successor had publicly owned himself a Roman Catholic; he began with his
first caresses to the Church party; from whom having received very cold
discouraging answers; he applied to the Presbyterian leaders and
teachers, being advised by the priests and Popish courtiers, that the
safest method toward introducing his own religion, would be by taking
off the Sacramental Test, and giving a full liberty of conscience to all
religions, (I suppose, that professed Christianity.) It seems, that the
Presbyterians, in the latter years of King Charles the Second, upon
account of certain plots, (allowed by Bishop Burnet to be genuine) had
been, for a short time, forbid to hold their conventicles: Whereupon,
these charitable Christians, out of perfect resentment against the
Church, received the gracious offers of King James with the strongest
professions of loyalty, and highest acknowledgments for his favour. I
have seen several of their addresses, full of thanks and praises, with
bitter insinuations of what they had suffered; putting themselves and
the Papists upon the same foot; as fellow-sufferers for conscience; and
with the style of, _Our brethren the Roman Catholics_. About this time
began the project of closeting, (which has since been practised many
times, with more art and success,) where the principal gentlemen of the
kingdom were privately catechised by his Majesty, to know whether, if a
new parliament were called, they would agree to pass an act for
repealing the Sacramental Test, and establishing a general liberty of
conscience. But he received so little encouragement, that, despairing of
success, he had recourse to his dispensing power, which the judges had
determined to be part of his prerogative. By colour of this
determination, he preferred several Presbyterians, and many Papists, to
civil and military employments. While the king was thus busied, it is
well known, that Monsieur Fagel, the Dutch envoy in London, delivered
the opinion of the Prince and Princess of Orange, concerning the repeal
of the Test; whereof the king had sent an account to their Highnesses,
to know how far they approved of it. The substance of their answer, as
reported by Fagel, was this, "That their highnesses thought very well of
a liberty of conscience; but by no means of giving employments to any
other persons, than those who were of the National Church." This opinion
was confirmed by several reasons: I cannot be more particular, not
having the paper by me, although it hath been printed in many accounts
of those times. And thus much every moderate churchman would perhaps
submit to: But, to trust any part of the civil power in the hands of
those whose interest, inclination, conscience, and former practices have
been wholly turned to introduce a different system of religion and
government, hath very few examples in any Christian state; nor any at
all in Holland, the great patroness of universal toleration.
Upon the first intelligence King James received of an intended invasion
by the Prince of Orange; among great numbers of Papists, to increase his
troops, he gave commissions to several Presbyterians; some of whom had
been officers under the Rump; and particularly he placed one Richards, a
noted Presbyterian, at the head of a regiment; who had been governor of
Wexford in Cromwell's time, and is often mentioned by Ludlow in his
Memoirs. This regiment was raised in England against the Prince of
Orange: the colonel made his son a captain, whom I knew, and who was as
zealous a Presbyterian as his father. However at the time of the
prince's landing, the father easily foreseeing how things would go, went
over, like many others to the prince, who continued him in his regiment;
but coming over a year or two after to assist in raising the siege of
Derry, he behaved himself so like either a coward or a traitor, that his
regiment was taken from him.
I will now consider the conduct of the Church party, during the whole
reign of that unfortunate king. They were so unanimous against promising
to pass an act for repealing the Test, and establishing a general
liberty of conscience; that the king durst not trust a parliament; but
encouraged by the professions of loyalty given him by his Presbyterian
friends, went on with his dispensing power.
The Church clergy, at that time are allowed to have written the best
collection of tracts against Popery that ever appeared in England; which
are to this day in the highest esteem. But, upon the strictest enquiry,
I could never hear of above one or two papers published by the
Presbyterians at that time upon the same subject. Seven great prelates
(he of Canterbury among the rest) were sent to the Tower, for presenting
a petition, wherein they desired to be excused in not obeying an illegal
command from the King. The Bishop of London, Dr. Compton,[10] was
summoned to answer before the Commissioners for Ecclesiastical Affairs,
for not suspending Dr. Sharp[11] (afterwards Archbishop of York) by the
King's command. If the Presbyterians expressed the same zeal upon any
occasion, the instances of it are not as I can find, left upon record,
or transmitted by tradition. The proceedings against Magdalen College in
Oxford, for refusing to comply with the King's mandate for admitting a
professed Papist upon their foundation, are a standing proof of the
courage and firmness in religion shewn by that learned society, to the
ruin of their fortunes. The Presbyterians know very well, that I could
produce many more instances of the same kind. But these are enough in so
short a paper as I intend at present.
[Footnote 10: Henry Compton (1632-1713), educated at Oxford, was created
Bishop of London in 1675. During the Revolution of 1688 he conveyed the
Princess Anne from London to Nottingham. After, he crowned her Queen of
England. He was the author of a few works of little importance, such as
the "Treatise on the Holy Communion." [T.S.]]
[Footnote 11: John Sharp (1644-1714) was educated at Cambridge, and
created Archbishop of York in 1691. He gave great offence to James II.
by his preaching against Roman Catholicism. This is the same Archbishop
Sharp who prevented Swift's appointment to a bishopric, by urging that
the author of "A Tale of a Tub" was not a proper person to hold such an
office. See note prefixed to "A Tale of a Tub," vol. i., p. xcvi, of this
edition of Swift's Works. [T.S.]]
It is indeed very true, that after King William was settled on the
English throne, the Presbyterians began to appear, and offer their
credentials, and demand favour; and the new King having been originally
bred a Calvinist, was desirous enough to make them easy (if that would
do it) by a legal toleration; although in his heart he never bore much
affection to that sect; nor designed to favour them farther than it
stood with the present scheme of politics: as I have long since been
assured by the greatest men of Whig principles at that time in England.
It is likewise true, nor will it be denied; that when the King was
possessed of the English crown; and the remainder of the quarrel was
left to be decided in this kingdom; the Presbyterians wisely chose to
join with the Protestant army, rather than with that of King James their
old friend, whose affairs were then in a manner desperate. They were
wise enough to know, that this kingdom, divided against itself, could
never prevail against the united power of England. They fought _pro aris
et focis_; for their estates and religion; which latter will never
suffer so much by the Church of England as by that of Rome, where they
are counted heretics as well as we: and consequently they have no other
game to play. But, what merit they can build upon having joined with a
Protestant army, under a King they acknowledged, to defend their own
liberties and properties against a Popish enemy under an abdicated King;
is, I confess to me absolutely inconceivable; and I believe will equally
be so for ever, to any reasonable man.
When these sectaries were several years ago making the same attempt for
abolishing the Test, many groundless reports were industriously and
seasonably spread, of an invasion threatened by the Pretender on the
north of Ireland. At which time the Presbyterians in their pamphlets,
argued in a menacing manner, that if the Pretender should invade those
parts of the kingdom, where the numbers and estates of dissenters
chiefly lay; they would sit still, and let us fight our own battles;[12]
since they were to reap no advantage, whichever side should be victors.
If this were the course they intended to take in such a case; I should
desire to know, how they could contrive safely to stand neuters,
otherwise than by a compact with the Pretender and his army, to support
their neutrality, and protect them against the forces of the Crown? This
is a necessary supposition; because they must otherwise have inevitably
been a prey to both. However, by this frank declaration, they
sufficiently shewed their good-will; and confirmed the common charge
laid at their door; that a Scottish or northern Presbyterian hates our
Episcopal Established Church more than Popery itself. And, the reason
for this hatred, is natural enough; because it is the Church alone, that
stands in the way between them and power, which Popery doth not.
[Footnote 12: See the poem, reprinted by Monck Mason ("History of St.
Patrick's," p. 388 note), entitled:
"The Grunters' request
To take off the Test,"
in which the poet advises his "lauds" to "faight y'er ain battel."
[T.S.]]
Upon this occasion I am in some doubt, whether the political spreaders
of those chimerical invasions, made a judicious choice in fixing the
northern parts of Ireland for that romantic enterprize. Nor, can I well
understand the wisdom of the Presbyterians in countenancing and
confirming those reports. Because it seems to cast a most infamous
reflection upon the loyalty and religious principles of their whole
body: For if there had been any truth in the matter, the consequence
must have been allowed, that the Pretender counted upon more assistance
from his father's friends the Presbyterians, by choosing to land in
those very parts, where their number, wealth, and power most prevailed;
rather than among those of his own religion. And therefore, in charity
to this sect, I rather incline to believe, that those reports of an
invasion were formed and spread by the race of small politicians, in
order to do a seasonable job.
As to Popery in general, which for a thousand years past hath been
introducing and multiplying corruptions both in doctrine and discipline;
I look upon it to be the most absurd system of Christianity professed by
any nation. But I cannot apprehend this kingdom to be in much danger
from it. The estates of Papists are very few; crumbling into small
parcels, and daily diminishing. Their common people are sunk in poverty,
ignorance, and cowardice, and of as little consequence as women and
children. Their nobility and gentry are at least one-half ruined,
banished, or converted: They all soundly feel the smart of what they
suffered in the last Irish war. Some of them are already retired into
foreign countries; others as I am told, intend to follow them; and the
rest, I believe, to a man, who still possess any lands, are absolutely
determined never to hazard them again for the sake of establishing their
superstition. If it hath been thought fit, as some observe, to abate of
the law's rigour against Popery in this kingdom, I am confident it was
done for very wise reasons, considering the situation of affairs abroad
at different times, and the interest of the Protestant religion in
general. And as I do not find the least fault in this proceeding; so I
do not conceive why a sunk discarded party, who neither expect nor
desire anything more than a quiet life; should under the names of
highflyers, Jacobites, and many other vile appellations, be charged so
often in print, and at common tables, with endeavouring to introduce
Popery and the Pretender; while the Papists abhor them above all other
men, on account of severities against their priests in her late
Majesty's reign; when the now disbanded reprobate party was in power.
This I was convinced of some years ago by a long journey into the
southern parts; where I had the curiosity to send for many priests of
the parishes I passed through; and, to my great satisfaction found them
everywhere abounding in professions of loyalty to the late King George;
for which they gave me the reasons above-mentioned; at the same time
complaining bitterly of the hardships they suffered under the Queen's
last ministry.
I return from this digression to the modest demands of the Presbyterians
for a repeal of the Sacramental Test, as a reward for their merits at
the Restoration and the Revolution; which merits I have fairly
represented as well as my memory will allow me. If I have committed any
mistakes they must be of little moment. The facts and principal
circumstances are what I have obtained and digested, from reading the
histories of those times, written by each party; and many thousands have
done the same as well as I, who I am sure have in their minds drawn the
same conclusions.
This is the faction, and these the men, who are now resuming their
applications, and giving in their bills of merit to both kingdoms upon
two points, which of all others, they have the least pretensions to
offer. I have collected the facts with all possible impartiality, from
the current histories of those times; and have shewn, although very
briefly, the gradual proceedings of those sectaries under the
denomination of Puritans, Presbyterians, and Independents, for about the
space of an hundred and eighty years, from the beginning of Queen
Elizabeth to this present time. But, notwithstanding all that can be
said, these very schismatics (for such they are in temporals as well as
spirituals) are now again expecting, soliciting, and demanding, (not
without insinuating threats, according to their custom) that the
Parliament should fix them upon an equal foot with the Church
established. I would fain know to what branch of the legislature they
can have the forehead to apply. Not to my lords the bishops; who must
have often read, how the predecessors of this very faction, acting upon
the same principles, drove the whole bench out of the house; who were
then, and hitherto continue one of the three estates. Not to the
temporal peers, the second of the three estates; who must have heard,
that, immediately after those rebellious fanatics had murdered their
king, they voted a House of Lords to be useless and dangerous, and would
let them sit no longer, otherwise than when elected as commoners: Not to
the House of Commons; who must have heard, that in those fanatic times
the Presbyterian and Independent commanders in the army, by military
power, expelled all the moderate men out of the house, and left a Rump
to govern the nation. Lastly, not to the Crown, which those very saints
destined to rule the earth, trampled under their feet, and then in cold
blood murdered the blessed wearer.
But, the session now approaching, and a clan of dissenting teachers
being come up to town from their northern headquarters, accompanied by
many of their elders and agents, and supported by a general
contribution, to solicit their establishment, with a capacity of holding
all military as well as civil employments; I think it high time, that
this paper should see the light. However, I cannot conclude without
freely confessing, that if the Presbyterians should obtain their ends, I
could not be sorry to find them mistaken in the point which they have
most at heart by the repeal of the Test; I mean the benefit of
employments. For, after all, what assurance can a Scottish northern
dissenter, born on Irish ground, have, that he shall be treated with as
much favour as a true Scot born beyond the Tweed?
I am ready enough to believe that all I have said will avail but little.
I have the common excuse of other men, when I think myself bound by all
religious and civil ties, to discharge my conscience, and to warn my
countrymen upon this important occasion. It is true, the advocates for
this scheme promise a new world, after this blessed work shall be
completed: that all animosities and faction must immediately drop; that
the only distinction in this kingdom will then be of Papist and
Protestant. For, as to Whig and Tory, High Church and Low Church,
Jacobite and Hanoverian, Court and Country party, English and Irish
interests, Dissenters and Conformists, New Light and Old Light,
Anabaptist and Independent, Quaker and Muggletonian, they will all meet
and jumble together into a perfect harmony, at the sessions and assizes,
on the bench and in the revenues; and upon the whole, in all civil and
military trust, not excepting the great councils of the nation. For it
is wisely argued thus, that a kingdom being no more than a larger knot
of friends met together, it is against the rules of good manners to shut
any person out of the company, except the Papists; who profess
themselves of another club.
I am at a loss to know what arts the Presbyterian sect intends to use,
in convincing the world of their loyalty to kingly government; which
long before the prevalence, or even the birth of their independent
rivals, as soon as the King's forces were overcome, declared their
principles to be against monarchy, as well as Episcopacy and the House
of Lords, even till the King was restored: At which event, although they
were forced to submit to the present power, yet I have not heard that
they did ever, to this day, renounce any one principle by which their
predecessors then acted; yet this they have been challenged to do, or at
least to shew that others have done it for them, by a certain
doctor,[13] who, as I am told, has much employed his pen in the like
disputes. I own, they will be ready enough to insinuate themselves into
any government: But, if they mean to be honest and upright, they will
and must endeavour by all means, which they shall think lawful, to
introduce and establish their own scheme of religion, as nearest
approaching to the word of God, by casting out all superstitious
ceremonies, ecclesiastical titles, habits, distinctions, and
superiorities, as rags of Popery; in order to a thorough reformation;
and, as in charity bound, to promote the salvation of their countrymen:
wishing with St. Paul, that the whole kingdom were as they are. But what
assurance will they please to give, that when their sect shall become
the national established worship, they will treat Us Dissenters as we
have treated them? Was this their course of proceeding during the
dominion of the saints? Were not all the remainders of the Episcopal
Church in those days, especially the clergy, under a persecution for
above a dozen years, equal to that of the primitive Christians under
heathen emperors? That this proceeding was suitable to their principles,
is known enough; for many of their preachers then writ books expressly
against allowing any liberty of conscience, in a religion different from
their own; producing many arguments to prove that opinion; and among the
rest one frequently insisted on; that allowing such a liberty would be
to establish iniquity by a law: Many of these writings are yet to be
seen;[14] and I hear, have been quoted by the doctor above mentioned.
[Footnote 13: Dr. Tisdal, in a tract entitled, "The Case of the
Sacramental Test stated and argued." Tisdal died 4th June, 1736. [T.S.]]
[Footnote 14: See many hundred quotations to prove this, in the treatise
called "Scotch Presbyterian Eloquence." [Note in Faulkner's
edition, 1738.]]
As to their great objection of prostituting that holy institution, the
blessed Sacrament, by way of a test before admittance into any
employment; I ask, whether they would not be content to receive it after
their own manner, for the office of a judge, for that of a commissioner
in the revenue, for a regiment of horse, or to be a lord justice? I
believe they would scruple it as little, as a long grace before and
after dinner; which they can say without bending a knee; for, as I have
been told, their manner of taking bread and wine in their conventicles,
is performed with little more solemnity than at their common meals. And,
therefore, since they look upon our practice in receiving the elements,
to be idolatrous; they neither can, nor ought, in conscience, to allow
us that liberty, otherwise than by connivance, and a bare toleration,
like what is permitted to the Papists. But, lest we should offend them,
I am ready to change this test for another; although, I am afraid, that
sanctified reason is, by no means, the point where the difficulty
pinches; and only offered by pretended churchmen, as if they could be
content with our believing, that the impiety and profanation of making
the Sacrament a test, were the only objection. I therefore propose, that
before the present law be repealed, another may be enacted; that no man
shall receive any employment, before he swears himself to be a true
member of the Church of Ireland, in doctrine and discipline, &c., and,
that he will never frequent, or communicate with any other form of
worship. It shall likewise be further enacted, that whoever offends,
&c., shall be fined five hundred pounds, imprisoned for a year and a
day, and rendered incapable of all public trust for ever. Otherwise, I
do insist that those pious, indulgent, external professors of our
national religion, shall either give up that fallacious hypocritical
reason for taking off the Test; or freely confess, that they desire to
have a gate wide open for every sect, without any test at all, except
that of swearing loyalty to the King: Which, however, considering their
principles, with regard to monarchy yet unrenounced, might, if they
would please to look deep enough into their own hearts, prove a more
bitter test than any other that the law hath yet invented.
For, from the first time that these sectaries appeared in the world, it
hath been always found, by their whole proceeding, that they professed
an utter hatred to kingly government. I can recollect, at present, three
civil establishments, where Calvinists, and some other reformers who
rejected Episcopacy, possess the supreme power; and, these are all
republics; I mean Holland, Geneva, and the reformed Swiss cantons. I do
not say this in diminution, or disgrace to commonwealths; wherein, I
confess, I have much altered many opinions under which I was educated,
having been led by some observation, long experience, and a thorough
detestation for the corruptions of mankind: Insomuch, that I am now
justly liable to the censure of Hobbes, who complains, that the youth of
England imbibe ill opinions, from reading the histories of Ancient
Greece and Rome, those renowned scenes of liberty and every virtue.
But, as to monarchs; who must be supposed well to study and understand
their own interest; they will best consider, whether those people, who
in all their actions, preachings, and writings, have openly declared
themselves against regal power, are to be safely placed in an equal
degree of favour and trust with those who have been always found the
true and only friends to the English establishment. From which
consideration, I could have added one more article to my new test, if I
had thought it worth my time.
I have been assured by some persons who were present, that several of
these dissenting teachers, upon their first arrival hither to solicit
the repeal of the Test, were pleased to express their gratitude, by
publicly drinking the healths of certain eminent patrons, whom they
pretend to have found among us; if this be true, and that the Test must
be delivered up by the very commanders appointed to defend it, the
affair is already, in effect, at an end. What secret reasons those
patrons may have given for such a return of brotherly love, I shall not
inquire: "For, O my soul come not thou into their secret, unto their
assembly mine honour be not thou united. For in their anger they slew a
man, and in their self-will they digged down a wall. Cursed be their
anger, for it was fierce, and their wrath, for it was cruel; I will
divide them in Jacob, and scatter them in Israel."
***** ***** ***** ***** *****
A NARRATIVE
OF THE SEVERAL ATTEMPTS, WHICH THE DISSENTERS OF
IRELAND HAVE MADE, FOR A REPEAL OF THE
SACRAMENTAL TEST.
NOTE.