_Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captain of the
Pepper-corn_.[347]
INTRODUCTION.
Captain Nicholas Downton was what was then called lieutenant-general
under Sir Henry Middleton, in the _sixth_ voyage set forth by the
English East India Company. We once meant only to have given an extract
from this journal, to supply the deficiency in the latter part of the
former narrative by Sir Henry Middleton; but on a careful examination,
we have found its information so superior to most of the early relations
of voyages, that we even regret it had been before garbled or
abbreviated by Purchas, who tells us, that this article consists only of
certain extracts from the journal of Captain Downton. Some uninteresting
details have however been omitted.--E.
[Footnote 347: Purch. Pilg. I. 274. Astl. I. 390.]
§ 1. _Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, both
inclusive_.
The 22d July, 1611, we got sight of the _Table_ and point of Saldanha,
bearing east, twelve leagues distant; but owing to calms and contrary
winds, it was the 24th before we got moored in the road. We there found
three ships belonging to Holland; one of which, bound for Bantam, was
commanded by Peter Bat, general of thirteen sail outward-bound, but
having spent his main-mast and lost company of his fleet, put in here to
refresh his sick men. The other two were homeward-bound, having made
train-oil of seals at Penguin island.
Saldanha bay is some fourteen leagues N.N.E. from the Cape of Good
Hope,[348] and ten leagues N. by W. from Cape _Falso_, which is eastward
of the former; and both of which capes may be seen from the said bay.
These two capes are divided by another great bay, False bay, the
distance between the two bays being about three leagues of low marshy
land, extending north and south, and on either side environed by
mountains.
[Footnote 348: Although these hydrographical notices of the environs of
Saldanha bay and the Cape of Good Hope are by no means perfectly
accurate, probably vitiated in the abbreviation of Purchas, they
distinctly shew, that the bay named Saldanha by our early voyagers, was
that now called Table bay: This latter is twelve or thirteen leagues
from the Cape, nearly as in the text, while that now called Saldanha bay
is twenty-seven leagues distant. The near neighbourhood of False bay is
incontestible evidence of the fact, being only three leagues distant;
while our modern Saldanha bay is more than twenty leagues from False bay
as the crow flies.--E.]
In former time, Saldanha bay was very comfortable to our navigators,
both outward and homeward-bound, yielding them abundance of cattle and
sheep, by which their weak and sick men in former voyages were easily
recovered and made strong. These used to be brought down by the savage
inhabitants, and sold for mere trifles, as an ox for a piece of
hoop-iron fourteen inches long, and a sheep for a much shorter piece. It
is now quite otherwise; but, from my ignorance of the language of the
natives, I have not been able to ascertain the cause. Whether it may
have proceeded from the too great _liberality_ of the Dutch, spoiling
the trade, which indeed they are apt to do in all places where they
come, as they only consider their present occasions; or whether it may
have been that the cattle formerly brought down in such abundance were
plunder taken from each other in wars then raging, which made them
greedy of iron to make heads for their lances and darts, which now by
peace or reconciliation they have little need of. However this may have
been, all our bribes or contrivances should only procure at this time
four old lean cows, for which they would not take iron in payment, but
thin pieces of copper six inches square. We got likewise six or seven
sheep, for pieces of copper three inches square, cut out of a kettle. Of
this copper they made rings, six or eight of which made very bright they
wear on their arms.
These people are the filthiest I have ever seen or heard of; for,
besides other uncleanness, which most people clear off by washing, this
people, on the contrary, augment their natural filth, anointing their
bodies with a nasty substance, which I suppose to be the juice of herbs,
but seems on their bodies like cow-dung; and with which the wool of
their heads is so baked, as to seem a scurf of green herbs. For
apparel, they wear the tail of a cat, or some other small beast,
hanging before them, and a cloak of sheep-skin, which hangs down to the
middle of their thighs, turning it according to the weather, sometimes
the drest side, and sometimes the hair next the body; for their sheep
have hair instead of wool, and are party coloured like calves. Their
principal people wear about the bend of their arms a thin flat ring of
ivory, and on their wrists six, eight, ten, or twelve rings of copper,
kept bright and smooth. They are decorated also with other toys, as
bracelets of blue glass, beads, or shells, given them for ostrich
egg-shells or porcupine quills by the Dutchmen. They wear also a most
filthy and abominable thing about their necks, being the nasty guts of
their slaughtered cattle, making them smell more offensively than a
butcher's shambles. They carry in their hands a small dart or javelin,
with a small iron head, and a few ostrich feathers to drive away flies.
They have also bows and arrows, but generally when they come down to us,
they leave them in some hole or bush by the way. They are a well-made
people, and very swift of foot, and their habitations seem to be
moveable, so as to shift about to the best pastures for their cattle in
the valleys among the mountains, which far up in the country were at
this time covered with snow, but those near the sea, though very lofty,
were quite clear.
We saw various animals, as fallow-deer, antilopes, porcupines, baboons,
land-tortoises, snakes, and adders. The Dutchmen told us also of lions,
but we saw none. There are fowls also in abundance, as wild geese,
ducks, pelicans, _passea_, flamingos, crows having a white band on their
necks, small green birds, and various others unknown to us. Also
penguins, gulls, pintados spotted with black and white, alcatrasses,
which are grey with black pinions, shags or cormorants at the island in
great abundance, and another like a moor-hen. Fishes likewise of various
kinds, as great numbers of small whales, great abundance of seals at the
island, and with the sein we took many fishes like mullets as large as
trouts, smelts, thorn-backs, and dogs; and plenty of limpets and muscles
on the rocks. This place has a most wholesome air, and has plenty of
water both to serve navigators, and for travellers in the country, as
numerous small streams descend every where from the mountains.
This being the spring season at this place, it repented me that I had
not brought out many kinds of garden seeds, which might have been useful
afterwards for the relief of many Christians coming here for
refreshments. Also planting acorns might in time be useful, as trees
grow here more quickly than in our cold country.
Having finished our business of laying in a stock of water, and somewhat
relieved those of our men who were sick and weak, with what fresh
provisions we could procure, which indeed consisted principally of
muscles, we prepared to set sail, which we did at four in the morning of
the 13th of August. We descried the island of Madagascar on the 6th
September, in lat. 23° 38' S. and anchored that evening in the bay of St
Augustine in twelve fathoms. We here found the Union of London,
vice-admiral of the _fourth_ voyage, her people being much distressed
for provisions to carry them home. They related to our general their
having unfortunately lost company of their admiral and pinnace, between
Saldanha and the Cape of Good Hope, of which they had never heard since,
and various other unfortunate circumstances of their outward-bound
voyage.[349] Our general supplied them plentifully with provisions, and
also restored union among the ship's company, Mr Samuel Bradshaw being
much disliked by the factious master and his adherents, for his sober,
discreet, and provident management of the company's business.
[Footnote 349: It is unnecessary to repeat these circumstances, having
been already related; and need only be mentioned, that the bay in
Madagascar, where the captain and others were betrayed, is here called
Jungomar, or Vinganora, and is said to have been at the north-west
corner of Madagascar. In modern maps, the bay of Vingora is placed on
the west side of Madagascar, its mouth being in lat. 13° 41' S. and E.
long. 49° 28'.--E.]
At this place I particularly remarked two singular kinds of trees. One
of these yields from its leaves and boughs a yellow sap of so fat a
nature, that when fire is put to it standing quite green, the fire
blazes up immediately over all the leaves and branches. Its wood is
white and soft. The other kind has white wood with a small brown heart,
but nearly as hard as _lignum vitae_. The trees which we of the
Pepper-corn cut for fire-wood, hung all full of green fruit called
_Tamerim_, [tamarinds,] as large as an English bean-cod, having a very
sour taste, and reckoned good against the scurvy. The men of our
admiral, having more leisure than ours, gathered some of this fruit for
their own use. We saw likewise here abundance of a plant, hardly to be
distinguished from the _sempervivum_ of Socotora, whence the Socotrine
aloes is made; but I know not if the savage natives of this island have
any knowledge of its use. The natives, for what reason I know not, came
not near us, so that we got not here any beef or mutton, though oxen
used to be had here for a dollar a-piece. But we were told the
disorderly fellows of the Union had improvidently given whatever the
savages asked, so that scarcely any are now to be had even for ten
shillings each. Though savage, the people of this island are not
ignorant in ordering their men in battle array, as was experienced by
the Union at Jungomar: But in all parts of the island, it is necessary
for the Christians to be very much on their guard, for the natives are
very treacherous.
We left St Augustine bay on the 9th September, leaving the Union still
there. The 29th, the wind being E.S.E. and the current, as I judged,
setting S.W. we were entangled with a lee-shore, which we called the
Carribas,[350] being several small islands with sundry ledges of rocks
among them, only to be discovered by the breaking of the waves upon
them. These are between 10° and 11° S. lat. and we spent six days before
we could get disengaged from among them, the wind all that time being
E.N.E. or E.S.E. still forcing us to leewards, though using every effort
by towing and otherwise to get off. The great danger arose from the
strength of the current, and the want of any place where we could
anchor; as, although we had ground near the rocks, it was very deep and
foul. There are several of these islands, mostly full of trees. Every
night after dark, we could see fires on shore made by the natives, but
we had no inclination to go ashore to speak with them. When it pleased
God that we got clear of this danger, we found the current to our
amazement carry us to the northwards, as much more in our estimation as
we made our ship's way; so that when we judged by the log we had gone
fifteen leagues, we had actually made thirty leagues.
[Footnote 350: The Karribas islands on the coast of Zanjibar, between
Cape Del Gada and Quiloa bay.--E.]
The 9th October we lost the current, except it might then set to the
eastwards, but which we could not ascertain. The 10th, 11th, and 12th,
we lost ground daily, caused by the current. The 17th at sunrise, we
descried two islands, which we judged to be the _Duas Hermanas_, or Two
Sisters, bearing from each other W. by S. and E. by N. about seven and a
half leagues from the west point of Socotora. Having the west point of
that island from us N.N.E. three and a half leagues distant, we had
twenty-three, twenty-four, and twenty-six fathoms. After getting to
anchor near a town called _Gallanza_, the general informed me that the
people of the island had confirmed what he already much feared, that the
easterly monsoon was already come, and all our hopes of getting to
Cambaya were frustrated for nine months; but of this we expected to be
better informed by the king of the island at Tamarin, where he resides.
The 20th, we got to anchor at a point six leagues short of Tamarin, and
five leagues from the point of Gallanzoe; but weighing next day with a
small promising breeze, we were forced back by the current again athwart
the town of Gallanza, and had to cast anchor far out in a great depth.
The 22d being full moon, it was high water about nine p.m. and I judged
that it flowed between ten and eleven feet, the flood-tide setting to
the northward, close by the shore.
The 25th, about 11 a.m. we anchored in eight fathoms, a mile from shore,
right over against the town of Tamarin, where the king's house is north
from the castle, on the top of the hill above the town. At anchoring, we
saluted the king with nine guns, and the general sent Mr Femell ashore
handsomely attended in the pinnace, with a fine crimson awning, to
present the king a fair gilt cup of ten ounces weight, a sword-blade,
and three yards of _stammel_ [red] broad-cloth. The king was ready at
the shore to receive him, in an orange-tawny tent, attended by the
principal of his people, being Arabs, and a guard of small shot. He
thankfully received the present, promised water free, and any thing else
the island afforded at reasonable price; but they had suffered a two
years drought, and consequently had little to spare. He had no aloes for
sale, having sent the whole produce to the Red Sea. He informed Mr
Femell, that the Ascension and her pinnace came there in February, and
went in company with a Guzerat ship to the Red Sea, whence both returned
to Socotora and took in water, departing for Cambaya. That his own
frigate being afterwards at Basseen, near Damaun, in India, was informed
by the Portuguese, that the Ascension and pinnace were both lost, but
the men saved, having come too soon upon the coast, before the bad
weather of winter was over. After a conference of more than an hour, the
king sent the general a present of twelve goats.
This king of Socotora was named _Muley Amor ebn Sayd_, being only
viceroy under his father, who is King of Fartak, in Arabia, not far from
Aden, and comes into the sea at _Camricam._.[351] He said his father was
at war with the Turks of Aden in his own defence, for which reason he
refused to give us a letter for the governor of Aden, as it would do us
harm. The people in Socotora on which the king depends are Arabs, the
original natives of the island being kept under a most servile slavery.
The merchandise of this island consists of _Aloes Socotarina_, of which
they do not make above a ton yearly; a small quantity of _Sanguis
draconis_, some of which our factors bought at twelve-pence a pound;
dates, which serve them instead of bread, and which the king sells at
five dollars the hundred [_weight_?] Bulls and cows we bought at twelve
dollars a-piece; goats for a dollar; sheep half a dollar; hens half a
dollar; all exceedingly small conformable with the dry rocky barrenness
of the island; wood cost twelve-pence for a man's burden; every thing in
short was very dear. I know of nothing else the island produces, except
rocks and stones, the whole country being very dry and bare.
[Footnote 351: We cannot tell what to make of this remark in the text.
Purchas, who has probably omitted something in the text, puts in the
margin, _King of Fartak, or Canacaym_; which does not in the least
elucidate the obscurity, unless we suppose Canacaym an error for
Carasem, the same with Kassin, or rather Kushem, to which Fartak now
belongs.--_Astl._ I. 395. b.]
§ 2. _Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherous
Proceedings of both Places_.
After saluting the king, we took our departure from Socotora for Aden,
taking our course along the north side of _Abdal Kuria_[352] for Cape
_Guar-da-fui_, which is the eastermost point of _Abax_ [Habesh, or
Abyssinia], and is about thirty-four leagues west from the western
point of Socotora; from which the eastern point of Abdal Kuria is
fourteen leagues off. Abdal Kuria is a long narrow rugged island, about
five leagues in extent from east to west, on which the King of Socotora
keeps a few people to tend a flock of goats. About three leagues north
from the middle of Abdal Kuria, are two great rocks near each other, and
some half a mile long, which are rendered entirely white by the dung of
birds. From the west of Abdal Kuria to Cape Guar-da-fui, the distance is
fifteen leagues. The 31st October, being athwart the west end of
Socotora, we left, to the north, a white rock called _Saboyna_, four
leagues N.W. by W. from the point of Socotora. The first November, at
sunrise, we were abreast the middle of Abdal Kuria, leaving it two and a
half leagues to larboard, and the two white rocks half a league to
starboard. At one p.m. we descried Cape Guar-da-fui, but it was night
before we came near and passed it, so that we could not fix its true
position. On the morning of the second we were abreast a high mountain,
nine leagues west from Cape Guar-da-fui, between which point and another
high point five leagues W. by S. by the compass, there is a low sandy
point stretching one league and a quarter to sea; and about three
leagues more westerly, we anchored and went ashore with all our boats to
cut wood, of which we were in great want. From some of the inhabitants
we learnt that the last mount, or high point, which we passed was called
_Feluk_, or _Foelix_, by the Portuguese; but as soon as these people
knew us to be Christians, they fled from us.
[Footnote 352: In Purchas named Abba del Curia, by some called Abdel
Curia: Perhaps its name ought to be Abdal Kuria, or Adal Kuri, as
written by Captain Hamilton.--_Astl._ I. 395. c.]
The third, in the afternoon, having laid in a stock of wood, we set
sail, standing west towards the Red Sea. At ten a.m. on the 5th, we
descried the coast of Arabia Felix, bearing from us N.N.W. and N. by E.
the nearest land about twelve leagues distant. At noon I found the lat.
13° 28' N. At sun-set we were still about twelve leagues from land,
which seemed mountainous in the interior, all very high, without any
appearance of trees or grass, or any other fruitfulness. We now directed
our course W. by S. as the coast lay, expecting soon to see Aden, as on
falling in with the land I reckoned we were not more than twenty-four
leagues eastward of that place; but, while I reckoned the course of the
ships across the gulf, N.W. by N. we found that we had made little more
than bare north, owing to the current, so that on falling in with the
land we were little less than sixty leagues short of Aden. We continued
our course with a good breeze all day, but shortened sail during the
night, not to overshoot Aden, having for the most part twenty-five,
twenty, fifteen, twelve, ten, and eight fathoms water. At sun-set on the
7th, we suddenly got sight of Aden, which stands at the foot of a barren
mountain, where one could scarcely have expected to find a town; but it
has been placed here for strength, being very defensible, and not to be
easily won, if the defendants are men of resolution, and are provided
with victuals and ammunition. To seaward, though in a manner dry at low
water, there stands a high rock, rather larger than the Tower of London,
which is very steep, and not easily ascended by an enemy, having but one
narrow passage to go up by means of steps, where four resolute men may
withstand a multitude. This rock is walled, flanked, and furnished with
cannon, and seems to me capable of commanding both the town and road;
yet any ship may anchor in nine fathoms beyond reach of its guns. The
anchorage under its command is in nine fathoms downwards. At a little
distance, northwards of the former rock, is another of small compass,
quite low, and almost even with the water, on which likewise there is a
fort well furnished with ordnance. I could not learn what garrison is
usually kept at Aden, but as occasion requires it has reinforcements
from other towns in the interior. It is supplied with provisions partly
from the low adjoining country, and partly by means of barks from
Barbara, on the opposite coast of _Abexin_,[353] whence they bring
cattle, grain, and other provisions, with myrrh and frankincence. Aden
is in lat. 12° 35' N. the variation being 12° 40'.[354] The tide, by
estimation, flows between six and seven feet at the change of the moon.
The mountain, at the foot of which this city is built, is a peninsula
jutting out to seaward, joined to the main by a narrow neck of sandy
ground, beyond which a large extent of marsh-like ground stretches
towards the interior mountains, which may be some sixteen or twenty
miles from the town.
[Footnote 353: Abyssinia, as Downton always names this north-east coast
of Africa, but which ought rather to be called the coast of Adel or
Zeyla, Abyssinia being, properly speaking, confined to the interior
mountainous country at the head of the Nile. The south-west coast of the
Red Sea indeed, from Swaken south-east to the Straits of Bab-al-Mondub,
is generally called the coast of Habash, or Abyssinia, although its
ports are all occupied by Turks or Arabs.--E.]
[Footnote 354: The latitude of Aden is in 12° 45' N. and its longitude
nearly 45° E. from Greenwich.--E.]
At our first anchoring, the governor sent an Arab in a canoe to view our
ships, but though called to, he refused to come aboard. Next morning the
same Arab came aboard our admiral from the _Mir_,[355] or governor, to
know what we were, and to say that we were welcome to land, if friends.
Our general sent ashore a present for the governor, being an engraved
musket made in the Turkish fashion, and a choice sword-blade, under the
charge of John Williams and Mr Walter, our linguists, accompanied by
other factors. They were not admitted into the town, but were
entertained without the gates near the shore, seemingly with much
kindness, pretending great respect for our nation, yet they spoke not a
word about trading with us, but said they every day expected the arrival
of 30,000 soldiers, which to us seemed strange that so barren a country
could find provisions for so great a multitude. Being told that our
general only wished a pilot to carry his ships to Mokha, the chief said
he was only deputy to the governor, who was out of town, but would
return next day, when an answer should be given. In the mean time the
chief sent to our general two _Barbara_ sheep, having broad rumps and
small tails, with some plantains and other fruits. The 9th our general
sent again ashore for a pilot, but got only fair words, as the _mir_ or
governor was not yet returned. Without sending any pilot, the chief
requested our general would not remain for trade at that place with all
his ships, but that one only might be left there for their supply. He
desired likewise to know the price of several of our commodities, with
pretensions that they could supply indigo, olibanum, myrrh, and various
other things. Before this answer came back, our ships had been driven by
the current so far beyond the point to the west of Aden, that we could
not get again eastwards in sight of the town, and had to anchor abreast
of a bay to the south-west.
[Footnote 355: Mir is a contraction of Amir or Emir, much used by the
Persians. From Amir comes our Admiral, first used by the Europeans
during the crusades.--Astl. I. 396. c.
The origin of Admiral is probably from _Amir-al-bahr_, lord of the sea,
or sea-commander; corrupted in Spanish into _Almirante_, and changed in
French and English into Admiral.--E.]
We saw several people fishing in the bay, and many _people of
fashion_[356] on the hill. On this the general went ashore to enquire
when the current would change, so that we might get back. The
deputy-governor seemed very angry, pretending that our coming was not
with any good intent, but merely to discover their strength, insomuch
that John Williams was in doubt they would have detained him: but the
governor, who was now present, seemed not so rigorous, dissembling with
fair words, and promised to give a pilot for Mokha, yet desired that one
of our ships might stay for their supply; saying, that by the misconduct
of former governors, the town had lost its trade, which he now wished to
restore, and hoped we would make a beginning. He added, that if our
ships all departed without trade, he would be blamed by the pacha, his
superior officer, who would impute our departure to his ill usage. The
12th the general sent John Williams again ashore for the promised pilot;
when the governor said the pilot's wife would not allow him to go,
unless we left four of our principal persons behind as pledges for his
safe return, which bred in us a general suspicion of their evil
intentions: yet the general, in performance of his promise, determined
to leave me behind in the Pepper-corn, but directed me not to carry any
goods on shore, as they would not trust us with one of their _rascal
people_ except on such disgraceful terms, he thought fit not to trust
them with any of our goods. Wherefore, if they wanted any, as they
pretended, they were to purchase and pay for them on board; and in case
of suspecting any unfair dealings, we were to exchange pledges. If they
refused to deal on these principles, I was to follow the general to
Mokha. That same afternoon, the general departed with his own ship and
the Darling towards Mokha.
[Footnote 356: Probably Turks, distinguished from the half-naked Arabs
by their dress.--E.]
We laboured hard on the 13th November, by means of long warps, to get up
to Aden against wind and current, and actually got abreast the
fishing-cove. This day the _mir_ or governor of Aden sent a message on
board, desiring to speak with our merchants, to know if we meant to
trade. Accordingly Mr Fowler and John Williams, together with the
purser, who had other business, went ashore; and having informed the
_mir_ in what manner they were directed to trade, he detained all
three, pretending he did so that he might procure payment for anchorage
and other duties, for which he demanded 1500 gold _Venetianoes_, each
worth a dollar and half, or 6_s_. 9_d_. I continued unprofitably before
Aden till the 16th December, in continual danger of shipwreck if any
storm had happened, and always fed with promises of trade, but no
performance, and our three officers continuing in confinement.
Being informed by my boatswain that he was much in want of small cordage
for many purposes, and that he wished he and others might go ashore to
lay some on the strand by the town wall, I sent to ask permission from
the governor, with assurance of their safely. This was immediately
granted with the utmost readiness and complacency, desiring that they
might use the most convenient place for their purpose, and offering the
use of a house in which to secure their things during the night Yet
after all these fair promises, every man who went ashore was seized,
stript of their money and every thing they had, and put in irons. My
pinnace was lost, all the ropes taken away, together with the implements
for laying it over again. Thus there were now prisoners, two merchants,
the purser, a man to wait upon them, a prating apothecary, my surgeon,
master-caulker, boatswain, one of his mates, two quarter-masters, the
cooper, carpenter, gunner's mate, cockswain, and five of his crew, in
all twenty persons.
Monday, 16th December, I weighed anchor from the southermost road of
Aden, and directed my course through the straits for Mokha. The 20th I
came to the road of Mokha, where I saw the Trades-increase riding alone,
but no appearance of the Darling. The Trades-increase was about four
miles from shore, riding with two anchors ahead, on account of the
vehemence of the weather. On coming near, the people of the
Trades-increase lowered their flag, as a signal of bad news, by which I
suspected some misfortune had befallen our general. When I had anchored,
Mr Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came aboard, when he
began with a heavy heart to unfold by degrees all that had happened
since we parted at Aden.[357]
[Footnote 357: The incidents that happened at Mokha having been already
related in the preceding section, we here omit a long account of them by
Downton.--E.]
The 21st I sent ashore a letter to the general, informing him of the
misfortunes that had befallen me at Aden. In answer, he gave me a brief
account of the treachery that had been practised upon himself, and
requested me, if I could get to sea, to go to Aden and remain there till
I heard what became of him and the others on shore. The 22d the general
and all his company set out on their journey for Zenan, attended by a
strong guard of soldiers to prevent their escape. The carpenters,
however, were detained at Mokha, where they wrought in chains on our
pinnace for the pacha; likewise several wounded men, who were unable for
the journey, remained still in chains at Mokha. That same evening,
though the Turks guarded our men very narrowly, Mr Pemberton slipt aside
among the bushes, and made for the sea-side, where he chanced upon a
canoe with a paddle, in which he put off, committing himself to the
danger of the sea, rather than trust to the mercy of the Turks. Through
the fatigue of his long journey, he was forced to give over rowing by
the morning; but it pleased God that the canoe was noticed from the
Trades-increase, and picked up by her pinnace, which brought Mr
Pemberton on board, hardly able to speak through faintness. The 27th,
the Darling, which had been sent to seek me at Aden, returned to the
road of Mokha, having lost an anchor and cable.
On the 2d January, 1611, I departed with all the three ships from Mokha
roads, intending to ply up for Bab-al-Mondub, for three reasons: First,
to ease our ground tackle, which was much decayed through long riding at
anchor in boisterous weather; second, to seek some place where we could
procure water, for which we were now much distressed; and, lastly, to
stop the passage of all the Indian ships entering the Red Sea, by which
to constrain the Turks to release our general with the people and goods.
We stood over in the first place for the Abyssinian coast, where we left
the Darling to look for her anchor and cable, while with the other two
ships we plied to windward, and came to anchor in the evening on the
Arabian coast, about three leagues to windward of Mokha, and about four
miles off shore, in eight fathoms water. The 3d we set sail with the
ebb-tide, working to windward; but in the afternoon I spent my two
topsails, and before we got other two to the yard we were half-seas over
towards the Abyssinian coast, and anchored in sixteen fathoms. Towards
morning the wind increased, with dark cloudy weather and a rough sea,
when we lost sight of the Trades-increase, at which time she had broke
an anchor and drove, and let fall another anchor, which not holding, she
drifted into six fathoms, when they were forced to cut their cable, and
stand off into deeper water. The 4th, when preparing to weigh anchor, I
saw the Trades-increase standing over for Mokha, while Mr Pemberton in
the Darling was riding in a good road, to which I would gladly have
gone, but not knowing what need our great ship might have of my
carpenters, her own being prisoners at Mokha, I stood after her, and
carrying too much sail in rigorous weather, we split both our new
topsails, which had been sewed with rotten twine, as indeed most of our
sails were. Owing to this, it was night before I got into Mokha road,
where I learnt the Trades-increase had lost two anchors, on which I sent
my carpenters aboard to stock some others for her.
From that to the 18th we continued in Mokha roads with little ease, and
to the material injury of our cables. From the 6th to the 11th canoes
came every day from the town with letters from the carpenters,
containing a variety of forged news communicated by the aga, who
permitted them to send off chiefly for the sake of wine and beer, with
which they gratified the Turks; and were sometimes allowed to send off
some little fresh provisions. The 12th the Darling came into the road,
saluting me with three guns in token of good news. Mr Pemberton came
immediately aboard, and told me, to my great comfort, that he had found
an easy road and a good watering place, and had recovered his cable and
anchor. The 18th some persons came off to us from Mokha, bringing us two
bullocks, two goats, a few hens and eggs, and some fruit, but no news of
our general. That afternoon we set sail for the good road on the
Abyssinian coast, and anchored at night three leagues short of it, under
an island which we named _Crab island_, owing to the great abundance of
crabs we found there. The 19th we weighed again, and anchored under
another island, smaller than the former; and on the 20th we stood
farther into the bay, anchoring in eight fathoms, half a mile from
shore, right opposite the watering place.
I sent George Jeff ashore in the pinnace to find out the river, and
to endeavour to speak with the natives. Immediately on landing, about an
hundred of the natives presented themselves, armed with lances, and one
bolder than the rest came forwards, and even desired to be carried on
board. He there informed me, by means of an interpreter, that the Turks
had sent over to them, saying how they had betrayed and slain many of
our men, and wishing them to do the like to as many as they could lay
hold of. This young man was said to be a person of consideration, and
was very kind to us all the time we lay in this bay. He remained all
night in the Trades-increase, where he was kindly used to his entire
content. The 21st, with all the boats, I went a-land with most of our
men, setting some to dig wells, some to fetch ballast, others to fill
water from a small well we found ready dug, and the rest under arms to
guard those who wrought. Soon after our landing, there came to me the
priest of the natives, with the father and brothers of our friendly
youth, who had not yet left us. They received him very joyfully on his
landing, and presented me with a goat, promising to bring us some more
goats next day for sale. I remained ashore all night with a strong
guard, to see that no harm were done to our water; and next day set the
people to work as before: For, considering the ill usage the general had
met with at Mokha from the Turks, and having no assurance of the honesty
of this people, I was suspicions of what evil the Turks might intend, or
might persuade this people to, against us, even by putting poison into
our water; therefore, I trusted no one farther than I could avoid. This
day was very boisterous, and none of the natives came near us all day. I
continued this night likewise on shore, setting a strong guard to keep
watch.
The 23d, the same people who had been with us before came down, and were
followed by others driving several goats to sell, as they had promised.
I entertained them kindly, making the purser buy their goats, and they
departed in the evening well satisfied, promising to bring us more
daily, which they faithfully performed. This day we completed all our
ships in water. From the 24th to the 29th inclusive, the natives brought
us goats and sheep every day, of which we bought as many as we could
use, paying them to their satisfaction.
The 29th, having the wind at N.N.W. we set sail, being determined to ply
up to the _bab_ with all our three ships, to stop all the Indian ships
that should come this year to the Red Sea, for the purpose formerly
mentioned; but when abreast of Crab island it fell calm, on which we
came to anchor, and I went on shore with a large party of men to cut
wood for fuel. In the afternoon we saw two _Jelbas_ coming over from
Mokha, one of which brought me a letter from the general, dated 15th
January, giving an account of his safe arrival at Zenan with all his
company, except Richard Phillips, Mr Pemberton's boy, who was left sick
at Tayes. This letter, having being kept till the 17th, mentioned the
safe arrival of Mr Fowler and the rest of my company at Zenan. The
general likewise informed me, that God had raised him a friend in the
midst of his enemies, being the _Raha_,[358] who is next in dignity to
the pacha. This letter made me alter my purpose of stopping the India
ships, lest it might prove injurious to the general and his companions
in captivity, as also to our countrymen trading in the Mediterranean.
[Footnote 358: Probably a typographical error for _Kaha_, called _Cahya_
in the narrative of Sir Henry Middleton, and meaning the _Kiahya_.--E.]
The 7th February, the Trades-increase returned to me in the road of
Assab, Mr Thornton bringing me another letter from the general, desiring
me yet to forbear revenging our manifold wrongs, as he and his company
expected to begin their journey back to Mokha in five days. The 2d
March, a boat from Mokha brought me a letter from the general, stating
that his journey was delayed, and desiring me to forbear taking revenge.
The 5th, I sent the Darling over to Mokha, on which day our general and
his company arrived there. Mr Pemberton found in the road of Mokha a
great ship belonging to Dabul, called the Mahomet. The 11th, fearing
some accident had befallen the Darling, owing to her long absence, I set
sail with the other two ships, meaning to have gone over to Mokha; but
before I reached Crab island, we saw the Darling coming over, on which
we stood back to Assab. In the evening, Mr Pemberton came to me with
twenty-two of the betrayed people of the Trades-increase, and fourteen
of my people belonging to the Pepper-corn. He likewise brought me a
letter from the general, giving me assurance of his enlargement as soon
as the India ships were all arrived, and the wind came round to the
westwards.
The 18th, I stood over to Mokha in the Pepper-corn, and arrived there on
the 19th. Before I had anchored, I had a letter from the general,
giving me to understand that the presence of my ship alarmed the
Dabullians and displeased the aga, wherefore he wished me to go back to
Assab. I immediately sent George Jeff ashore with two letters, by one of
which I gave a brief account of our wants, and my opinion that the Turks
only fed him with false hopes to serve their own purposes. In the other,
written purposely that he might shew it to the aga, I stated, that so
long as he was detained a prisoner, he had no power to command us who
were free, and could not therefore keep us from the road of Mokha, or
from doing whatever we saw meet for ourselves. To these the general
wrote me the following answer:
Captain Downton, your overmuch care may work your own harms, and do me
and my company no good, and therefore take nothing to heart more than is
cause, for I have had and still have my full share. And whereas you
allege, you are loth to depart this road without me, I am more loth to
stay behind, if there were any remedy. I made a forced agreement with
the pacha at Zenan, that our ships were to absent themselves from this
road, till all the India ships were come in; and then, at the first
coming of the westerly wind, I and all my company were to be set free.
If they fail to perform with me, then I would have you shew your
endeavours. In the mean time you must have patience, as well as myself.
I would be loth the agreement should be first broken on our side,
without any cause given by them.
For the provision that should have been sent in the _jelba_, it was my
fault it was not sent, in that I did not urge it to the aga. After your
departure to-morrow, as I desire you to see performed, I will go in hand
with the lading of the goods in the jelba, which shall not be above
three days absent from you. I have promised the ships shall not come
into the roads till the westerly winds be come, which will be a month
hence at the farthest; in the mean time you shall hear from me by
_jelbas_ or boats, which I will send of purpose. I doubt not but there
will be good performance made with me by the Turks, in that my agreement
was made with the pacha and not with Regib aga. If I doubted any new
stratagem, I would have attempted to have escaped away by this time. I
have had, and still have means for my escape, were it not to leave my
people in danger of their lives: Doubt not, if they perform not with
me, when the westerly winds come, but I shall have good opportunity. I
had laid a plot to have escaped, if I could have persuaded Mr Femell,
but he will by no means be drawn to any thing, till he see whether the
Turks will perform or no, and he makes no doubt but to be sent aboard
with the first of the westerly winds, when you shall come to demand us.
You may ride in your quiet road-stead on the other side with all your
ships, till God send us that long-wished-for westerly wind, unless you
get a _slatch_ of wind to carry one of your ships to the _bab_, to see
if all be well there, and so return back to you. I know that all sorts
of provisions waste apace in the ships; which, God sending me aboard, I
hope quickly to renew.
The 27th March I sent over the Darling to Mokha, at the general's
request, and she returned on the 6th April to Assab road, to deliver the
victuals and other provisions, which had so long been detained by the
Turks, and brought me a very kind letter from the general. The 21st, the
King of _Rahayta_ sent me a present of a fat cow and a slave, by a
kinsman of his, who staid all night in the Trades-increase. At various
times the Budwees[359] brought us abundant supplies of bullocks, goats,
and sheep, which they sold to us for cloth, preferring that to money:
But by the beginning of May, our cloth fit for their use being all gone,
we could only purchase with money, after which our supply became scanty.
The 11th May, our general happily effected his escape from Mokha aboard
the Darling, with fifteen more of his people.[360]
[Footnote 359: Badwis, or Bedouins; the nomadic Mahometan tribes on the
African coast of the Red Sea, are here meant--E.]
[Footnote 360: The narrative of Sir Henry Middleton in the preceding
section, giving a sufficiently ample account of the incidents in the
voyage, till the return of the ships to Mokha, it has not been thought
necessary to continue the relation of Downton so far as regards the
intermediate transactions, for which we refer to the account of the
voyage already given by Sir Henry Middleton. But as his narrative breaks
off abruptly soon after the return to the Red Sea, we resume that of
Downton in the subsequent subdivisions.--E.]
§ 3. _Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit._
The 1st April, 1612, on our return from India toward the Red Sea, we
were by estimation eighteen leagues short of Aden. It was now ordered by
the general, that I was to remain before or near the town of Aden, to
enforce any Indian ships that should arrive there to proceed into the
Red Sea, for which I received a commission, or written instructions,
from the general, who was with all expedition to proceed with the
Trades-increase to the _bab_, or gate of the Red Sea, both for the
safety of the company's ship, of which we had intelligence from
Masulipatam, that she was following our track into the mouths of the
wolves, from whom by God's mercy we had escaped, and there to take
revenge of the Turks and the subjects of the Great Mogul, for the wrongs
done to us, our king, and our country. The 2d we found the Darling at
anchor some eight leagues eastward of Aden, having got before us by
reason of our having lingered four days for her. She had completed her
business at Socotora, and had departed thence before we past it, going
by Saboyna, Abdal Curia, and Mount Feluk, where we lingered for her. She
brought from Socotora a letter left with the king, written by Captain
John Saris, general of the Clove, Hector, and Thomas, ships belonging to
our India company, signifying that he was gone into the Red Sea,
notwithstanding the letter of Sir Henry Middleton, giving an account of
the villanies there done to us. The general immediately departed toward
the _bab_, with the Trades-increase and Darling, leaving me in the
Pepper-corn at anchor, about eight leagues east from Aden.
Early in the morning of the 3d we set sail to the southwards, the better
to discover, and so all day we kept to windward of Aden. We soon
descried three sail bound for Aden, but they stood away from us, and we
could not get near them, as it blew hard. At night we did not come to
anchor, but lay to, to try the current by our drift, which I found to be
three leagues in ten hours. The morning of the 4th I came to anchor a
league or four miles from Aden, in twelve fathoms. Seeing a ship
approaching, we set sail very early in the morning of the 12th to
intercept her; and at day-light saw her at anchor about three miles
south of us. We immediately made sail towards her, which she perceiving,
got under weigh for Aden. Between nine and ten, by firing a shot, she
struck her top-sails, and sent her boat to us, saying she belonged to
the Zamorin, or King of Calicut, whence they had been forty days. The
_nakhada_, or commander of this ship, was Abraham Abba Zeinda,[361] and
her cargo, according to their information, consisted of _tamarisk_,[362]
three tons; rice, 2300 quintals; _jagara_, or brown sugar, forty bahars;
cardamoms, seven bahars; dried ginger, four and a half quintals; pepper,
one and a half ton; cotton, thirty-one bales, each containing five or
six maunds. Her crew and passengers consisted of seventy-five persons,
of whom twenty were appointed to bale out water and for other purposes
below, eight for the helm, four for top and yard and other business
aloft, and twenty boys for dressing the provisions, all the rest being
merchants and pilgrims. Her burden was 140 tons. Having carefully
examined them, and finding they belonged to a place which had never
wronged our nation, I only took out two tons of water, with their own
permission, and dismissed them, giving them strict injunctions not to go
to Aden, or I would sink their ship. So they made sail, standing farther
out from the land, but going to leewards, we were forced to stand off
and on all day and night, lest in the night she might slip into Aden.
[Footnote 361: Perhaps rather Ibrahim Abu Zeynda, or Sinda.--Astl. I.
421. b.]
[Footnote 362: Probably turmeric.--E.]
Every ship we saw, before we could come to speak them, had advice sent
by the governor of Aden to inform them of us. When the Calicut ship was
under our command, the governor sent off a boat, manned with Arabs,
having on board two Turkish soldiers of the garrison, who had formerly
been instruments of Abdal Rahman[363] aga, to bind and torture our men
whom they had betrayed. On seeing our men, whom they had used so ill,
they were in great doubt what usage they might now receive, as their
guilty conscience told them they merited no good treatment at our hands.
They brought some fruit to sell, and, I suppose, came as spies to see
what we were doing. At the first sight of our men, whom they knew, they
would fain have put off their boat again, but I would not permit them,
causing them to be reminded of their former behaviour to our men, when
in their hands; and when I thought them sufficiently terrified, I
ordered them to be told, that they should now see how far our nation
differed from the cruelty of Turks, who had most barbarously and
injuriously used our men, without giving any cause of offence, whom they
had betrayed by fair promises, yet I should now dismiss them without
harm. They immediately departed, making many fair promises of sending us
refreshments. They accordingly sent off next day a boat loaded with
fish; but we were too far off for them to reach us, as we were obliged
to put the Calicut ship to leeward towards the Red Sea.
[Footnote 363: In Purchas called _Abdraheman_; perhaps the name was Abd
Arrahman.--Astl. I. 421. c.]
The morning of the 14th, the wind at east, we descried another ship of
like burden with the former bound for Aden, which, about ten o'clock,
a.m. we forced to come to anchor. I learnt that she was from _Pormean_,
a town not far from _Kuts Nagone_,[364] a place tributary to the Great
Mogul, who had despised our king, and abused our nation. The _nakhada_
of this ship was a Banian; and being fearful, if any other ship should
approach Aden, I must either leave the one or the other, I therefore
made haste to search her by my own people. With great labour, before
darkness overtook us, we had out of her six packs of coarse _dutties_,
of six _corges_ a pack; other thirty-six bales, containing thirty-six
_corges_ of coarse _dutties_; one small bale of _candekins-mill_, or
small pieces of blue calico; with about thirty or more white _bastas_,
and a little butter and lamp oil. So far as we could discover for that
night, the rest of her lading consisted of packs of cotton-wool, as we
term it, which we proposed to examine farther next day.
[Footnote 364: According to the editor of Astley's Collection, I. 421.
d. Kuts Nagone is a place in the peninsula of Guzerat, not far from the
western cape. The western cape of Guzerat is Jigat Point; but no such
places are to be found in our best modern maps, and the only name
similar is Noanagur, on the south side of the Gulf of Cutch; whence
Kuts-Nagone in the text may be a corruption of Cutch-Noanagur.--E.]
This day Moharim aga, who was now _mir_, or governor of Aden, sent me a
present of eggs, limes, and plantains; but I sent back word by the
messenger, that the various intolerable injuries done to my friends and
nation at this place last year, had occasioned my present approach, to
do my nation and myself what right I might, to the disturbance and
injury of the Turks; and as my coming was not to ask any favour from
them, I would not accept any of their dissembled presents; for, as they
cut our throats when we came to them in friendship, we could expect no
favour now when we came in declared enmity. Wherefore, having received
what was useful for my people, I had sent back what I considered the
things to be worth. There came off also a boat, with store of fresh
fish, which I caused to be bought, always making the bringer to eat part
of what he brought, for fear of poison.
The 27th April we descried a sail plying to the eastwards, between us
and the shore, which, being detained by the pinnace, proved to be a
jelba belonging to _Shaher_, bound homewards with grain and other
commodities, among which was some opium, and having several pilgrims
from Mecca, as passengers on their way home. We purchased from them nine
and a half pounds of opium as a trial, and dismissed them. The 30th I
stopt two vessels, both belonging to a place on the Abyssinian or
African coast, called _Bandar Zeada_; one laden only with mats, and the
other having sixty-eight fat-rumped sheep, which we bought from them,
and dismissed them.
The 8th May we plied towards the _bab_ under easy sail, with a pleasant
wind at N.E. by E. At ten a.m. we descried land on the African coast,
looking at first like an island, but soon perceived it to be the main.
From thence we steered N.W. towards the _bab_, which, by estimation, was
then about ten leagues distant; and near four p.m. we descried the
straits, when we lingered off and on to spend the night. At day-light
next morning we made sail towards the _bab_. On entering the strait we
descried a sail astern, coming direct for the strait, on which I struck
my top-sails to wait for her, and sent off my pinnace to take
possession. The pinnace returned with the _Nakhada_ and _Malim_, whom I
examined, and found them to be subjects of the Great Mogul, belonging to
a place called _Larree_,[365] situated at the mouth of the great river
of Sindi. I luft up along with this ship into a bay, on the east side of
the straits, where we came to anchor in seven fathoms. I then sent my
merchants aboard to examine her loading, which consisted of divers packs
and fardels of cloth, seeds of various kinds, leather, jars of butter,
and a great quantity of oil, some for eating and some for lamps. As this
vessel had many passengers, and I could not keep her for want of water,
I took out of her the likeliest packs of Indian cloth to serve our
purposes, with some butter and oil for our own use, and then allowed
her to proceed for Mokha.
[Footnote 365: Bander Larry, or Larry Bunder, on the Pity river, the
most north-western branch of the Delta of the Indus, or Scinde
river.--E.]
About three p.m. I descried a ship of 200 tons opening the east land of
the straits, and immediately following her a vessel of huge size, her
main-yard being forty-three yards long. On coming near the great ship,
we knew her, by her masts and tops, to be the Mahmudi of Dabul; and
knowing the pride of her captain, I was anxious to gain the command over
him, as he would never formerly, either at Mokha or Dabul, come to visit
our general. Seeing him stand from us, I gave him one shot, and stood
with the other ship, which, seeing us stand with the great ship, struck
to leeward, thinking to escape in the darkness of the night, now
approaching. I took her for a ship of Diu; but, on getting up to her,
she proved to be from Kuts Nagone, laden with cotton-wool, some packs of
Indian cloth, with some butter and oil. Having got some of her principal
men aboard my ship, I made her edge with me into shoal water, on the
Arab coast, where I endeavoured, by means of lights, to discover five of
my men, whom I had left in the _Larree_ ship. We anchored at midnight in
twelve fathoms, four leagues within the _bab_, where the next two days
we took out of the _Larree_ ship sixty-six bundles of Indian cloth, but
which we returned again, as not needing it, and took only eight _corges_
of _bastas_, for which we paid to their content, and some butter and
oil. I now learned by a _jelba_, that Sir Henry Middleton had gone to
Assab roads, with eight or nine India ships, on which I made sail to
join him there, but the wind being unfavourable, had to come to anchor.
Next day, Giles Thornton, the master of the Trades-increase, came from
Sir Henry Middleton, to let me know that he had got possession of all
the Indian ships he desired. These were the _Rekemi_, of 1500 tons; the
_Hassany_, of 600; the _Mahmudi_ of Surat, of 150; the _Salamitae_, of
450; the _Cadree_, of 200; the _Azum Khani_, belonging to the
Shah-bandar of Mokha, all belonging to Diu; besides three Malabar ships,
the _Cadree_ of Dabul, of 400 tons, and a great ship of Cananore. Mr
Thornton told me, that before I could get into the road of Assab, Sir
Henry and Captain Saris, with all their people, would be gone ashore to
receive the King of _Rahayta_, who was come with his nobles and guards
to visit the two generals. The day being near spent, Sir Henry and
Captain Saris left the king in his tent, and went aboard the
Trades-increase to supper. I understood also of a contract entered into
with the Indian ships at the _bab_, by which it was agreed to exchange,
all our English goods for such Indian commodities as should be settled
by certain merchants on both sides. About this time likewise I was
informed, that the _Mammi_, or captain of the gallies, and others, had
come from the governor of Mokha to our general, to treat of peace, and
to enquire what sum he demanded in satisfaction of our damages. Sir
Henry, near the proportion of last year's demand, required the payment
of 100,000 dollars; on which they craved a respite of sufficient time
for sending to Zenan, to know the pleasure of Jaffar Pacha, after which
they promised to wait upon him again. In the meantime the Darling had
been preparing a small cargo of Indian cloths, with which to sail for
Tekoa, for which place she departed on the 19th of May. Captain Saris
also prepared the Thomas to follow the Darling to the same place, and
sent her away on the 23d. This day likewise, Sir Henry dismissed a ship
called the Azum Khani, belonging to the sabandar of Mokha.
A general meeting was held on the 30th May, at dinner, on board the
Trades-increase, to which Captain Saris and Captain Towerson were
invited, for holding a conference on the farther prosecution of our
business with the Turks. At noon came over from Mokha, the sabandar, the
mammi, and an aga, all appointed by the pacha to confer for an agreement
in satisfaction of our injuries; and finding he would abate nothing in
his demand of 100,000 dollars, they demanded leave to hold a conference
with the nakhadas, or captains of the Indian ships, and the principal
merchants, which was allowed. It seems this was for the purpose of
trying what additional customs could be levied on the Indian goods,
towards payment of the compensation demanded; but several of the
nakhadas, in consideration of former injuries, either staid away from
the conference, or opposed the augmentation; wherefore the three Turkish
officers took leave of Sir Henry, promising to give him notice of what
was to be done, as soon as they had an answer from the pacha; and thus
they departed again towards Mokha on the 9th June. All this time our
people were employed rummaging, opening, and repacking Indian goods fit
for our purpose, and giving English commodities in return for these.
The 11th June, Sir Henry, with the Trades-increase, and Captain Saris
with the Clove and Hector, departed from the road of Assab, carrying all
the Indian ships along with them to the road of Mokha. I continued with
the Pepper-corn at Assab, along with a small ship named the Jungo,
redelivering all the goods I had taken out of her on the 9th and 10th of
May. This being completed, I set sail along with her early in the
morning of the 12th, following our admiral and the rest to Mokha, where
we anchored in the afternoon of the 13th. The 19th, Sir Henry perceiving
that the Turks meant nothing but delay, and were even in our sight
unloading a ship of Kuts Nagone, he determined to hinder them till an
agreement was made in compensation of our wrongs. Wherefore, by his
orders, I warped nearer them with the Pepper-corn, and by firing several
shots made them desist from their labour: Yet all this week the Turks
amused us with delays, and came to no agreement.
The 26th, Sir Henry and Captain Saris convened a meeting of all the
nakhadas of the Indian ships aboard the Mahmudi of Dabul, where Sir
Henry, as he had done often before, recapitulated to them all the wrongs
and damages sustained from the Turks, declaring his resolution on no
account to permit them to have any trade with Mokha till he had received
ample satisfaction; adding, that having already repaid himself for the
injuries sustained in India, he must now be forced to carry them all out
with him to sea, that the Turks might reap no benefit this year from the
Indian trade. The Indians seeing that, by the abuses and delays of the
Turks, it was likely to become an unprofitable monsoon for them, though
their departure would be injurious to the Turks by loss of customs, yet,
rather than carry back their commodities, they desired to make a
composition with our two generals, paying a sum of money among them for
leave to trade. Accordingly, having no means to enforce satisfaction
from the Turks, without farther prejudice to the Indians, Sir Henry
determined to accept their offer, still leaving the satisfaction due
from the Turks to a future opportunity. To begin therefore, a
composition was agreed upon with Mir Mohammed Takkey, nakhada of the
Rehemi, for 15,000 dollars, she being nearly equal in value to the
other four ships.
§ 4. _Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there_.
Composition being made with all the Indian ships, and their several sums
in part received, Captain Saris sent away his vice-admiral, Captain
Towerson, on the 6th August. The 13th Captain Saris departed, having
received all the money due to him by composition from the Indian ships.
Having completed all our business by the 16th, we set sail on that day
with the Trades-increase and Pepper-corn, and passed through the straits
of Bab-al-Mondub next day, endeavouring to steer a course for Cape
Comorin on our way to Sumatra; but owing to calms and contrary winds we
were long detained in the gulf between the _bab_ and Cape Guard-da-fui.
The 12th September we saw several snakes swimming on the surface of the
sea, which seldom appear in boisterous weather, and are a strong sign of
approaching the coast of India. The 13th we saw more snakes, and this
day had soundings from 55 fathoms diminishing to 40. At sunrise of the
14th we descried high land, bearing E. by N. about 16 leagues distant,
when we stood E. by S. till four p.m. when the nearest coast between us
and the high land bore E. eight leagues off. We then directed our course
south along the coast of India or Malabar, and on the 22d at nine a.m.
descried Cape Comorin. The 24th we had sight of the island of Ceylon,
and next day about noon we descried Cape de Galle, the southernmost part
of that island. The 30th we found much injury done to the wheat in our
bread room by wet; also of our coarse _dutties_, or brown calicoes of
_Pormean_, we found twenty pieces quite rotten.
The 19th October, at three p.m. we anchored in the road of Tekoa,[366]
where we found the Darling, which had been there ever since July in a
great part of the rains, which were not yet ended, having buried before
we arrived three of their merchants and three sailors. Most of their men
were sick, and they had got but little pepper, and little more was to be
had till next season, in April and May. The great cause of their want of
trade was owing to civil wars in the country. We found here likewise
the Thomas, a ship belonging to the eighth voyage, newly come from
Priaman, where she had as poor success as the Darling had here. We here
learnt the safe return and prosperous voyage of Captain David Middleton;
also of the four ships of the ninth voyage, two of which were already
arrived at Bantam; likewise that Captain Castleton had been lately here
in his ship of war, and had left information of fifteen sail of
Hollanders, already come or near at hand, and of two ships come for
trade from New-haven in France; all which sorely damped the hopes of our
tired, crossed, and decayed voyage. The 22d, finding little to be done
here, the Pepper-corn departed towards Bantam, leaving me to remain in
the Trades-increase till the 16th of next month. The 2d November all the
men of any condition went away to the wars along with Rajah Bunesu, so
that we could expect little trade till their return. The 20th we took on
board the remains of the pepper weighed the day before, in which we
found much deceit, the people having in some bags put in bags of paddy
or rough rice, and in some great stones, also rotten and wet pepper into
new dry sacks, yet had we no remedy.
[Footnote 366: Tekoa, Ticu, or Ticoo, is a port on the south-west coast
of Sumatra, almost under the equator.--E.]
Having got all things in and our men aboard, we prepared to depart, and
about midnight of the 20th November we set sail in clear moonshine,
having the wind at N.E. off shore. Notwithstanding every care and
exertion to avoid the two known rocks three leagues from Tekoa, we got
fast on a rock, having four fathoms water at our stern, a quarter less
three on the starboard a midship, and three fathoms under the head; a
ship's length off five fathoms, the same distance on the larboard bow
six feet, a midship to larboard sixteen feet, under the larboard gallery
twenty feet, and all round deep water within a cable's length. God in
his mercy gave us a smooth sea and no wind, so that the set or motion of
the ship seemed quite easy; yet the water flowed in upon us so fast,
that both chain-pumps with infinite labour could not in a long time
command the water. With all possible expedition we got an anchor out
astern, with two-thirds of a cable, which God so blessed, that before we
could heave the cable taught at the capstan, the ship of her own accord
was off into deep water. This was no sooner the case but we had a gust
of wind at west, which put us off about a mile from the rock, where we
anchored to wait for our boat, which brought our cadge after us. When
it was clear day, we could not even perceive where the rock was. A
principal reason of coming to anchor, was in hopes to overcome our
leaks, being exceedingly desirous to hasten to Bantam, as without
absolute necessity we wished not to return to Tekoa. But after
consulting together on what was best to be done, we returned to Tekoa,
there to endeavour to stop our leak, which we found to be in the
fashioning pieces of the stern. Accordingly, about sunset of the 21st we
came to anchor there in a place well fitted for our purpose. The 22d,
23d, and 24th we laboured hard to land indigo, cinnamon, and other
things, using every exertion to lighten the ship at the stern where the
leak was, and were busily engaged till the 8th December in mending the
leak and reloading our goods; which done, we set sail again from Tekoa,
and arrived on the 20th at Pulo-panian.
The Pepper-corn being filled at that place, Sir Henry Middleton called a
council to consult on what was best to be done, taking into
consideration the injury received on the rock by the Trades-increase;
when it was resolved that she must necessarily be careened or hove down,
and new strengthened, before she could return home; which requiring a
long time, it would not be possible for her to get home this season. It
was therefore concluded to dispatch the Pepper-corn immediately for
England, as some satisfaction for the adventurers till the
Trades-increase could follow.
§ 5. _Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England_.
By the 4th of February, 1613, the Pepper-corn being laden and ready for
sea, we set sail for England, leaving Sir Henry Middleton behind in the
Trades-increase.[367] We arrived on the 10th May in the road of
Saldanha, where I hoped to have found all the ships formerly departed
homewards; but I only found the Hector and Thomas, two ships of the
eighth voyage. The Expedition had got round the Cape of Good Hope, bound
towards some part of Persia, there to land Sir Robert Sherly and his
Persian lady, and Sir Thomas Powell with his English lady, who were all
intending for Persia. The next day we set sail in company with the
Hector and Thomas; but towards evening the Thomas was far astern, and
the Hector bore away under a press of sail, so that we lost them during
the night. We lingered for them till the 19th at sunrise, employed in
repairing our weak and decayed sails, at which time Saldanha bore S.E.
one half E. seventeen leagues.
[Footnote 367: Sir Henry died on the 24th of May following at Machian,
as was thought of grief, of which an account will be found in the
journals of Floris and Saris.--Astl. I. 427. a.]
Continuing our course for England, after losing all hope of rejoining
the Hector and Thomas, we descried, on the 11th September, the coast of
Wales to windward, and that of Ireland to leeward, and finding the winds
so adverse that I could not make Milford Haven, and our wants allowing
no long deliberation, I determined to go to Waterford. The 13th in the
morning we descried the tower of _Whooke_, some three leagues from us,
the only land-mark for Waterford river. At eight o'clock a.m. we saw a
small boat coming out of the river, for which we made a waft, and it
came to us, being a Frenchman bound to Wexford. I hired this boat to go
again into the river, to give notice of our coming to the lieutenant of
the port of Dungannon, to prevent delay, as owing to the narrowness of
the channel it might endanger our ship at anchor in winding round. At
noon we got up the river as high as the passage.
I here found Mr Stephen Bonner of Lime with his bark, who had come here
a-fishing; and who, laying aside his own business, used the utmost
diligence in doing the best he could for the ease and relief of our weak
and sick people. The 18th I dispatched Mr Bonner for London with letters
for the company, to give notice of our arrival and wants, that we might
be supplied. The 21st, Doctor Lancaster, bishop of Waterford, very
kindly came to visit me, bringing good cheer along with him, and gave us
a sermon aboard, offering me the communion, which, being unprepared, I
declined, yet thanked him for his good-will. The 10th,[368] Captain John
Burrell came to visit me, and offered me money to supply my wants, if I
would send one along with him for it to Cork; wherefore I sent away Mr
Mullineux with Captain Burrell to Cork for the money.
[Footnote 368: From this date to the 6th October, there is some
inexplicable error in the dates of the text.--E.]
On the 12th, Anthony Stratford, lieutenant of the fort at Waterford,
having hired a villainous fellow, whom I had caused to be kept in prison
at Waterford for misdemeanors, to swear any thing that suited his
purpose to bring us under the predicament of piracy, and having obtained
a warrant from the Earl of Ormond, came to the passage, whence he sent a
message desiring me to send my boat ashore well manned, to fetch him and
other gentlemen aboard to see my ship. But immediately on my boat coming
aland, he apprehended my men, and coming himself on board, arrested me
and my ship for piracy, and committed me to prison in the fort of
Dungannon, giving strict charges that no person should be allowed to
come near me without a warrant from him; and such as did come to me, he
would have put to their oaths to say what conversation passed between
them and me. My man was sworn to carry no letters from me to any one,
nor any to me; and several of my people were that night examined on
oath, omitting no means to draw from them matter of accusation against
me. I continued in prison till the morning of the 16th, when Stratford
brought me a letter from his captain, Sir Lawrence Esmond, inviting me
to meet him at the passage. At that place I met Sir Lawrence and the
Bishop of Waterford, who were come from the Earl of Ormond to replace me
in my charge, and which at their earnest entreaty I again undertook.
The 23d, Master Mullineux, who had sent off letters to the company with
notice of this troublesome affair, returned from Cork with money to
supply my wants. The 25th, Mr Benjamin Joseph came to me in a small ship
from Bristol, bringing men, money, and provisions for my supply, which
we took in, making all haste to be gone. The 6th October we set sail
from Waterford river. The 12th in the morning we were abreast of Beechy
head, and at eight p.m. we anchored in Dover roads. The 13th we anchored
in the Downs at ten a.m. near H.M.S. Assurance, saluting her with five
pieces of cannon. Mr Cocket her master came immediately aboard, and
again arrested my ship till farther orders from the lord high admiral;
upon which I immediately sent off Mr Mullineux to London with letters to
the company, informing them of my situation.
The 17th, Mr Adersley came down from the company, bringing me a letter
from the directors, an order for the release of my ship, and Mr Punniat,
a pilot, to take charge of her from the Downs. The 18th in the morning
we set sail, and at six p.m. came to anchor in the road of _Gerend._ The
19th we got up to Tilbury, where we again anchored, and at ten a.m. next
day came to anchor at Blackwall; where, in the afternoon, came down Mr
Deputy and several members of the committee, to whom I delivered up my
charge.