_Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris._[374]
INTRODUCTION.
"As the preceding journal of Nathaniel Marten is almost wholly nautical,
this narrative of Floris is chiefly confined to the transactions,
occurrences, and adventures that happened on land, in the several
countries at which they touched in this voyage. Purchas tells us, in the
title of this article, that it was translated out of Dutch; but whether
by himself or some other, and whether from print or manuscript, he is
silent. He informs us likewise, that Floris was cape merchant, or chief
factor, in this voyage, and that he died in London in 1615, two months
after his arrival from the expedition. This author is remarkable for
several notable particulars respecting the affairs of the countries
which he visited, which shews that he was curious, and for the freedom
with which he censures the actions of his own countrymen, the
Hollanders, which may pass for a proof of his sincerity."--_Astley._
[Footnote 374: Purch. Pilgr. I. 319. Astl. I. 435.]
§ 1. _The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam_.
Having covenanted and agreed with the right worshipful governor and
deputy of the English East India Company, we embarked in the Globe, on
the 5th January, 1610, according to the English style, being actually of
the year 1611, and set sail for Gravesend. Sailing from the Downs on the
5th February, we came to Saldanha bay the 21st May, where we found three
ships. Two boats came aboard of us, one from Isaac le Maire, and the
other from Henrick Brouwer. Much refreshing was not here to be had at
this season, by reason of heavy rains, being now their winter, and the
mountains covered with snow. We used great diligence in searching for a
root called _ningim_, for which purpose two of three Holland ships had
come here, one being from Japan, that first discovered the secret. At
this time the new leaf only began to peep forth, so that we could not
have known it, if we had not received instructions. Its proper time of
ripeness is in December, January, and February; and it is called _kanna_
by the inhabitants.[375]
[Footnote 375: This _kanna_, or _ningim_, is supposed to be the same
with the Ginseng, so highly prized in China for its restorative virtues.
The Hottentots set the same value on it, and it is as rare to be met
with in the country at the Cape of Good Hope as in Eastern
Tartary.--Astl. I. 436. b.]
Having filled our water-casks, and refreshed ourselves with eight sheep
and twenty cattle, we set sail from the bay, leaving there the boat of
Isaac le Maire, commanded by his son Jacob, who was to continue there
till December, bartering for hides and skins, and making train-oil. To
him we gave letters for England. Near _Tierra de Natal_, on the 10th
June, we were in great danger, a violent storm of thunder, lightning,
wind, and rain, having almost thrown us ashore; but God mercifully and
powerfully gave us unexpected deliverance.
The 1st of August we fell in with the island of Ceylon at Punta de
Galle. The 6th we came before Negapatam, being twenty-eight Dutch miles
or leagues wrong in our reckoning, the maps, in regard to that place,
being very false, which might occasion great danger in the night, the
like happening to the Hollanders. Neither found we the island so broad
as it is there laid down. Mr Mullineux lays down Punta de Galle in 4°,
whereas it is 6°.[376] Towards evening we passed before the road, and
could see the houses very plainly. The 7th, we passed _Langapatam_,
where the Hollanders have a factory of which they are very weary,
having very little trade. The 8th, we came before San Thome, and on the
9th, before Pullicatt, passing over the shallows above a musket-shot,
where we had only three fathoms water. At this place two boats came
aboard of us, one from the sabandar, and another from the Hollanders.
The 10th, the sabandar's men brought us a _caul_, or safe conduct,
allowing us to come safely ashore; on which Mr Brown and I went ashore,
but, by the roughness of the sea, our boat upset, yet, God be thanked,
none of our men were drowned. The sabandar met us, compassionating our
mischance, and appointed us a house, promising to procure us a letter
from the king to the governess _Konda Maa_.
[Footnote 376: The truth lies between, as Point de Galle is in 5° 51' N.
latitude.--E.]
On the 11th, Jan Van Wersicke, the Dutch president on the coast of
Coromandel, shewed us a _caul_ from _Wencapati Rajah_, the king of
Narsinga, by which it was made unlawful for any one from Europe to trade
there, unless with a patent or licence from Prince Maurice, and
wherefore he desired us to depart. We made answer, that we had a
commission from the King of England authorizing us to trade here, and
were therefore determined to do so if we could. Upon this there arose
high words between us, but which the sabandar soon ended, by informing
us that the governess would be here in three days, by whose
determination we must be regulated. She came on the 17th, and Captain
Hippon coming then ashore, we made ready to wait upon her, but were
delayed, and informed that she would send for us next day. We strongly
suspected the Hollanders of underhand dealings; and as no one came for
us the next day, we sent to the sabandar, who made answer, that as the
king had granted an exclusive privilege to the Hollanders, it was
necessary for us to apply to his majesty for liberty to trade; but as
this would have required a delay of two months, which must lose us the
monsoon for Patane, and as the Hollanders had prepared to send a present
of two elephants to the king, we resolved to proceed to Patapilly and
Masulipatam, towards which places we set sail.
Arriving on the 20th at Patapilly, the governor sent us a _caul_, or
licence to land, which we did accordingly, and agreed with him for three
per cent[377] custom, and sent goods on shore, it being determined that
Mr Lucas and Mr Brown should remain there, while I went on with the
ship to Masulipatam, the roadstead of which place was better. We got
there on the 31st, when Zaldechar Khan sent us a licence. We agreed to
send a present to Mir Sumela, a great officer under the king at
Condapoli, and farmer of his revenues, that we might be secured against
the chicanery of the inferior officers.
[Footnote 377: In Purchas it is called _three-thirds_ per cent. which,
in the text, we have changed to _three;_ yet a little farther on it
would appear that _four_ per cent. had been agreed for.--E].
The 20th January, 1612, _Cotobara,_ king of _Badaya,_ or
_Lollingana,_[378] and Masulipatam, died, and great disturbances were
apprehended; but Mir Masunim wisely prevented any troubles, by
immediately proclaiming Mahmud Unim Cotobara, a young man of great
hopes, son to a brother of the deceased king, who had left no sons. His
uncle had submitted to the authority of the Persians,[379] but the new
king evinced a spirit of independence, and disgraced Mir Sumela, the
fountain of tyranny and oppression.
[Footnote 378: These titles are inexplicable, but in the sequel he
appears to have been king of Golconda.--E.]
[Footnote 379: The Moguls are probably here meant, named Persians by
Floris, because they used the Persian language.--E.]
The governor dealt fraudulently with me in regard to a bargain of cloth
and lead, pretending that he had agreed with me only for 4000 pagodas,
meaning by this dishonesty to have increased the customs from four per
cent. which had been settled, to twelve: and when I insisted upon our
agreed terms, he told me roundly, that he, being a _mir_, or descendant
of Mahomet, would be believed before any Christian. Being at a loss how
to deal with this dishonest rogue, and not having time to send to the
new king at Golconda for redress, I had at one time resolved to right
myself by force, as there seemed no means of bringing him to reason in a
friendly manner; but, at last, by the intervention of some others of the
Moors at Masulipatam, we came to a kind of an agreement.
Having thus concluded our affairs at Masulipatam, and those at
Pattapilly being likewise ended, and the monsoon being favourable, we
departed for Bantam, where we arrived on the 26th April, 1612. We there
found the Dutch about to remove to Jacatra, in consequence of new and
heavy exactions established by the governor of Bantam, with whom, as we
had no factory there at this time, we made an agreement to pay three per
centum for customs, yet not without some contest. By order of Captain
David Middleton, a factory had been established at Succadania, on the
coast of Borneo, which was continued by Mr Spalding; but, as matters
were carried on there, it seemed more calculated for private interest
than the public advantage of the company. The 1st of June we set sail
from Bantam, and came into the road of Patane on the 22d, where we found
the Bantam, a ship of Enkhusen; from the people of which we were
informed of the manners and customs of the country. We landed on the
26th in great state, taking with us a present to the value of 600
dollars, to accompany our king's letter. We were well received,
according to the customs of the country, the letter being laid in a
basin of gold, and carried by an elephant, accompanied by a band of
music, a numerous guard of lances, and many small flags. The queen's
court was very sumptuous. The letter was read, and a free trade allowed
us on payment of the same duties with the Hollanders; and we left the
court without seeing the queen. We were then conducted by Daton
Lachmanna, the sabaudar and officer appointed for entertaining
strangers, to a place where a banquet of fruits was presented to us.
From thence we were led to the house of the Oran-caya Sirnona, where we
had another banquet. Next day the queen sent us meat and fruits aboard.
The 3d July there departed from hence a Dutch pinnace called the
Greyhound, for Japan. The master's mate of this vessel had brought a
letter from William Adams, an Englishman residing in Japan, directed to
the English at Bantam; and by him we sent the company's letters to Mr
Adams, which he promised to deliver with his own hands. We had no other
means of transmitting this letter, as the Japanese were at enmity with
the government of Patane, and had even burnt that place twice within
five or six years.
We had much ado to get leave to build a fire-proof warehouse at this
place, but were at length assigned a place close by the Dutch house,
thirty fathoms long by twenty in breadth, on which we built a house
forty-eight feet long by twenty-four feet wide. Their exactions were
very unreasonable, amounting, besides the charges agreed upon, to 4000
dollars; which, however, we submitted to pay in hope of future
advantages. We were sore afflicted here with sickness, even as if the
plague had raged in our ship. Captain Hippon died on the 9th of July;
and on opening the box marked No. 1, Mr Brown was found his appointed
successor, but as he was already dead, No. 2 was opened, by which Mr
Thomas Essington was nominated, who accordingly assumed the command. At
this place we suffered much injury from thieves, some of which came into
our house one night, where we always had a lamp burning, and stole 283
dollars out of my chest, besides other goods; though there wore fifteen
persons sleeping in the house, besides a large black dog, and a watch
kept in our yard. These circumstances occasioned suspicions against some
of our own people, but we could never come to any certainty.
I and John Parsons, with six more, were left here at Patane to conduct
the business of the factory, and the ship departed on the 1st of August
for Siam. I wished afterwards to have written to Captain Essington at
Siam, to inform him of the bad market I had for our lawns, but had no
opportunity of sending a letter by sea; and not less than four persons
together durst venture by land, on account of the danger from tygers,
and because there were many rivers to cross by the way, owing to which
their demands were very high, and I had to wait an opportunity. In
September, the king of Jor, or Johor, over-ran the environs of Pan or
Pahan, burning all before him, and likewise the neighbourhood of Cumpona
Sina, which occasioned great dearth at Pahan.
The cause of our lack of trade here, where, four years before, I had
seen such quick sales, as if all the world could not have provided
sufficient commodities, was chiefly, that the Portuguese had brought an
abundant supply to Malacca; besides which the Hollanders had filled
Bantam and the Moluccas with goods, and also to the trade carried on by
the Moors at Tanasserim and Siam, and at Tarangh, a haven newly
discovered near Queda, on the western coast of Malacca; the Guzerats,
others from Negapatan, and the English, all contributing to glut the
market, so that the rumour only of such large supplies is sufficient to
keep down the prices for ten years; insomuch that I cannot now clear
five per cent. where formerly I could have gotten four for one. All
these things considered, I dispatched a cargo on the 8th October, in a
junk of Empan, for Macasser, sending John Parsons as chief factor. On
the 9th, two junks arrived from Siam, one of which brought me letters
from Captain Essington and Mr Lucas, saying they had much trouble and
few sales, both because the country was already full of goods, and
because the governments of Cambodia, Laniam, and Jangoma, were preparing
for war against Siam.
The 25th, several junks departed from Patane for Borneo, Jumbi, Java,
Macassar, Jortan, and other places; among which was the junk belonging
to the Orancay Rajah Indramonda, bound for Bantam, and thence by Jortan,
Amboina, and Banda, to Macassar. I cannot imagine how the Hollanders
should suffer these Malays, Chinese, and Moors, and even assist them in
carrying on a free trade over all India, while they forbid it to their
own servants, countrymen, and brethren, on pain of death, and loss of
their goods. It is surely an instance of great ignorance or envy, thus
to allow Mahomedans and heathens to grow rich, rather than their own
countrymen should gain a living, and a sign that the punishment of God
is coming upon them.
The Globe arrived here from Siam on the 11th November, having been eight
days on the passage. She had arrived on the 15th of August preceding in
the road of Siam, and cast anchor in three fathoms at high-water: but
next day, the water ebbing thirteen hours on end, she was left only in
seven feet, fortunately on soft mud, so that she received little injury.
When again afloat, she was removed to another anchorage, where there
were three fathoms at low-water, being four leagues from the bar. The
town lieth on the river, some thirty leagues from the sea. Sending news
of their arrival, the sabandar and the governor of _Mancock_,[380] a
place on the river, came back along with their messengers to receive the
letter from the king of England to their sovereign, but chiefly for the
sake of the expected presents. Captain Essington and Mr Lucas
accompanied them to the town, where they were presented to the king on
the 17th September, and received assurances of a free trade, the king
giving each of them a small golden cup, and some little article of
dress. The covetous _mandarins_, or officers of the crown, would have
counteracted the royal permission of free trade, by taking every thing
they pleased at prices of their own making, and paying when they
pleased, acting in short more corruptly than those in any other part of
India, though assuredly the rest are bad enough: but, on complaint being
made to the king, he gave orders not to molest the English in their
trade; after which all their goods were carried to a house assigned them
by the king, being the best brick house in Siam, and close to that of
the Hollanders. The time when our people were at Siam was the season of
the rains, when the whole country was covered with water.
[Footnote 380: Rather Bankok, near the mouth of the river Menan.--Astl.
I. 438. h.]
On the 26th October there arose such a storm of wind as had not been
remembered by the oldest of the natives, tearing up trees by the roots,
and occasioning extensive desolation. Among other things destroyed on
this occasion, the monument which had been erected by the reigning king,
in memory of his father, was overthrown. Our ship, the Globe, very
narrowly escaped, by the diligent care of Mr Skinner and Samuel Huyts,
and by means of dropping a third anchor, after she had drifted, with two
anchors, from six fathoms to four, she was at length brought up, when
only a mile from the land. On this occasion Mr Skinner was beaten from
the anchor-stock, and very strangely recovered. Five men were drowned,
one of whom was supposed to have been devoured by a whale, which was
seen about the time when he disappeared.[381] After raging four or five
hours, the storm subsided, and the sea became as calm as if there had
been no wind. Yet a tempest continued aboard the Globe, occasioned, as
was reported, by the unreasonable conduct of the master, who was
therefore put under arrest, and Mr Skinner appointed in his room, on
which this tempest also subsided. Their trade also was too much
becalmed, although this had formerly been the third best place of trade
in all India, after Bantam and Patane, the causes of which falling off
will be best understood by the following narrative.
[Footnote 381: Whales are not of this description. Perhaps Mr Floris had
said in Dutch, _by a great fish_, meaning surely a shark. At this place
Purchas observes, in a side-note, "that the road of Siam is safe, except
in a S.S.W. wind."--E.]
§ 2. _Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane,
and the adjacent Kingdoms._
Siam, formerly a mighty and ancient kingdom, had been, not long before,
subdued, and rendered tributary to Pegu, yet did not continue long under
subjection. On the death of the king of Siam, two of his sons, who were
brought up at the court of Pegu, fled from thence to Siam. The eldest of
these, called in the Malay language, _Raja Api_, or the fiery king, set
himself up as king of Siam. He it was whom the Portuguese used to call
the _Black King of Siam_. Against him the king of Pegu sent his eldest
son and intended successor, who was slain in these wars, and was the
occasion of the almost total destruction of the kingdom of Pegu, and
caused the loss of many millions of lives. The king of Pegu, who was of
the race of the Bramas, was sore grieved for the loss of his son, and
caused most of his chief Peguan nobles and military officers to be put
to death on the occasion. This caused much perturbation and confusion,
so that his tributary kings, of whom there were twenty, revolted daily
against him. At length, encouraged by these defections, Rajah Api, or
the Black King of Siam, went to war against the king of Pegu, and even
besieged the capital city of _Uncha_, or Pegu, for two months, but was
forced to raise the siege and return to Siam.
Not long after this, on account of a great pestilence and famine, the
king of Pegu found himself under the necessity of surrendering himself
and all his treasures to the king of Tangu, that he might not fall into
the hands of the king of Arracan, who was coming against him with a
prodigious army: Yet the king of Arracan easily made himself master of
the city and kingdom of Pegu, then almost depopulated by famine and
pestilence. The king of Arracan now proposed to go against Tangu; but
the king of that country sent ambassadors to him at Arracan, offering to
deliver up to him a certain portion of the treasures of Pegu, together
with the _White Elephant_ and the king of Pegu's daughter, both of whom
I saw at Arracan in 1608; even offering either to give up the king of
Pegu or to put him to death. This the king of Tangu afterwards did, by
slaying him, with a _pilon_, or wooden pestel with which they stamp
rice; for being of the race of Brama, it was not lawful to shed his
blood. In this manner was the mighty empire of Pegu brought to ruin, so
that at this day there is no remembrance of it.[382] The king of Arracan
gave charge of the town and fortress of Siriagh, [Sirian] upon the river
of Pegu, to Philip de Brito de Nicote, to whom he gave the designation
of _Xenga_, signifying _the honest_; which honour and confidence Xenga
requited by taking his son a prisoner three or four years afterwards,
and ransomed him for 1,100,000 taggans and ten galeas of rice. Brito yet
domineers in Sirian, and cares for nobody.
[Footnote 382: This is to be understood of 1612, when Floris was there.
After many revolutions, the empire of Pegu was re-established by a tribe
called the Birmas, and now subsists in great power and splendour,
including Ava, Arracan, Pegu, and Siam.--E.]
By the destruction of the power of Pegu, Siam recovered its
independence, and hath since brought under subjection the kingdoms of
Cabodia, Laniangh,[383] Jangoma, Lugor, Tanasserim, Patane, and several
others. In 1605 Rajah Ahi, or the Black King, died without issue, and
left the kingdom to his brother called the _White King_, who was a
covetous prince, yet enjoyed his kingdoms in peace. He died in 1610,
leaving several children behind him, on which great troubles arose in
the kingdom. While he was on his deathbed, he caused his eldest son to
be slain, a young prince of great hopes, at the traitorous instigation
of one of the chief lords of Siam, named _Jockrommeway_, who having many
slaves thought to make himself king. The presently reigning king was the
second son of the _White King_, and soon after his accession put the
traitor to death who had occasioned the slaughter of his elder brother.
Among his numerous slaves Jockrommeway had 280 Japanese, who, thinking
to revenge the death of their master, and to atchieve some memorable
exploit, went immediately in arms to the palace, which they surprised,
getting possession of the king and all his court, and compelled him to
deliver up to them four of his principal nobles, whom they immediately
slew, as the chief causes of their master's death. Having the king in
their hands, they forced him to subscribe with his own blood to such
agreement as they pleased to dictate, taking some of the chief palapos
[384] or priests for hostages, and so departed with much treasure after
much violence, the Siamese being unable to right themselves. On this
occasion the kingdoms of Cambodia and Laos rebelled, as did also one
_Banga de Laa_ in Pegu. The king of Laniangh, or Lanshang, in Laos, came
last year, 1611, with an army into Siam, within three days journey of
Odija,[385] hoping to have found the kingdom still involved in the
broils occasioned by the Japanese slaves. But as they were gone, the
king of Siam went out with an army to meet him, and he retired to Laos.
These two kings, of Cambodia and Laos, are said to have confederated
together, and to have resolved to march together next April, 1613, in
hopes to dispossess the young king of Siam, who is about twenty-two
years of age; but which they are not likely to effect unless by the aid
of treason among his principal subjects. Thus it was our hard fate to
hit upon these bad times, so ill fitted for trade.
[Footnote 383: Probably Laos, the capital of which is named
Laushang.--E.]
[Footnote 384: Called by other writers Tale-pois, or Tale-poius.--Astl.
I. 440. a.]
[Footnote 385: Called likewise Judia, or Siam.--E.]
For various reasons we resolved to winter with the ship in Patane. The
31st of December, 1612, the queen of Patane went to sport herself,
accompanied by above 600 proas. She lay first at _Sabraugh_, where we
went to pay our compliments to her along with the Hollanders, when for
the first time we were permitted to see and speak with her. She was a
comely old woman of sixty years of age, tall, and of a majestic
appearance, having never seen any one to compare with her in all India.
She was accompanied by her immediately younger sister, who was next heir
to the throne, and commonly called the young queen, yet an unmarried
virgin about forty-six years of age; and had likewise along with her the
little daughter of another sister, who was married to _Rajah Siack_,
brother to the king of Johor.[386] After some conference, she let fall
the curtain, as a signal for our departure, and it was signified to us
that we should come again next day, which we did, and were well
entertained. On this occasion twelve women and children danced before
the queen, and performed as well as I had ever seen in the Indies. Then
all the gentility present were commanded to dance, or at least to make
the attempt, which caused no small laughter. We even and the Hollanders
had to exhibit ourselves, which mightily amused the queen. She had not
been out of her palace for seven years before till now, when she went on
purpose to hunt wild buffaloes and bulls, of which there are many in
the country. As she passed along with her train of proas between our
house and the ship, she was saluted by several cannon from the ship, and
by musket-shot from the shore.
[Footnote 386: Called by some Jor, Joor, or Johore:--Astl. I. 440. c.]
During the November and December of this winter, 1612, the waters had
been higher, owing to the great continuance of the rains, than ever had
been known in the memory of man, so that much cattle died and many
houses were swept away, and a vast deal of harm done. The 25th January,
1613, we got news, by a Dutch ship from Siam, that Mr Lucas had sold
more than half of his goods, of which the king had bought a large
portion, and that he would not permit his officers to carry away the
goods, under pretence of his name, without a signed warrant. We had also
news from Queda, that the Portuguese, with 1500 men from San Thorne, had
taken the factory of the Hollanders at Pullicatt, slain their men, and
carried away their goods. In March, I sent away the ship for Siam with
more goods.
The king of Pahan[387] had married a younger sister of the queen of
Patane, whom she had not seen for twenty-eight years. Having requested a
visit of her sister ineffectually by solemn embassies, she detained all
the junks of Siam, Cambodia, Bordelongh, Lugor, and other places, that
were laden with rice for Pahan, and sent out all her maritime force,
consisting of about seventy sail, with 4000 men, under the command of
Maha Rajah, Datou Bessar, and the Orancay Sirnora, with orders to bring
her sister to Patane, either by force or persuasion. The king of Pahan
will have much ado to defend himself; owing to the great dearth, and the
burning of his house, granaries, and rice; it is also reported that the
king of Johor is preparing to go in person against Pahan, while the king
of Borneo is making ready for succour.
[Footnote 387: Named in some writers Pam or Pabang.--E.]
In April, 1613, there arrived several junks from Cambodia and China; and
in May I received letters from Siam, giving notice that the Globe had
arrived there, and that sales were very brisk. I was now busy in
preparing a cargo for Japan; and expecting to do some good there with
Chinese commodities, I borrowed 3000 dollars of the queen for three or
four months, allowing six per cent. interest to the queen, and one per
cent. to the treasurer. We now received bad news from Bantam, stating
that Campochina had been twice burnt down, and the English factory
consumed full of cloth. The Hollanders likewise had made great loss. We
were informed also of a large English ship in great distress at Pulo
Panian, a great mortality being among her people.[388] Intelligence was
also received that the military force of Acheen had besieged Johor.
[Footnote 388: This was the Trades-increase.--Purch]
The 12th July, the king of Pahan arrived at Patane, much against his
will, accompanied by his wife, who was sister to the queen of Patane,
and also by two sons. He left his own country much oppressed by poverty,
famine, fire, war, and rebellion. He brought intelligence that the
Acheeneers had taken Jahor, and had carried away all the ordnance,
slaves, and every thing of value, Rajah Boungson and his children being
made prisoners, and the king of Johor having fled to Bintam. Several
Hollanders also, who happened to be in a ship at Johor, were taken and
slain. The siege lasted twenty-nine days. None of the grandees of Patane
went to receive and entertain the king of Pahan; and the only attention
paid to him, was by killing all the dogs in the place, as he has an
aversion to dogs. We saluted him with our small arms as he passed our
house, which gratified him much, on which he invited us to visit him and
trade at his town.
The 16th July we got intelligence that Captain Saris was at Mackian on
his way to Japan; as also that Sir Henry Middleton had died on the 24th
of May, of grief, as was supposed, for the situation of the
Trades-increase, which lay aground with all her masts out, one side only
being sheathed, as of thirty-three of her crew remaining most of them
were sick. An hundred English, a greater number of Chinese who were
hired to work upon her, and eight Dutchmen, had all died of some strange
sickness. Captain Schot, belonging to the Dutch company, had taken the
castle and island of Solor, with a great quantity of sandal wood. In the
Moluccas also they had done much injury to the Spaniards, and a hot war
was there expected. The 31st of July the king of Pahan visited our
factory in great state, and made us great promises of kind entertainment
in his country. The 1st of August, the queen sent for us to court, to
be present at a great feast given in honour of the king of Pahan; after
which a comedy was acted by women, after the Javan manner, being in very
antic dresses, which was very pleasant to behold. On the 9th the king of
Pahan departed on his return to his own country, having been made a
laughing-stock by the Pataneers: But his wife, the sister of the queen
of Patane, refused to leave him, going back along with him and her sons,
after having spent all she had instead of getting presents. On the 16th
I had a letter from Thomas Bret at Macasser, complaining of a bad
market, and informing me that John Parsons had become frantic: He said
likewise that he had purchased a junk for the purpose of coming away;
but that in the mean time the Darling had come there laden with cloth,
for the purpose of settling a factory at that place.
Rajah Indra Monda arrived at Patane on the 18th of September, having
gone from hence on the 25th October.[389] He had been to Macasser and
thence to Banda, where be made a good market, and had brought back about
200 sockles of mace and a great parcel of nutmegs. He brought me a
letter from Richard Welden. He likewise informed me of the state of
Banda; where the Dutch general, Peter de Bot, had administered severe
justice, hanging some of his men for sleeping on their watch; owing to
which, several had deserted to the Bandanese, and ten had become
Mahometans, who could not be recovered. Neither has the Dutch garrison
any controul over the natives of Banda, any farther than that they
compel all junks to ride at anchor under the guns of their castle, and
command the seas there by the number of their ships: But on the land,
they dare not even give a bad word to any of the Bandanese. The Globe
arrived again at Patane on the 23d of September from Siam, bringing me a
letter from Mr Lucas, who had not received any intelligence of the fate
of the goods sent to Jangoma, as the passages were obstructed on account
of the wars between the people of Ava and Laniangh, or Lan-shang, in
Laos. The king of Ava is said to have taken Siriaugh, or Sirian, and to
have caused the _Xenga_, Philip de Brito de Nicote, to be put to death.
The king of Siam is in fear of an attack from the king of Ava in great
force, for which reason he has good watch kept on his frontiers. At this
time I repaid my debt to the queen in gold.
[Footnote 389: This must have been of the preceding year, though not so
expressed.--E.]
On the 4th of October, being the first day of the Mahometan Lent or fast
of Ramedan, a terrible fire occurred in the town, or fort rather, and
court of Patane, occasioned by the following event. Datoo Besar and
Datoo Lachmanna, who dwelt near each other, were the richest in Javan
slaves at this place, except Rajah Shey. The Javan slaves had threatened
to kill Datoo Besar, Lachmanna, Rajah Sitterbangh, and others, which
came to their knowledge; on which Besar called his slaves before him to
examine into the matter, which they utterly denied. Yet he ordered two
who were most suspected to be bound, which the _pongonla_ of the slaves
would not suffer, wherefore Besar immediately dispatched him with his
_criss_ or dagger. The Javan slaves were so enraged at this, that they
would have wreaked their vengeance on their master had he not been
protected by his other slaves: But in their fury, they slew all that
came in their way, and set fire to the houses, being joined by the
slaves of Lachmanna; and being now above a hundred persons, they ran to
the great gate called Punta Gorbangh, setting fire to all the houses on
both sides as they went, so that the whole town was burnt except a few
houses, which were the queen's court or palace, those of the Orancayo
Sirnora and of Batoo Bandara, and the _masjed_ or mosque. While running
along the street, the Javans carried all the best of the female slaves
along with them, and remained masters of the place till one in the
afternoon, no one daring to oppose them.
We and the Hollanders were not without fear during this tumult, as the
slaves threatened to destroy both our factories, for which reason we
kept strong watch, and sent aboard for as many armed men as could be
spared from the Globe. On their being landed and set in order, we
resolved to march out and oppose the insurgents, who were now actually
coming down to assail us; but learning from their spies of our strength
and coming against them, they retired into the country, and fled by
Quale-bouca to Bordolonch, and Sangora, and so forwards. Thus, without
any harm by us received, we got the honourable name of the _Defenders of
Strangers_. The Javans were afterwards pursued to little purpose, three
or four sick men only being taken; and what became of the rest was not
known while we remained in the country. This is the third time that
Patane has been burnt down within a short space, having been twice
before fired by the Japanese.
On the 21st October we took our leave of the queen, who presented
Captain Essington and me with golden-handled crisses. We left in the
factory William Ebert, Robert Littleword, and Ralph Cooper, with letters
also for Mr Lucas at Siam. The same day, the _Hope_[390] arrived quite
unexpectedly. They had been at Johor, where they had gone ashore; and
before they could return to the ship, the fleet of Acheen came before
the town to besiege it. Whereupon, the Dutch factors sent a letter on
board, desiring them to send thirty armed men by land, and to bring the
ship as high up the river as possible to fight against the Acheeneers.
But, on account of shoals, the ship could not be got far enough up the
river to be of service, and after twenty-nine days siege the town was
surrendered upon composition. By this surrender twenty-three Hollanders
remained prisoners, and twelve got aboard the Hope, in which there
remained no one to command, except the master's mate and one assistant.
They resolved to proceed for Patane, but were driven by a storm on the
coral ground of Borneo, and by a change of wind were driven upon Pulo
Condor. Being unable to shape their course for Patane, they sought for
refreshments at _Warellas_, where they found a good bay; but the people
being inimical, they could not procure any provisions. They came at
length to Patane with only eighteen men, most of whom lay in a pitiful
condition in their births. This ship brought 70,000 rials of eight, or
Spanish dollars, and twenty-nine packs of India cloth.
[Footnote 390: From the sequel, and likewise as mentioned by Purchas in
a sidenote, the Hope appears to have been a Dutch ship.--E.]
§ 3. _Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at that
Place._
We set sail from Patane on the 22d October, 1613, and on the 25th we
were in with the most southerly of the islands of Ridang, in lat. 6° N.
of which there are about eighteen or twenty. In the evening of that day
we came to the Capas, three small isles, about thirteen leagues from
the Ridang islands, and two leagues from the continent. The 26th, we saw
Pulo Tyaman, twenty-eight leagues S.S.E. from the Capas. The 29th, being
calm, we came to Pulo Tingi, where, if you keep in eighteen fathoms,
there is nothing to be feared but what maybe seen. The 1st November we
saw the point of Jantana, or Johor, and the mount on the island of
Bintam, and came next morning in sight of Piedra-branca; about ten
o'clock a.m. we came to the dangerous reef that projects four leagues
out to sea from the point of Johor. John Huigens van Linschoten
describes this shoal well, which we passed not without danger, having
the point and three little islands W.S.W. from us. It is good to keep to
leewards till you bring these little islands in one line with the point
of Johor, and Piedra-branca open with the isle of Bintam. Piedra-branca
is a rock all covered with sea-fowl, and so bedunged as to make its top
appear white, whence its name, which signifies the white-rock, or stone.
Till the 7th, we were every day turning up against the current till we
got past the river of Johor, and about two leagues from Sincapura. On
the 8th, when close to the strait, several proas came aboard us, those
in them being _Salettes_, who were subjects to the king of Johor, who
live mostly by fishing, always remaining in their proas with their wives
and children. From these people we learnt that the king of Acheen had
sent back Rajah Bouny Soe to Johor, who was younger brother to the
former king; and, having married him to his sister, gave him thirty
proas and 2000 Acheen soldiers, with a good supply of ordnance and other
necessaries, ordering him to rebuild the fort and town of Johor, and to
reign there as a dependant on Acheen. We here took a pilot to carry us
through the straits.
We arrived on the 19th December at Masulipatam, where we found an
English ship and two Holland ships. We were told that _Mir Sadardi_ was
now out of place, and that the government was in the hands of _Atma
Khan_ and _Busebulleran_. The English ship was the James, which was sent
expressly to second us in our voyage, and brought us letters, with which
Messrs. Marlow, Davis, Gumey, and Cob came aboard the Globe. The 21st I
went ashore with the others, when we were met by _Wentacadra_, the son
of _Busebulleran_, together with the _sabandar_, and other Moors, and
were well received. They presented us with several _tesseriffes_, and
gave to director Warner and me a fine horse each, which at first I
refused, suspecting some treachery, but was compelled to accept. I took
a _caul_, or licence for trade, the customs being settled at four per
centum, and immediately landed goods.
The 25th January, 1614, the James departed for _Pattapilly_ and sailed
from thence on the 7th February, for Bantam. On the 18th February I went
to _Narsipoor_, and on the 19th the ship was brought into the river,
drawing nine three-fourths feet, and having ten and a half feet water,
contrary to the reports of some who wished us no good. I returned to
Masulipatam on the 23d, whence I dispatched a _peon_ with letters to Mr
Aldworth at Surat. That day there arrived a _navette_ from Pegu, in
which came Cornelius Franke, by whom we were informed that the king of
Ava had certainly taken the fort of Serian, and slain all the
Portuguese, and that Xenga, or Philip Britto de Nicole, was either
spitted or _soulathed_, [391] this event having taken place in March
last. The king, of Ava had given orders for rebuilding the town, to
which he had invited the Peguers with many fair promises. He had gone
from thence Tanasserim, where he was joined by _Banga Dela_, and 50,000
Peguers, who had been before under the king of Siam. The Moors in
Masulipatam were greatly rejoiced at this news, hoping by its means to
recover the trade of Pegu, and immediately made preparations for sending
two ships there in September. In March there came news of eleven ships
having arrived at Goa, eight of them from China, and three from Malacca,
by which the market price of goods was much reduced; but, fortunately
for me, I had almost finished my business before.
[Footnote 391: This strange word is unintelligible; but we have formerly
given the history of Nicote from de Faria, by whom he is said to have
been impaled.--E.]
In April, Atma Khan departed for Golconda, to render up his accounts,
the year coming then to a close. It was well for him that the king had
deposed his great treasurer, giving the office to Malek Tusar, who was
the friend of Atma Khan; and well for us likewise, as the debts due by
these governors are good while they continue in place, but otherwise
doubtful.
The 18th of May, at five p.m. Captain Essington died of _a sudden heat_,
having eaten his dinner at the table. He had some boils about him, which
are very common at that season; one of which, on his shoulder, was very
large, and would not break, which was supposed the cause of his death. I
went immediately on board, and put the ship into the best order I could.
The people all refused to submit to any other commander but me: yet I
thought it a debasement to tread in the steps of my under-merchant,
wherefore I committed the charge to Mr Skinner, in hopes that he and the
rest would do every thing for the best, and returned myself to
Masulipatam. I here found three persons, who said they were sent with
letters from _Obiana_, queen of _Pullicatt_, _Jaga Rajah_, the governor
of that place, and of St Thome, and _Apa Condaia_, secretary to the
great king _Wencatad Rajah_, in which they promised, if I would come
thither, that they would give me a place opposite the fort at Pullicatt,
with all the privileges I could wish, and many other fair promises. But
remembering how I and the James had been entertained there, I could give
little credit to these assurances; yet, at length, it was agreed, that
one of the messengers should remain with me while the other two went
back with one of my people, by whom I sent letters to the
before-mentioned persons, as also to the king, in which, after
recapitulating the bad entertainment we had formerly received at
Pullicatt, I offered that we would return to trade in the country, if
they would send us the king's _caul_, or safe conduct, in due form.
The 29th of July, four persons arrived as ambassadors, accompanied by my
man _Wengali_. These men came from Wencatad Rajah, the great king of
_Narsiaga_ or _Velore_,[392] bringing me a _caul_, or safe conduct and
licence, with an _Abestiam_, which is a white cloth on which the king's
own hand is printed in sandal or saffron; as also a caul from the queen
of Pullicatt, together with letters from Jaga Rajah, Tima Rajah, Assa
Condaia, and others. The king's letter was written on a leaf of gold, in
which, after apologising for the former faults committed against us in
Pullicatt, he desired us to return into his country, and chuse a place
to our own liking, where we might build a house or castle according to
our own pleasure, with other privileges. He even gave me a town of about
400 pounds of yearly revenue, with a promise to do more for me at my
arrival. The Hollanders had wrought much against this; but their words
had not now so much force, and the inhabitants grieved to see the
English ships passing by every year without any profit to them, and
therefore, making their complaints to the king, had occasioned these
friendly offers. My man Wengali had been in the presence of the king,
and even had spoken with him, the king having laid his hand on his head,
and presented him with a _tesseriffe_.[393] I kept the ambassadors with
me, allowing their daily charges, till the ship might come into the
road, and that I had time to consider the proposals.
[Footnote 392: Narsinga appears at this place equivalent to the
Carnatic, and Velore seems to have been the residence of the king.--E.]
[Footnote 393: In all probability a dress, the ordinary mark of honour
given by princes in the east.--E.]
In August there was a greater flood at Narsipoor than had ever been
known, at least for the last twenty-nine years. So much so, that whole
hills of salt, many towns, and vast quantities of rice, were swept away,
and many thousands of men and cattle drowned. In this great inundation,
the water was three yards deep on the common highways. In Golconda,
which has a branch of this river that is dry in summer, above 4000
houses were washed away. Two stone bridges, one of nineteen and the
other of fifteen arches, as artificially built in my judgment as any in
Europe, which are ordinarily at least three fathoms above the water,
were three feet under water on this occasion, and six arches of the
nineteen were washed away. This bridge might well compare with the one
at Rochester in England.
The 4th October, our ship having been new sheathed, came over the bar
without hurt, being hitherto detained by foul weather. I now called
loudly for payment of the debts due me, and wrote on the subject the
third time to the court, insisting to be paid both principal and
interest. Upon this they wrote to Mir Mahmud Rasa and the Sabandar to
satisfy me. The 23d the ship came into the road of Masulipatam, and I
took order for having our goods shipped. On the 25th, news came of the
death of Wencatad Rajah, king of Narsinga, after having reigned fifty
years, and that his three wives, of whom Obyama, queen of Pullicatt,
was one, had burned themselves alive along with his body. Great troubles
were dreaded on this occasion, and the Hollanders were much afraid of
their new-built castle at Pullicatt; but soon afterwards there came a
reinforcement to its garrison of sixty-six soldiers, by a ship named the
Lion. She arrived from Bantam on the 1st November, bringing news that
the Dutch ship called the Bantam had been cast away in the Texel, as
likewise the White Lion at St Helena. She brought us likewise
intelligence that our ship, the James, had arrived at Bantam, whence she
had sailed for Patane.
Finding the governor had trifled with me, and procrastinated the payment
of his debt, so that we were in danger of not being able to return that
year, I determined upon endeavouring to carry him or his son aboard our
ship, however dangerous the attempt, as the whole company engaged to
stand by me in the attempt. Wherefore I ordered the boat aboard, and to
bring six muskets on shore, wrapped up in the sails, to lie in the
custom-house till we might have occasion for them. Besides, as we were
not permitted to have any weapons ashore, I gave orders for all our
people to remain at home in our house, that they might be ready to join
me at the custom-house when sent for, when they were to arm themselves
with the pikes belonging to the governor's guard, or his sons, with
instructions to enter then immediately into the custom-house, which
stands close to the river, and then to barricade the door, that we might
carry the governor or his son into the boat, before any alarm could be
given in the town; and after getting them into the boat, we thought
there would then be no fear of our getting them and ourselves off.
Though we wished to have kept this matter a close secret, it yet got to
the ears of the Hollanders, who considered it a mere bravado, and did
not therefore reveal it. The 21st November the Gentiles [Gentoos] held a
solemn feast, which they celebrate three times a-year, always when the
new moon happens on a Monday. At this time all the men and women wash
themselves in the sea, thinking, thereby to merit indulgence. The
Bramins and _Cometis_ do this likewise.
On the 24th I again demanded my money from the governor, and in very
angry terms, he having already put me off seven months beyond our
bargain. I also asked Mir Mahmud Rasa, why he did not help me, pursuant
to the orders of the court; on which he laughingly answered, that we
would talk of that at the custom-house, when my anger was over. To this
I replied, that I would no longer be fooled, but would shew myself a
captain under the king of England, as I had not been accustomed to such
knavish dealing. Going thence to the custom-house, I found the
governor's son there with a slender guard, the soldiers having set up
their pikes against the custom-house, as I expected, and it was now
high-water, so that every thing concurred to favour our project. I
immediately therefore sent home for Mr Skinner and the rest of my men,
who were waiting at the factory, as concerted, who presently came,
leaving three only to take care of the house. They immediately laid hold
of the pikes, and came into the custom-house, of which they shut the
door. By this time I had seized _Wencatadra_ by the arms, and held him
fast till two or three came forwards to my assistance, who carried him
immediately into our boat, which waited at the shore, into which I and
all the rest embarked as quickly as possible, pushed off, and rowed
away, so that before his father and Mir Mahmud could get down to the
custom-house, we were rowing off as hard as we could. Yet, as it blew
hard against us, and as we were forced to keep within two cables length
of the shore, on account of the channel, they came in all haste after
us, some even coming very near our boat, but we out-rowed them all. Some
met us in front, which put us in much danger of having our retreat
intercepted; but by firing three muskets they were so intimidated that
they gave way to us, and we carried off our prize in sight of at least
3000 people, being far past the bar before our pursuers could get to it,
and at length got safe aboard with our prisoner.
I had given orders to George Chancey to remain at the factory with three
of our men, to give notice of the reason of our procedure, and to
receive our debts; but he, contrary to my instructions, having gone out
of the house from curiosity, to see the success of our enterprize, was
assaulted by some unruly fellows, and heartily beaten. But on this
coming to the knowledge of the governor, he took him under his
protection, fearing lest his son might be made to pay for it. In the
afternoon, Werner Van Bercham, the Hollander, came off to our ship,
accompanied by the king's interpreter, to demand the reason of our
violent procedure. My answer was, that they knew my reason already well
enough, and that I had left my under-merchant on shore to explain every
thing: and when I was informed of the severe treatment he had undergone,
I pretended to be revenged on _Wencatadra_; but allowed myself to be
prevailed upon by Van Bercham to overlook it for the present; yet
threatened to hang him up at the yard-arm if any of my men were wronged,
which he wrote to his father. I also gave strict injunctions, that no
one should presume to come off to us in a boat without bringing me a
letter from George Chancey, otherwise I should turn them all before the
mast. Van Bercham and the secretary came off again on the 27th, offering
me payment of the governor's own debt, which, and that of Callopas, for
which he was surety, was all I demanded from him; but likewise that the
governor should send me on board all others who refused to pay, which I
said would satisfy me. Van Bercham made also a formal protest against me
for all damages they had sustained, or might sustain, through my
hostilities, to which protest I gave an answer in writing, shewing its
nullity; and that very night the Dutch ship set sail for Patane.
In the meantime Wencatadra remained aboard our ship, without eating or
drinking; for he, being a Bramin, might not eat or drink in any man's
house, excepting what he himself dressed or made ready. Owing to this, I
so pitied him that I offered to release him, if any two Moors of good
quality would come aboard in his place; but none would undertake this
for his release, so that he had to continue his fast. The governor at
length paid his own debt, and that of Callopas, and made all the rest
pay, except _Miriapeik_ and _Datapa_, who were in Golconda, on which I
sent back my prisoner on the 30th of November.[394]
[Footnote 394: There must be some inaccuracy in the dates of the text,
as Wencatadra could hardly have lasted from the 24th to the 30th, six
entire days.--E.]
After all was settled, several of the principal Moors came off to visit
me, promising to write a true statement of my proceedings to the king,
and requesting me not to injure any of the ships belonging to the Moors
that I might meet with. I told them that I was satisfied for this time,
but requested they would be careful in future not to give any such cause
of dissatisfaction, and that they would listen more attentively to the
complaints of the English. I also wrote letters for the king of Golconda
to the same purpose, that we might hereafter have quicker justice. I
then dispatched the ambassadors of Narsinga to Velore, not having fit
opportunity to essay the promised trade in that country, owing to my
short stay, and in respect of the troubles consequent upon the
succession: yet I left letters with them for the first English ships
that might come to the coast, giving them my best advice. The 7th
December, Mr Chancey came aboard with the rest, and next night I put to
sea, having first offered to come ashore and take a friendly leave: but
the governor, fearing I had written an account of his proceedings by the
Moors, refused my proffered visit, pretending that he was ashamed to
look me in the face, having of a good friend made me his enemy.
§ 4. _Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England_.
The 3d January, 1615, we arrived at Bantam, where we found the James,
come from Patane, together with the Concord and Hosiander. I went
ashore, and received from Mr John Jordain, principal factor at Bantam,
letters from Sir Thomas Smith, testifying that the company had joined in
one.[395] I likewise had letters from Mr Cochin, at Macasser, saying he
had received the cargo sent under the charge of William Ebert, with
other circumstances; also from Adam Denton and Mr Gourney, complaining
of the dead market, occasioned by the wars; and from Mr Lucas also, of
his fears on the same subject; but as the Darling is now gone thither, I
hope he may be comforted. We here agreed that the goods of the Hosiander
should be trans-shipped into the Globe, of which Edward Christian was
constituted captain by General Best, with Nathaniel Salmon as master,
while Mr Skinner should go master in the Hosiander. Fifty men were
appointed for the Globe, fifty-five for the James, and twenty for the
Hosiander, which was to stay at Bantam, and three or four to keep the
Concord.
[Footnote 395: Purchas has obviously here made large omissions, even
marking the present place with an &c. We learn from the Annals of the
Company, that at first each expedition was a separate adventure,
proceeding on a subscription for the occasion among the members of the
company, but that afterwards the whole was consolidated into a joint
stock.--E.]
On the 30th the James set sail, to go on a month before, and to stay at
the Cape or St Helena for us, that we might sail thence in company for
England. Seeing the Hosiander could not so quickly be made ready, it was
thought proper to send the Concord for Amboina, in which George Bale
went, and George Chancey was to stay in Macasser. The Dutch ship
Zelandia arrived from Japan, bringing letters from Mr Cox, advising that
Mr Peacock and the Hollanders were slain in Cochin-china, and that Mr
Adams, with four other Englishmen, were gone thence for Siam.
The 14th of February, Captain David Middleton arrived with the
Samaritan, Thomas, and Thomasin, all the crews being in health and good
condition. On being informed of the death of his brother Sir Henry, and
the loss of the Trades-increase, Captain David Middleton was much
distressed, and resolved to go home. On which account he called a
council, to consult and determine how best to station the ships, and
about manning the Hosiander. It was then thought fit to send home the
Samaritan among the first; the Thomas to Sumatra; the Thomasin to
Amboina, to aid the Concord; and the Hosiander to Patane and Japan to
visit the factories at these places, all of which was put in execution.
They set sail out of Bantam road on the 22d February.[396] They came
into Saldanha bay on the 30th of April, where they found the James,
which had only arrived the day before, though she left Bantam
twenty-three days before them. The Advice and Attendant were here
outward-bound. Weighing anchor from the road of Saldanha on the 17th of
May, they came to St Helena on the 1st of June.
[Footnote 396: Purchas mentions, in a side-note, that the concluding
paragraph of this article was supplied from the journal of Marten. But
in this hurried conclusion, we are left to conjecture whether the Globe
was the ship in which Floris returned to England.--E.]
* * * * *
_Note_. Following the narrative of Floris, in the Pilgrims of Purchas,
vol. I. p. 328--332, is given "A Journal of a Voyage in 1612 by the
Pearl to the East Indies, wherein went as Captain Mr Samuel Castleton of
London, and Captain George Bathurst as Lieutenant; the Narrative written
by John Tatton, Master." This ship was not fitted out by the Company;
but Purchas observes in a side-note, that he had inserted it, "For the
furtherance of marine knowledge," and that, though not directly
belonging to the East India Company, _yet holding society with the East
Indian society_. We suppose it to have been one of those Voyages of
which the annalist of the Company, John Bruce, Esq. so much complains,
as _licensed_ by King James I. in contradiction to the exclusive
charter, which that first king of Great Britain had granted to the
English East India Company.
This journal, as it is called, is so retrenched or abbreviated in many
parts, as to be almost throughout inconsequential, and often so obscured
by the unskilful abridgement of Purchas as to be nearly unintelligible.
We have not therefore deemed it necessary or proper to insert it in our
Collection, as not tending to any useful purpose, nor containing any
valuable or even amusing information. Almost the only circumstance it
contains worth notice is, that they procured refreshments in a nameless
bay on the western coast of Africa, to the north of the Cape of Good
Hope, in which they bought calves and sheep very cheap, but could get no
water. From many circumstances this appears to have been what is now
called _Saldenha_ bay; which name however in this voyage, is still given
to that now called _Table_ bay. The only water found in that nameless
bay was a dirty puddle; and though the boat went a mile up a fine river
at the bottom of the bay, they found it all salt, and the whole
adjoining country very barren.--E.
* * * * *