of the

Janissaries and the peace with Greece, with his iron will and wonderful

energy he might have brought up the old empire into some degree of

health and vigor. England had begun to favor his reforms; France was

friendly; but Russia and Austria were bent upon his ruin.

Another danger threatened the Sultan. Among the men sent to join

the Turkish contingent in Egypt in their contest with the French in

1801 was a young Albanian named Mehemet Ali. During the two years

that followed he gained increasing influence among the Albanians and

when soon there came a conflict between them and the Turks he took

the position of leader, and at last succeeded in securing a firman

of investiture as Pasha of Egypt. He was ambitious and successful,

advancing his arms until he secured the west coast of Arabia, and

although acknowledging the Sultan as Suzerain became, with his son

Ibrahim, a cause of much anxiety. It was Ibrahim who brought on the

battle of Navarino, and once feeling his power he did not hesitate

to use it, and the next step was to claim independence. The Egyptian

forces conquered Syria, Mahmud’s forces were defeated at Konieh and

there seemed nothing to prevent his march to Constantinople. Mahmud

sought in vain the intervention of England. He had next to turn to his

great enemy, Russia, who immediately landed an army on the Asiatic

shore of the Bosporus. England bit her lips too late. Russia had

eagerly seized the opportunity which England had slighted.

Thus Ibrahim’s course was stopped and he had to turn back. The treaty

of Hunkiar Iskelessi, July 8, 1833, was an offensive and defensive

alliance between Turkey and Russia, which closed the Dardanelles to

other powers and gave the right of intervening against the interior and

exterior enemies of the Porte. Some places of importance were yielded

to Mehemet Ali, who became an increasingly important factor even in

European politics. He had his eye on Bagdad and an arrangement by which

he should at least be Grand Vizier, perhaps Sultan.

With all these difficulties, Mahmud, unsubdued, continued his reforms,

and began to lean more upon England as opposed to Russia. He had

again a fleet and a disciplined army when again the great Viceroy of

Egypt rebelled. Mahmud was dying of consumption. One who saw him two

weeks before his death said that he had the looks of a caged eagle,

his spirit unsubdued. He sent his fleet against Alexandria, and his

army against Ibrahim. The fleet was basely betrayed into the hands

of Mehemet Ali, and the army was badly beaten at Nezib, near the

Euphrates. Mahmud died before the terrible news reached the capital.

Abd-ul-Medjid was girded with the sword of Osman, July, 1839. A

convention between Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, Russia and Turkey

settled the affairs of Egypt and the Porte; in 1840 Mehemet Ali became

the hereditary viceroy, and was compelled to give up all the places he

had won. Indeed, the English navy had driven him out of all the ports

on the Syrian coast. He was to pay one-fourth of his revenue to the

Porte and acknowledge the suzerainty of the Sultan.

The young Sultan was inducted into his high office with unexampled

splendor. He had fully imbibed from his father the spirit of reform,

and a set of young men of marked ability had been educated in England

and France to co-operate with him. He had nothing of the lion-like

character of his father, but he had what his father never had, able and

faithful coadjutors. Fuad, Aali, Midhat, Ahmed Vefyk Pashas did honor

to his reign, and in part to his successors. His commander-in-chief,

Omar Pasha, was a man of great military skill and genius, and of

sound judgment. He kept European Turkey quiet in spite of Russian

revolutionists. But from 1842 to 1856 the controlling power was

unquestionably the English Ambassador, Sir Stratford Canning, better

known as Lord Stratford De Redcliffe.

Russia was having her own way, and the English Ambassador, Ponsonby,

was merely a nobleman of vast wealth. He could make a splendid show.

He had the finest “turn out” of any ambassador; beyond that he had

nothing. Canning had been three times at the Ottoman court, and he knew

the ropes when he came in 1842. The Czar hated and feared him, and he

feared if he did not hate the Czar. There were now to be fourteen years

of the most indefatigable labor to regenerate the Turkish Empire, and

equal effort on the Russian side to prevent and upset all Canning’s

plans. But the Czar had no man of such mighty personality to match him.

He recalled De Boutineff and sent Litoff.

Lord Stratford interested himself in everything that pertained to

the general welfare of the empire, especially in the betterment of

the situation of the Christians. He was greatly pleased with the

promulgation of the Hatti Sherif of Gulhané (described in the chapter

on the condition of the Christians), and was a cordial friend to the

missionaries. He also was interested in archæology. He obtained for

young Layard (Sir Austen Henry Layard) a firman for those researches

in Nineveh which gave him the name of Nineveh Layard. This was done at

Canning’s personal expense. He obtained from the Sultan the personal

gift of the frieze of the Mausoleum of Artemisia, at Budrum, and

presented the seventeen slabs, weighing twenty tons, to the British

Museum. One of his great diplomatic triumphs was obtained against the

united power of Austria and Russia, when the Hungarian Revolution

failed, and Kossuth and his three hundred companions fled to Turkey.

Every house, native and foreign, was opened to them. Russia and Austria

demanded that they be surrendered. It was an anxious time until the

Sultan’s reply came, that he would sooner surrender his throne than

give up any one who had fled to him for shelter. Both embassies

declared this equivalent to a declaration of war, pulled down their

flags, covered with black the national signs and monograms on the

ambassadorial buildings, and departed in a rout of warlike pomp.

England and France assured the Sultan of their support, and the proud

ambassadors had to come back and be laughed at. Russia and Austria

would not meet England, France and Turkey in a new war for the pleasure

and privilege of housing those few refugees.

The returned ambassadors tried every means to persecute the brave men,

but Canning met them at every point and baffled them. It is not strange

that Russian newspapers lavished ink upon Sir Stratford Canning, or

that they regarded him as the Arch Fiend of diplomacy.

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