SECTION II.

_Account of Java, and of the first Factory of the English at Bantam;

with Occurrences there from the 11th February, 1603, to the 6th October,

1605_.[119]

INTRODUCTION.

The entire title of this article, in the Pilgrims of Purchas, is, "A

Discourse of Java, and of the first English Factory there, with divers

Indian, English, and Dutch Occurrences; written by Mr Edmund Scot,

containing a History of Things done from the 11th February, 1602, till

the 6th October, 1605, abbreviated."

[Footnote 119: Purch. Pilgr. I. 164. Astl. I. 284.]

It is to be observed, that February, 1602, according to the old way of

reckoning time in England, was of the year 1603 as we now reckon, for

which reason we have changed the date so far in the title of the

section. Mr Edmund Scot, the author of this account of Java, was one of

the factors left there by Sir James Lancaster. He became latterly head

factor at that place, and returned from thence to England with Captain

Henry Middleton, leaving Mr Gabriel Towerson to take charge of the trade

in his room; doubtless the same unhappy person who fell a sacrifice,

seventeen years afterwards, to the avarice, cruelty, and injustice of

the Dutch. This article may be considered as a supplement to the voyage

of Sir James Lancaster, and is chiefly adopted as giving an account of

the first factory established by the English in the East Indies. Being

in some parts rather tediously minute upon matters of trifling interest,

some freedom has been used in abbreviating its redundancies. The

following character is given of it by the editor of Astley's

collection.--E.

"The whole narrative is very instructive and entertaining, except some

instances of barbarity, and affords more light into the affairs of the

English and Dutch, as well as respecting the manners and customs of the

Javanese and other inhabitants of Bantam, than if the author had dressed

up a more formal relation, in the usual way of travellers: From the

minute particulars respecting the Javanese and Chinese, contained in the

last sections, the reader will be able to collect a far better notion of

the genius of these people, than from the description of the country

inserted in the first; and in these will be found the bickerings between

the Dutch and English, which laid the foundations of these quarrels and

animosities which were afterwards carried to such extreme length, and

which gave a fatal blow to the English trade in the East

Indies."--_Astl._

* * * * *

§ 1. _Description of Java, with the Manners and Customs of its

Inhabitants, both Javanese and Chinese_.

Java Major is an island in the East Indies, the middle of which is in

long. 104° E. and in lat. 9° S.[120] It is 146 leagues long from east to

west, and about 90 leagues broad from south to north.[121] The middle of

the island is for the most part mountainous, yet no where so steep as to

prevent the people from travelling to their tops either a-foot or on

horseback. Some inhabitants dwell on the hills nearest the sea; but in

the middle of the land, so far as I could learn, there were no

inhabitants; but wild beasts of several sorts, some of which come to the

valleys near the sea, and devour many people. Towards the sea the land

for the most part is low and marshy, whereon stand their towns of

principal trade, being mostly on the north and north-east sides of the

island, as Chiringin, Bantam, Jackatra, and Jortan or Greesey. These low

lands are very unwholesome, and breed many diseases, especially among

the strangers who resort thither, and yield no merchandise worth

speaking of, except pepper, which has been long brought from all parts

of the island to Bantam, as the chief mart or trading town of the

country. Pepper used formerly to be brought here from several other

countries for sale, which is not the case now, as the Dutch trade to

every place where it can be procured, and buy it up.

[Footnote 120: The longitude of the middle of Java may be assumed at

110° E. from Greenwich, and its central latitude 7° 15' S. The western

extremity is in long. 105° 20' and the eastern in 114° 48' both E. The

extreme north-west point is in lat. 6°, the most southeastern in 8° 45',

both S. It is hard to guess what Mr Scot chose as his first meridian,

giving an error of excess or difference of 30° from the true position;

as the meridian of Ferro would only add about 18 degrees.--E.]

[Footnote 121: The difference of longitude in the preceding note gives

189 leagues, being 43 more than in the text, whereas its greatest

breadth does not exceed 28 leagues, not a third part of what is assigned

in the text.--E.]

The town of Bantam is about three English miles long, and very populous.

It has three markets held every day, one in the forenoon and two in the

afternoon. That especially which is held in the morning abounds as much

in people, and is equally crowded with many of our fairs in England; yet

I never saw any cattle there for sale, as very few are bred or kept in

the country. The food of the people is almost entirely confined to rice,

with some hens and fish, but not in great abundance. All the houses are

built of great canes, with a few small timbers, being very slight

structures; yet in many houses of the principal people there is much

good workmanship, with fine carvings and other embellishments. Some of

the chiefest have a square chamber built of brick, in a quite rude

manner, no better than a brick-kiln; the only use of which is to secure

their household stuff in time of fires, for they seldom or never lodge

or eat in them.

Many small rivers pervade the town, which also has an excellent road for

shipping; so that if the people were of any reasonable capacity, it

could easily be made a goodly city. It is entirely surrounded by a

brick-wall, built in a very warlike manner, with flankers and towers,

scouring in all directions; and I have been told by some that it was

first built by the Chinese. In many places this wall has fallen to ruin.

At one end of the city is the Chinese town, being divided from that of

the Javanese by a narrow river, which, after crossing the end of the

Chinese town, runs past the king's palace, and then through the middle

of the great town, where the tide ebbs and flows, so that at high water

galleys and junks of heavy burden can go into the middle of the city.

The Chinese town is mostly built of brick, every house being square and

flat-roofed, formed of small timbers, split canes, and boards, on which

are laid bricks and sand to defend them from fire. Over these brick

warehouses a shed is placed, constructed of large canes, and thatched;

some being of small timber, but mostly of canes. Of late years, since we

came here, many wealthy persons have built their houses fire-proof all

the way to the top: but, on our first coming, there were none other in

that manner except the house of the Sabander, and those of the rich

Chinese merchants: yet even these, by means of their windows, and the

sheds around them, have been consumed by fire. In this town stand the

houses of the English and Dutch, built in the same manner with the

others; but of late the Dutch have built one of their houses to the top

of brick, but with much trouble and expence, in hopes of securing

themselves from fire.

The King of Bantam is an absolute sovereign, and since the deposition

and death of the late Emperor of _Damacke_ he is considered as the

principal king of the whole island. He uses martial law on any offender

he is disposed to punish. If the wife or wives of any private individual

are guilty of adultery, upon good proof, both the woman and her paramour

are put to death. They may put their slaves to death for any small

fault. For every wife that a free Javan marries he must keep ten female

slaves, though some keep forty such for each wife, and may have as many

more as they please, but can only have three wives; yet may use all

their female slaves as concubines. The Javanese are exceedingly proud,

yet very poor, as hardly one among them of a hundred will work. The

gentry among them are reduced to poverty by the number of their slaves,

who eat faster than their pepper and rice grow. The Chinese plant,

dress, and gather all the pepper, and sow the rice, living as slaves

under the Javanese proprietors; yet they absorb all the wealth of the

land by their industry, from the indolent and idle Javanese. All the

Javanese are so proud that they will not endure an equal to sit an inch

higher than themselves. They are a most blood-thirsty race, yet seldom

fight face to face, either among themselves or with other nations,

always seeking their revenge after a cowardly manner, although stout men

of good stature. The punishment for murder among them is to pay a fine

to the king: but evermore the relations of the murdered person seek for

revenge upon the murderer or his kindred; so that the more they kill one

another the more fines come to the king. The ordinary weapon, which they

all wear, is a dagger, called a _criss_, about two feet long, with a

waved blade, crooked to and fro indenture ways, like what is called a

flaming sword, and exceedingly sharp, most of them being poisoned, so

that not one among five hundred wounded in the body escapes with life.

The handles of these weapons are of horn or wood, curiously carved in

the likeness of a devil, which many of these people worship. In their

wars they use pikes, darts, and targets; and of late some of them have

learnt to use fire-arms, but very awkwardly.

The better sort wear a _tuke_ or turban on their heads, and a fine piece

of painted calico round their loins, all the rest of their bodies being

naked. They sometimes wear a close coat like a _mandilion_,[122] made of

cloth, camblet, velvet, or some other silk; but this is seldom, and only

on extraordinary occasions. The common people have a flat cap of velvet,

taffeta, or calico, on their heads, cut out in many pieces, and neatly

sewed together, so as to fit close. About their loins they wrap a piece

of calico made at _Clyn_, put on like a girdle, but at least a yard

broad, being mostly of two colours. There come also from the same place

many sorts of white cloth, which they dye, paint, and gild, according to

their own fashions. They can also weave a kind of striped stuff, either

of cotton or the rinds of trees; but, owing to their indolence, very

little of that is made or worn. The men for the most part wear their

hair, which is very thick and curly, and in which they take great pride,

and often go bare-headed to show their hair. The women go all

bare-headed, many of them having their hair tucked up like a cart-horse,

but the better sort tuck it up like our riding geldings. About their

loins they wear the same stuffs like the men; and always have a piece of

fine painted calico, of their country fashion, thrown over their

shoulders, with the ends hanging down loose behind.

[Footnote 122: The editor of Astley's Collection substitutes the word

_cassock_ at this place.--E.]

The principal people are very religious, yet go seldom to church. They

acknowledge Jesus to have been a great prophet, calling him _Nabu Isa_,

or the prophet Jesus, and some of them entertain Mahometan priests in

their houses: but the common people have very little knowledge of any

religion, only saying that there is a God who made heaven and earth and

all things. They say that God is good, and will not hurt them, but that

the devil is bad, and will do them harm; wherefore many of them are so

ignorant as to pray to him, for fear he should harm them. Assuredly, if

there were here men of learning, and having a sufficient knowledge of

their language to instruct them, many of these ignorant people might be

drawn over to the true Christian faith, and civilized; for many with

whom I have conversed upon Christian laws have liked all very well,

except the prohibition of a plurality of wives, as they are all very

lascivious, both men and women.

The better sort of the Javanese, who are in authority, are great takers

of bribes; and all of them are bad payers when trusted, although their

laws for debt are so strict, that the creditor may take his debtor,

wives, children, slaves, and all that he hath, and sell them in

satisfaction of the debt. They are all much given to stealing, from the

highest to the lowest; and surely they were, in times past, canibals or

man-eaters, before they had trade with the Chinese, which some say is

not above a hundred years ago. They delight much in indolent ease and in

music, and for the most part spend the day sitting cross-legged like

tailors, cutting a piece of stick, by which many of them become good

carvers, and carve their criss handles very neatly; which is all the

work that most of them perform. They are great eaters; but the gentry

allow nothing to their slaves except rice sodden in water, with some

roots and herbs. They have also an herb called _betel_, which they carry

with them wherever they go; in boxes, or wrapped up in a cloth like a

sugar-loaf; and also a nut called _pinang_,[123] which are both very

hot-tasted, and which they chew continually to warm them within, and to

keep away the flux. They also use much tobacco, and take opium. The

Javanese are a very dull and blockish people, very unfit for managing

the affairs of a commonwealth, so that all strangers who come to their

land get beyond them; and many who come here to dwell from the country

of _Clyn_, grow very rich, and rise to high offices, as the _sabander,

laytamongon_, and others. The Chinese especially, who live crouching

under them like Jews, rob them of their wealth, and send it to China.

[Footnote 123: Probably that called _areka_ on the continent of India;

the areka and betel being chewed together, along with powdered chunam,

or shell-lime.--E.]

The Chinese are very crafty in trade, using every conceivable art to

cheat and deceive. They have no pride in them, neither will they refuse

any labour, except they turn Javans, when they have committed murder or

some other villainy, when they become every whit as proud and lazy as a

Javan.[124] They follow several different sects of religion, but are

mostly atheists; many of them believing, that if they lead good lives,

they will be born again to great riches, and be made governors; whereas

those who lead bad lives will be changed to some vile animal, as a frog

or toad. They burn sacrifices every new moon, mumbling over certain

prayers in a kind of chanting voice, tingling a small bell, which they

ring aloud at the close of each prayer. When any of them of good account

lies sick and like to die, they sacrifice in this manner: Their altars

are furnished with goats, hens, ducks, and various kinds of fruit, some

dressed fit for eating, and others raw, which are all dressed and eaten;

after which they burn a great many pieces of paper, painted and cut out

into various devices. I have often asked them, to whom they burn their

sacrifices? when they always said, it was to God; but the Turks and

Guzerates who were there, alleged it was to the devil: If so, they are

ashamed to confess.

[Footnote 124: Though not obviously expressed, it would appear, that for

murder, and some other crimes, the Chinese had to become Mahometans, to

be entitled to redeem their lives by a fine.--E.]

Many of them are well skilled in astronomy, keeping an exact account of

the months and years. They observe no Sabbaths, neither keep they any

day holier than another; except that, on laying the foundation of a

house, or beginning any great work, they note down the day, and keep it

ever after as a festival. When any of them that are wealthy die at

Bantam, their bodies are burnt to ashes, which are collected into close

jars, and carried to their friends in China. I have seen when some of

them lay dying, that there were set up seven burning perfumes, four of

them great shining lights, arranged on a cane laid across two crochets,

six feet from the ground, and three small dim lights on the ground

directly under the others. On asking frequently the meaning of this

ceremony, I could never get any other answer than that it was the custom

of China. They do many other such foolish things, not knowing wherefore,

but only that it has been so done by their ancestors.

They delight much in the exhibition of plays, and in singing, but

certainly have the worst voices in the world. These plays and interludes

are exhibited in honour of their gods, after burning sacrifices at the

beginning, the priests many times kneeling down, and kissing the ground

three times in quick succession. These plays are made most commonly when

they think their junks are setting out from China, and likewise when

they arrive at Bantam, and when they go away back to China. These plays

sometimes begin at noon, and continue till next morning, being mostly

exhibited in the open streets, on stages erected on purpose. They have

likewise among them some soothsayers, who sometimes run raging up and

down the streets, having drawn swords in their hands, tearing their hair

like so many madmen, and throwing themselves on the ground. When in this

frantic state, they themselves affirm, and it is believed by the

Chinese, that they can foretell what is to happen. Whether they be

possessed of the devil, who reveals things to them, I know not; but many

of the Chinese use these conjurers when they send away a junk on any

voyage, to learn if the voyage shall succeed or not; and they allege

that it hath happened according as the soothsayer told them.

The Chinese are apparelled in long gowns, wearing kirtles, or shorter

garments, under these; and are assuredly the most effeminate and

cowardly nation in the world. On their heads they wear a caul or close

bonnet, some of silk and some of hair, having the hair of their heads

very long, and bound up in a knot on their crowns. Their nobles and

governors wear hoods of sundry fashions, some being one half like a hat

and the other half like a French hood, others of net-work with a high

crown and no brims. They are tall and strong built, having all very

small black eyes, and very few of them have any beards. They will steal

and commit all manner of villainy to procure wealth. At Bantam they

purchase female slaves, as they cannot bring any women out of China. By

these slaves they have many children; and when they go back to China,

without intending to return to Bantam, they carry all their children

along with them, but sell their women. They send always some of their

goods to China by every fleet of junks; for if they die at Bantam, all

the goods they have there fall to the king. If they cut their hair, they

must never return to China; but their children may, providing their hair

has never been cut.

§ 2._A brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries of

the Javanese_.

After our two ships, the Dragon and Hector, were laden, and all things

set in order, our general, Sir James Lancaster, departed from Bantam on

the 21st February, 1603, leaving nine persons resident in that city,

over whom he appointed Mr William Starkie to be chief commander. He

likewise left thirteen others, who were appointed to go in our pinnace

for Banda, over whom Thomas Tudd, merchant, was constituted chief

commander, and Thomas Keith master of the pinnace. At his departure, the

general left orders that the pinnace should be sent away with all speed;

wherefore, having taken on board fifty-six chests and bales of goods,

she set sail at night on the 6th March; but meeting with contrary winds,

was forced to return to Bantam after having been two months at sea,

beating up to no purpose. Also, at our general's departure, he left us

two houses full of goods, besides some being at the Dutchman's house;

but we were too few in number to have kept one house well, had not God

of his great mercy preserved us.

Before the departure of our ships, a quarrel had taken place between our

people and the Javanese, who sought by all manner of ways to be

revenged; so that presently after the departure of our pinnace, they

began to attempt setting fire to our principal house, by means of

fire-arrows and fire-darts in the night; and when we brought out any

quantity of our goods to air, they were sure to set some part of the

town on fire to windward not far from us. If these fire-arrows had not,

by God's good providence, been seen by some of our people, that house

and all its goods had surely been consumed, as plainly appeared when we

came afterwards to repair the roof. But, as the malice of the rascal

sort began now plainly to appear, and continued for two years against

us, so did the merciful protection of God begin to shew itself, and

continued to the last day, as will manifestly be seen in the sequel of

this discourse: For which blessed be his holy name.

Immediately after dispatching the pinnace, we began to lay the

foundation of our new house, which was seventy-two feet long, and

thirty-six broad. And as at this time a new protector of the kingdom was

chosen, we were put to some trouble and cost before we could get

permission to go through with it. In airing our prize goods, Mr Starkie

unadvisedly caused the leather covers to be stripped off from most of

the bales, by which we found afterwards that they did not keep their

colour near so well as the others. On the 21st of March, in consequence

of a cannon being fired off by a Chinese captain, the town was set on

fire, and many houses full of goods were consumed. Among the rest the

Dutch house was burnt down, in which we had sixty-five packs of goods,

besides some pepper. We had also a considerable quantity of pepper in

the house of a Chinese which was burnt down, in which we lost 190 sacks

entirely, besides damage received by the rest. Our loss by this fire was

great, yet we were thankful to God it was no worse, considering how near

the fire came to our two houses, which were at that time very unfit for

such danger, especially one to which the fire came within three yards,

so that the jambs of the windows were so hot one could hardly lay their

hand upon them, yet did not its old dry thatch take fire, to the great

admiration of all who were there of many nations. All the villains of

the place gathered round our house, so that we durst take no rest, lest

they should set it on fire. Some of them even were so impudent in the

evening as to ask how many of us lay in that house, as if meaning to set

upon us in the night and cut all our throats. They were even so bold as

to come in the day time before our very faces, to observe how our doors

were fastened in the inside; and we were often warned by our

well-wishers to keep good watch, as there were a knot of thieves who

intended to rob and murder us. There were only four of us in this house,

who, with over-watching, and by the disease of the country, which is a

dysentery, were quite spent with weakness, and two of us never

recovered. Nine sail of Hollanders came into the road on the 19th of

April, 1603, of which fleet Wyorne van Warwicke was general; who shortly

after sent two ships to China, two to the Moluccas, and one to Jortan,

two remaining at Bantam. We were much beholden to this general for

bread, wine, and many other necessaries, and for much kindness. He used

often to say that Sir Richard Lewson had relieved himself, when like to

perish at sea, for which he held himself bound to be kind to the English

wherever he met them; and he shewed much reverence for our queen on all

occasions.

Thomas Morgan, our second factor, died on the 25th of April, after

having been long sick; and Mr Starkie began to grow very weak. The 28th,

our pinnace which had gone to Banda came back to Bantam, having lost

William Chace, one of her factors, and all the others in her were weak

and sickly. The new protector now forbade us from proceeding with our

house; but by the favour of the Sabander, and _Cay Tomogone Goboy_ the

admiral, we were with much ado allowed to finish it. Mr Starkie, our

principal factor, died on the 30th June, whose burial General Warwicke

caused to be honoured by the attendance of a company of shot and pikes,

with the colours trailed, as at the funeral of a soldier.

The great market-place on the east side of the river was set fire to on

the 4th July, in which fire several Chinese who were indebted to us lost

their all, so that we sustained some loss. Thomas Dobson, one of the

factors appointed for Banda, died on the 17th July. The town was fired

again on the east side of the river on the 27th. The 5th, several Dutch

captains came to our house, saying that the regent had asked if they

would take our parts in case he did us any violence; when they told him

we were their neighbours, and they would not see us wronged. I went

immediately to the regent, to whom I gave a small present, and thanked

him for the men he had lent us to help our building; but I could see by

his countenance that he was angry. The same day the admiral of Bantam

sent his son to the regent to enquire why he used threats against us,

which he denied; and, sending for me next morning, he asked me who had

said he meant to harm us. Saying it was the Dutch captains, he answered

if any Javan or Chinese had said so, he would have sent for them and cut

their throats before my eyes. He then blamed me for not coming to him

when we had any suits, and going always to the sabander and admiral;

upon which, I said that he was only newly appointed, and we were not yet

acquainted with him, but should apply to him in future.

About this time an affray broke out between the Hollanders and the

Chinese, in which some on both sides were slain and wounded, owing to

the disorderly and drunken behaviour of the lower Dutchmen when on

shore. They got the worst on this occasion, not indeed from the Chinese

themselves, but from some Javan slaves of turn-coat Chinese, who would

steal unawares on the Hollanders of an evening, and stab them in a

cowardly manner. One day, when the Hollanders were very importunate

about one of their men who had been assassinated, the regent asked,

whether they brought a law along with them into a foreign country, or

whether they were governed by the laws of the country in which they

resided? They answered, that they were governed by their own laws when

on ship board, and by those of the country when on shore. Then said the

regent, "I will tell you what are the laws of this country in regard to

murder. If one kill a slave, he must pay 20 ryals of eight, if a freeman

50, and if a gentleman 100." This was all the redress they had for the

slaughter of their man.

About the 5th September there came a junk full of men from the island of

_Lampon_ in the straits of Sunda, who are great enemies to the Javans,

and yet so very like them as not to be distinguishable. These men,

having their junk in a creek near Bantam, and being in all points like

the Javans, used to come boldly into the town and into the houses, even

at noonday, and cut off the people's heads, so that for near a month we

had little rest for the grievous lamentations of the towns people. After

a time, many of them becoming known, were taken and put to death. They

were men of comely stature, and the reason of their strange procedure

was, that their king rewarded them with a female slave for every head

they brought him, so that they would often dig up newly-buried persons

at Bantam and cut off their heads, to impose upon their savage king.

About this time, we got notice from the admiral and other friends to be

much on our guard, as some of the principal natives in respect to birth,

though not in wealth or office, had conspired to murder us for the sake

of our goods, and then to give out that it had been done by the

_Lampons_. These devils came several times in the intention to execute

their horrid purpose, but seeing always lights about our house, which we

had set up that we might see them, and hearing our drum at the end of

every watch, their hearts failed them for fear of our small arms, both

which and our _murderers_ [blunderbusses] we had always ready for their

reception. At length they fell out among themselves and dispersed.

By our continual alarms, and the grievous outcries of men, women, and

children, who were nightly murdered around us, our men were so wrought

upon, that even in their sleep they would dream of pursuing the Javans,

and would suddenly start out of bed, catch at their weapons, and even

wound each other before those who had the watch could part them; but yet

we durst not remove their weapons, lest they should be instantly wanted,

of which we were in constant dread. Being but few of us, I had to take

my regular turn of watch with the rest, and have often been more in fear

of our own men than of the Javans, so that I had often to snatch up a

target when I heard them making any noise in their sleep, lest they

might treat me as they did each other. So terrified were we on account

of fire, that though, when we went to sleep after our watches were

expired, our men often sounded their drum at our ears without awakening

us, if the word fire had been spoken, however softly, we would all

instantly run from our chambers; so that I was forced to warn them not

to talk of fire in the night without urgent occasion. I do not mention

these things to discourage others from going hereafter to Bantam: for we

were then strangers, but have now many friends there, and the country is

under much better regulation, and will more and more improve in

government as the young king grows older. In three months time, the town

on the east side of the river was five times burnt down; but, God be

praised, the wind always favoured us; and although the Javans often set

it on fire near us, it pleased God still to preserve us, as there was

little wind, and the fire was put out before it got our length.

§ 3. _Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English,

and the Javans, and of other memorable Things_.

About this time there was again a great outcast between the Hollanders

and the natives, owing to the rude behaviour of the former, and many of

them were stabbed in the evenings. The common people did not then

distinguish between us and the Hollanders, calling both of us English,

because the Hollanders had usurped our name on first coming here for

trade, in which they did us much wrong, as we used often to hear the

people in the streets railing against the English, when they actually

meant the Hollanders; so that, fearing some of our men might be stabbed

instead of them, we endeavoured to fall upon some plan to make ourselves

be distinguished from them. And as the 17th of November drew nigh, which

we still held as the coronation-day of queen Elizabeth, knowing no

better, we dressed ourselves in new silk garments, and made us scarfs

and hat-bands of red and white taffeta, the colours of our country, and

a banner of St George, being white with a red cross in the middle. We,

the factors, distinguished ourselves from our men, by edging our scarfs

with a deep gold fringe.

When the day arrived, we set up our banner on the top of our house, and,

with our drum and fire-arms, marched up and down the yard of our house;

being but fourteen in number, we could only _cast ourselves in rings and

esses_ in single file, and so plied our shot. Hearing our firing, the

sabander, and some others of the chief people of the land, came to see

us, and enquired the cause of our rejoicing; when we told them that our

queen was crowned on that day forty-seven years ago, for which reason

all Englishmen, in whatever country they might then happen to be, were

in use to shew their joy on that day. The sabander commended us

mightily, for shewing our reverence to our sovereign at so great a

distance from our country. Some of the others asked, how it happened

that the Englishmen at the other house or factory did not do so

likewise; on which we told them that they were not English but

Hollanders, having no king, and their land being ruled only by

governors, being of a country near England, but speaking quite a

different language.

The multitude greatly admired to see so few of us discharge so many

shots, for the Javans and Chinese are very inexpert in the use of

fire-arms. In the afternoon, I made our people walk out into the town

and market-place, that the people might see their scarfs and hat-bands,

making a shew that the like had never been seen there before, and that

the natives might for the future know them from the Hollanders; and many

times the children ran after us in the streets, crying out, _Orang

Engrees bayk, Orang Hollanda jahad_: The Englishmen are good, the

Hollanders are bad.

The 6th December two Dutch ships came in, that had taken a rich

Portuguese carak near Macao, by which they got great plunder, and were

enabled so to bribe the regent, that he began to listen to their desire

of being permitted to build a handsome house. About this time the regent

sent for me to lend him 2000 pieces of eight, or at least 1000; but I

put him off with excuses, saying we had been left there with goods, not

money, that the natives owed us much which we could not get in, and that

we were under the necessity of purchasing pepper to load our ships,

which we were expecting to arrive daily.

The 6th February, 1604, Robert Wallis, one of our company, died, and

several others of our men were very weak and lame, owing to the heat of

the pepper, in dressing, screening, and turning it; so that we were in

future obliged to hire Chinese to do that work, our own men only

superintending them. The 16th of that month there came in a great ship

of Zealand from Patane, which made us believe that General Warwicke was

coming to load all his ships here; for which reason we immediately

bought up all the good and merchantable pepper we could get. This ship

had made some valuable prizes, but they had sworn all the English

mariners on board to tell us nothing, on pain of losing their wages,

which we took as very unkind. There was at this time in Bantam three

houses of the Hollanders, all upon separate accounts, which all bought

up as much pepper as they could get.

The 5th March, the regent sent again to borrow 1000 pieces of eight in

the name of the king; and I was forced to lend him 500, lest he might

have quarrelled with me, which would have given much pleasure to the

Hollanders. In this country, when a Javan of any note is to be put to

death, although there is a public executioner, yet the nearest of kin

to the criminal is generally allowed to execute the office, which is

considered as a great favour. The 14th March, Thomas Tudd, who had been

left here as chief factor for Banda, departed this life, having been

long sick; so that of seven factors left here for Bantam and Banda, two

only were in life, besides several others of our men having died; we

being now only ten men living and one boy.

A great junk from China came in on the 22d of April, which was thought

to have been cast away, being so late, as they usually come in during

February and March. In consequence of her very late coming, _cashes_

kept all this year at a very cheap rate, which was a great hindrance to

our trade, as when _cashes_ are cheap, and pieces of eight consequently

dear, we could not sell any of our prize goods at half the value we did

at our first arrival. Besides this, the Chinese sent all the ryals they

could get this year to China; for which reason we were obliged to give

them credit, or must have lost the principal time of the year for making

sales. The Hollanders had purchased all the pepper, except what was in

our hands, and what belonged to the sabander, who would not sell at any

reasonable price. Our goods now began to be old, and many of their

colours to fade; for the warehouses are so hot and moist, that they will

spoil any kind of cloth that is long in them, though we take never so

much pains in airing and turning them.

§ 4. _Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences_.

A Chinaman turned Javan was our next neighbour, who kept a

victualling-house or tavern, and brewed arack, a hot drink used in these

parts instead of wine. He had two outhouses, in one of which his guests

were in use to sit, and the other was his brewhouse, which joined the

pales on the south side of our house. He now commenced a new trade, and

became an engineer, having leagued with eight other villains to set our

house on fire and plunder our goods. These nine ruffians dug a well in

the brewhouse, from the bottom of which they wrought a mine quite under

the foundation of our house, and then upwards to our warehouse; but on

coming to the planked floor of the warehouse, they were at a stand how

to get through, being afraid to cut them, as they always heard some of

us walking over them night and day. They had gone wrong to work; for if

they had continued their mine only to our next adjoining wareroom, they

would have found 30,000 pieces of eight buried in jars for fear of fire;

beside that room was not boarded. After waiting two months in vain for

an opportunity to cut the boards, one of them, who was a smith, proposed

to work through our planks by means of fire. Accordingly, about ten at

night of the 28th May, 1604, they put a candle to the planks, through

which they presently burnt a round hole. When the fire got through, it

immediately communicated to the mats of our bales, which began to burn

and spread. All the while we knew nothing of the matter, by reason of

the closeness of the warehouse, all the windows being plastered up for

fear of fire over-head.

After the first watch was out, one of which I had been, the second watch

smelt a strong _funk_ of fire, as it was by that time much increased,

but they could not find out where it was after searching every corner.

One of them remembered a rat-hole behind his trunk, whence he could

plainly perceive the smoke steaming out, on which he came immediately to

me, and told me our cloth warehouse was on fire. Going down immediately,

and opening the doors of the warehouse, we were almost suffocated by the

smoke, which was so thick we could not perceive whence it came. We had

at this time two jars of gunpowder in this warehouse, which made us

greatly fear being blown up: But, laying aside fear, we pulled every

thing away that lay upon these jars, and got them out to our back-yard,

the jars being already very hot. We now searched boldly for the fire,

and at last found it. At length, by the aid of some Chinese merchants

and others, we cleared the room of above fifty packs of goods, sixteen

of which were on fire.

We wondered how this fire had come, suspecting the Portuguese had hired

some Malays to do it: But a Chinese bricklayer, who wrought at the Dutch

house, told a Hollander next morning, who had been long in the country,

that it was done by the Chinese brewer and his accomplices, who were now

fled, and if we looked well in the room we should find how it had been

done. The Dutchman told this to an English surgeon, desiring him to come

and tell us, while he, the Dutchman, being perfect in the native

language, would go and enquire after the incendiaries. The surgeon came

to me, and desired to see the room which had been on fire; on going into

which with a candle, he presently discovered a little round hole, burnt

quite through one of the planks of the floor, and putting down a long

stick, we could feel no bottom. I then called for an axe, with which we

wrenched up the plank as softly as possible, under which was a hole

through which the largest trunk or pack in our warehouse might have gone

down. I immediately took three of our men armed, and went to the house

whence the mine came. Leaving one at the door, with orders to let no

person out, I went into the house with the other two of my men, where we

found three men in one of the rooms. There were two more in another

room, who immediately fled on hearing us, by means of a back-door which

we did not know of. After a few blows, we made the three men prisoners,

and brought them away. One was an inhabitant of the brewer's house, but

we could prove nothing against the others, yet we laid all three in

irons. I immediately sent Mr Towerson to the regent, to give him an

account of the matter, and to desire the villains might be sought out

and punished. He promised this should be done, but was very slack in

performance. The Dutch merchants, hearing we had taken some of the

incendiaries, and fearing the Chinese might rise against us, came very

kindly to us armed, and swore they would live and die in our quarrel.

After laying out such of our goods to dry as had been wetted in

extinguishing the fire, we examined the person who dwelt with the

brewer, who told us the names of six who were fled, but would not

confess that he knew any thing about the mine, or setting our warehouse

on fire. Then threatening him with a hot iron, but not touching him, he

confessed the whole affair, and that he was concerned in it, saying,

that the two out-houses were built expressly for the purpose, though put

to other uses to avoid suspicion. I sent him next morning to execution;

and as he went out at our gate, the Javans reviled him, to which he

answered, that the English were rich and the Chinese poor, therefore why

should not they steal if they could from the English?

Next day the Javan admiral took one of the incendiaries, who was found

hid in a privy. This was he who put the fire to our house. He confessed

to the admiral that he had clipped many ryals, and had counterfeited

some; he even confessed some things concerning our matter, but not

much, and would tell us nothing. Because of his obstinacy, and that he

had set our house on fire, I caused him to be burnt, by means of sharp

irons thrust under the nails of his thumbs, fingers, and toes, and the

nails to be torn, off; and, because he never flinched, we thought his

hands and feet had been benumbed with tying, wherefore we burnt him in

other parts, as the hands, arms, shoulders, and neck, but even this had

no effect. We then burnt him quite through the hands, and tore out the

flesh and sinews with rasps, causing his shins to be knocked with hot

searing irons. I then caused cold iron screws to be screwed into the

bones of his arms, and suddenly snatched out, and to break all the bones

of his fingers and toes with pincers: Yet for all this he never shed a

tear, neither once turned his head aside, nor stirred hand or foot; but,

when we asked a question, he would put his tongue between his teeth, and

strike his chin on his knees to bite it off. After using the utmost

extremity of torture in vain, I made him be again laid fast in irons,

when the ants, which greatly abound there, got into his wounds, and

tormented him worse than we had done, as might be seen by his gestures.

The king's officers desired me to shoot him to death, which I thought

too good a death for such a villain; but as they insisted, we led him

out into the fields and made him fast to a stake. The first shot carried

away a piece of his arm, bone and all; the next went through his breast

near the shoulder, on which he bent down his head and looked at the

wound. At the third shot, one of our men used a bullet cut in three

pieces, which struck his breast in a triangle, on which he sunk as low

as the stake would allow. Finally, between, our men and the Hollanders

he was shot almost in pieces.[125]

[Footnote 125: This monster might have graced the holy office! He must

have delighted in cruelty, or he could not have devised such horrible

torments, and given a recital of them. The Dutch at Amboyna did not

inflict more savage tortures on the English. Had not these things been

related by the author himself, we could scarcely have believed such

cruelty could have existed in an Englishman.--_Astl._ I. 295, a.]

At this time the admiral and sabander sent us an armed guard every

night, lest the Chinese might rise against us. We were not, however, in

any fear of them; yet we kept four of them to be witnesses for us, in

case of their rising, that what we did was in our own defence. By means

of a bribe, I procured another of the incendiaries, who confessed

against his associates. These were _Uniete_ the chief; _Sawman_ his

partner, dwelling in the same house; _Hynting_, Omygpayo, Hewsamcow;

Utee_, who was shortly after _crissed_ for being caught with a woman;

the informant, named _Boyhoy; Irrow_ and _Lackow_, who were fled to

Jackatra, neither of whom I had before heard of. I used every means to

get them, but could not, unless I had been at great charges. Some of

them belonged to great men among the Javans, and had taken refuge in

their houses, so that we could not get at them: Yet some of their

masters offered to sell them, on which we higgled for their price as one

would do for an ox or calf, but they held them so dear that I could not

deal with them. I offered as much for each as would have bought a slave

in their stead; but they were fit instruments for their purpose, being

practised in all manner of villainy, so that they would not part with

them, except for large sums; for all the Javans and Chinese, from the

highest to the lowest, are thorough-paced villains, without one spark of

grace. Were it not for the sabander and admiral, and one or two more,

who are natives of _Clyn_, there would be no living for Christians among

them, without a fort, or a strong house all of brick or stone. We did

not torture _Boyhoy_, because he had confessed, but crissed him.

Among the other instruments of the devil on earth in Bantam, there was a

kinsman of the king, named _Pangram Mandelicko_, who kept one of the

incendiaries of our house under his protection. He came one day to our

house to buy cloth, when I desired him to deliver up this fellow into

our hands, telling him how good it would be for the country to root out

all such villains. "Tell them so," said he, "who have the government in

their hands, or care for the good of the country, for I do not." On

another time, wanting me to give him credit for cloth to the value of

six or seven hundred pieces of eight, because I refused to trust him, he

went away very angry, saying at the gate, it was a pity our house was

not again set on fire.

The regent or protector gave us all the houses and ground that joined

our inclosure, and had belonged to the incendiaries that undermined our

house, but made us pay enormously dear for the property. We bought also

from a _Pangram_, or gentleman, a house which came so near the door of

our pepper warehouse as to be very troublesome to us, so that now we had

a spacious yard.

The 9th September, the regent made proclamation, that no Chinese should

weigh pepper to the English and Hollanders; which proclamation was

procured by the Hollanders, for they told us themselves that day at

dinner, that the protector owed them 10,000 sacks of pepper; but I said

to them that it was not so, as they would not be such fools as to trust

them so largely. I went next morning to an old woman, who was called

queen of the land by the sabander and others, and commands the

protector, though not even of the royal blood, but is held in such

estimation among them for her wisdom, that she rules as though she were

queen of the country. Having made known our griefs, she sent for the

protector that I might talk with him in her presence. I asked the reason

why he had prohibited our trade, on which he said that he must buy

10,000 sacks of pepper for the king; but I then said that I was informed

by the Hollanders he owed them 10,000 sacks, and that he was working

underhand for them against us. He used many shifts; but the old queen,

who was our fast friend, said he should not hurt us. Finding they could

have no trade with the people for pepper, the Hollanders had bribed the

protector into this plan. But if we had possessed 10,000 pieces of eight

more than we had, the Hollanders would have got little pepper that year

in Bantam, for they are much disliked, and what trade they have is

through fear of their ships, which they have in great numbers in those

seas.

In the end of September, the _Pangran Mandelicko_ fell to robbing the

junks, and seized one from Johor laden with rice, and having a number of

men and women on board, all of whom he carried off as prisoners, and

converted the rice to his own use. This was a ready way to keep all

other junks from the place, and to starve the inhabitants, as the land

is not able to feed a quarter of its people. The king and protector sent

to command him to deliver up the people and goods, but he refused, and

fortified his house, being supported by all the other _pangrans_ of the

royal blood, who were all, like him, traitors to the king, so that the

king's officers durst not meddle with him. The protector, sabander, and

admiral, sent to us to take heed to ourselves, as the rebels grew

stronger every day. I borrowed some small pieces of cannon of the

Chinese merchants, who were our friends, causing our men to make

chain-shot, lang-ridge, and bar-shot, and fortified our quarters the

best way I could with bushes and chains. So much were the inhabitants in

fear of the rebels, that all trade was at an end. Every day some spies

of the rebels used to come into our yard, very inquisitive about what we

were doing, so that we looked nightly to be attacked, and made every

preparation to give them a warm reception.

About the 20th October, the King of Jackatra came to Bantam with 1500

fighting men, besides stragglers, and was to be followed by 1000 more.

He challenged the rebels and _pangrans_ to fight him, having a great

quarrel against them all, as they had endeavoured to have him deposed

from his kingdom. But the rebels kept within their fortifications. The

King of Jackatra and the Admiral of Bantam sent for us on the 26th

October, to know if there were any means to fire their fortifications

from a reasonable distance, beyond reach of their _bases_, of which they

had a great number. We told them, if we had a ship in the roads it might

have been easily done, but we hardly expected to find materials for the

purpose, such as camphor, salt-petre, and sulphur, having already some

other things, for the purpose of making fire-arrows. The admiral

proposed the use of a long bow and arrows for this service, but in my

opinion a musket would have answered better. We meant likewise to have

shot red-hot bullets among them from the king's ordnance, which would

have made sad work among their thatched houses and fortifications of

canes; for as Mandelicko had sought all means to set us on fire, we now

meant to try if we could return the compliment. But, whether from fear

of the King of Jackatra, or hearing that we were employed, the rebels

and pangrans came to an agreement two days after, by which Mandelicko

engaged to depart from the dominions of Bantam within six days, with

only thirty followers, which he did. The Javans are very unwilling to

fight if that can be avoided, as their wealth consists chiefly in

slaves, so that they are beggared if these be slain; wherefore they had

always rather come to a set feast than a pitched battle.

In November and the beginning of December, we were constantly busy in

completing our buildings, and getting in and cleaning pepper. A Dutch

pinnace came into the roads on the 14th December, by which we were

informed of the death of Queen Elizabeth, and the great plague and

sickness that had prevailed over all Christendom. This occasioned more

distress to us than all our late troubles; but they told us that the

King of Scots was crowned, that our land was in peace, and that peace

was likely to be concluded between England and Spain; which news was

very comfortable to us. They could give us no intelligence of our ships,

having no letters for us: But the Dutch fleet soon followed, on which I

went immediately on board their admiral to welcome him, and enquire for

letters, which were found in the vice-admiral.

_Uniete_, the chief of those who undermined and set fire to our house,

having long lurked in the mountains, was now forced by want of food to

repair to certain houses near Bantam, whence he was brought to the house

of the rich Chinese merchant. As soon as I heard of this, I sent Mr

Towerson to inform the protector, and that we meant shortly to execute

him. Since the time of the mischief this man occasioned, I had never

gone out of our house, but once when the protector crossed us about the

pepper, as before mentioned, being in constant fear that our house would

be fired before my return; and three times a week I used to search all

the Chinese houses in our neighbourhood, for fear of more undermining.

§ 5. _Arrival of General Middleton, and other Occurrences_.

In the evening of the 22d December, 1604, we joyfully descried our ships

coming into the roads; but when we went on board the admiral, and saw

their weakness, and also heard of the weakly state of the other three

ships, we were greatly grieved; well knowing that Bantam is not a place

for the recovery of sick men, but rather to kill men who come there in

health. At my first going on board, I found the general, Captain Henry

Middleton, very weak and sickly, to whom I made a brief relation of the

many troubles we had endured. I also told him we had lading ready for

two ships, which was some comfort to his mind, being much grieved for

the weakness of his men; as they had scarcely fifty sound men in the

four ships, and had lost many of their sick men. Even of those who came

here in health, many never went out of Bantam roads.

The 24th we executed the arch-villain _Uniete_, who was the fourth of

these rascals we had put to death, besides a fifth who was slain for

stealing a woman. At my coming away four remained alive; two of whom

were at Jackatra, one with the rebel Mandelicko, and one with _Cay

Sanapatta Lama_, whom we could not then get at. The same day our

vice-admiral, Captain Coulthurst, came on shore with some merchants, and

we accompanied him to court, to notify to the king that our general had

letters for him from the King of England, and a present, but being weary

and sick with his long voyage, would wait upon him as soon as he was

refreshed.

On Christmas-day we dined on board the general. But I ought to have

previously mentioned, that, on the 23d, it was agreed the Dragon and

Ascension were to be sent to the Moluccas, and the Hector and Susan to

be loaded with pepper, and sent home. We busied ourselves to procure

fresh victuals, vegetables, and fruits, for the recovery of our men, who

were in a most pitiable case with the scurvy.

The 31st December, our general came on shore, and being accompanied by

all the merchants who were in sufficient health, and by several others,

he went to court with the king's letter, which he delivered along with

the following present: A fair basin and ewer, with two handsome standing

cups, and a spoon, all of silver parell gilt, and six muskets with their

furniture. The general employed two or three days following in visiting

our chiefest friends, as the sabander, the admiral, and the rich Chinese

merchant, making them presents, which they thankfully received. We then

fell to work to pack up goods for the Moluccas; but as our men recovered

from the scurvy they fell ill of the flux, so that it seemed quite

impossible for us to accomplish our business.

The 7th January, 1605, the Dutch fleet, being nine tall ships,[126]

besides pinnaces and sloops, set sail for Amboyna and the Moluccas, so

that we were long in doubt of getting any loading in those parts this

year for our ships, so many having gone before us; nor was it possible

for ours to go earlier, owing to their weakness. The 10th January, our

two ships that were to go home began taking in pepper, but were so

oppressed with sickness that they could make no dispatch. The other two

having taken in all the goods we thought meet for those parts, set sail

on the 18th of January for the islands of Banda, their men being still

weak and sickly; but how they spent their time till their return to

Bantam, I must refer to their own reports. Immediately after the

departure of these ships under the general, the protector sent to us for

the custom, which we thought had been quite well understood, by what was

paid when the ships were here before; but he demanded many duties of

which we had never heard formerly, and because I refused payment, he

ordered the porters not to carry any more pepper for us. To prevent,

therefore, this hindrance in loading our ships, I was forced to pay him

in hand, as had been done on the former occasion, and to let the full

agreement remain open till the return of our general.

[Footnote 126: This expression, _tall ships_, so often used in these

early voyages, evidently means square-rigged vessels having top-masts;

as contradistinguished from low-masted vessels, such as sloops and

pinnaces.--E.]

It pleased God to take away the two masters of the two ships which were

now loading, Samuel Spencer, master of the Hector, and Habakkuk Pery, of

the Susan; as also William Smith, master's mate of the Hector, and soon

afterwards Captain Styles, with several other principal men, and many of

their sailors, so that we were forced to hire men to ease them of their

work in loading, and also to engage as many as we could get of Guzerat

and Chinese mariners, to help to navigate the ships home, at a great

expence. With much ado we got them laden by the 16th February; but it

was the 4th of March before we could get ready for sea. They then

sailed, the Hector having on board 63 persons of all sorts, English and

others, but many of their own men were sick. The Susan had 47 of all

sorts, but likewise had many English sick: I pray God to send us good

news of them.

The 6th May a Holland ship came in, which came from the coast of Goa,

[Malabar,] where, along with two other Dutch ships bound for

Cambay,[127] they took four very rich Portuguese ships, one of which,

laden with great horses, they set on fire. This ship had left Holland in

June, 1604, but could give us no farther news than we had already got

from our own ships. The captain of this ship was Cornelius Syverson, a

proud boor, having neither wit, manners, honesty, nor humanity; and

presently after his arrival the Hollanders withdrew their familiarity

from us. I shall now, however, leave this despiser of courtesy and hater

of our nation, with his rascally crew, and give some account of the

ceremonial of the young king's circumcision, and the triumphs held daily

in consequence for more than a month before he went to church, [mosque]

in preparations for which all the better sort had been busied since

February or March, till the 24th of June.

[Footnote 127: Cambay, in this place, probably means Camboja, or

Cambodia, in Eastern India, not Cambay in Guzerat.--E.]

For this ceremonial a great pageant was prepared, the fore part of which

was made in the resemblance of a great devil, on which were placed three

chairs of state; that in the middle for the king, being elevated about

two feet above those on either side, which were for the two sons of

_Pangran Goban_, heir to the crown if the king should die without issue.

This pageant was placed on a green or open space, in front of the palace

gate, and railed in all round. The custom of the country is, when the

king comes to the throne, or at his circumcision, all that are able must

make the king presents publicly, and with as much shew as possible; such

as cannot do so of themselves, whether natives or strangers, join in

companies to make their compliments. About the 25th June these shews

began, and continued all that month and the next, every day except some

few when it rained. The protector or regent of the kingdom began on the

first day, and was succeeded daily by the nobles and others, each having

their day, not as they were in rank or birth, but as each happened to be

in readiness, sometimes two or three companies in one day.

As the Javans are not expert in the use of fire-arms, the protector

borrowed some shot both of us and the Hollanders. When these went forth,

there was great strife which should go foremost, whether our men or the

Hollanders, they despising our small number, and ours their sordid

appearance. Our men were in neat apparel, with coloured scarfs and

hat-bands; they in greasy thrum caps, tarred coats, and their shirts, or

at least such as had any, hanging between their legs. Our men,

therefore, chose to take the rearward, refusing to go next after the

Hollanders.

Every morning the king's guard, consisting both of shot and pikes, was

placed round the inclosure without the rails, being usually three

hundred men; but on some principal days there were upwards of six

hundred, in files according to our martial discipline. In our marching,

we differ much from them, as we usually go in column of three, five,

seven, or nine abreast; while they always march in single file,

following as close as they can, and carrying their pikes upright. As for

their fire-arms, not being used to them, they are very unhandy. Their

drums are huge pans, [_gongs_,] made of tomback, which make a most

hellish sound. They have also colours to their companies; but their

standards and ensigns are not like ours. Their ensign staff is very long

and high, being bent at top like a bow; but the colours, hardly a yard

in breadth, hang down from the top like a long pendant. The first day,

being the greatest shew, there were certain forts made of canes and

other trash, set up in front of the king's pageant, in which some Javans

were placed to defend, and other companies to assault them, many times

the assailants firing upon the defenders. All this was only in jest

among the Javans with their pikes; but our men and the Hollanders were

in earnest with their shot, and were therefore forced to be kept

asunder.

Meeting the Dutch merchants in the evening, I asked one of them if he

thought that Holland were able to wage war with England, that they

should make such contention with our men, striving who should go

foremost? I likewise told them all, that if the English had not once

gone before, they might have gone behind all the other nations of Europe

long ago. But they answered, that times and seasons change: And

doubtless, owing to their great numbers here in India, they hold

themselves able to withstand any other nation in the world. I cannot,

however, say what may be the opinion of their states at home, and of the

wiser of their nation.[128]

[Footnote 128: In this business of the Dutch, wherein many shewed their

pride and ingratitude, as the fault I hope is not in their nation, but

only personal, I have mollified the author's style, and left out some

harsher censures. _Beati pucifici.--Purch_. in a side note.]

Always, a little before the shews began, the king was brought out from

his palace, sitting on a man's shoulders bestriding his neck, and the

man holding him by the legs. Many rich _tirasols_, [parasols or

umbrellas,] were carried over and round about him. His principal guard

walked before him, and was placed within the rails, round about the

pageant. After the king, a number of the principal people followed,

seeming to have their stated days of attendance. The shews were in this

manner: First came a crew armed with match-locks, led by some

_gentleman-slave_; then come the pike-men, in the middle of whom were

the colours and music, being ten or twelve pans of tomback, carried on a

staff between two people. These were tuneable like a peal of bells, each

a note above the other, and always two people walked beside them who

were skilled in the country music, and struck upon them with something

they held in their hands. There was another kind of music, that went

both before and after; but these pans or _gongs_ formed the principal.

The pike-men were followed by a company of targeteers carrying darts.

Then followed many sorts of trees with their fruit hanging upon them;

and after these many sorts of beasts and birds, both alive, and also

artificially made, that they could not be distinguished from those that

were alive, unless one were near.

Then came a number of maskers, who danced and vaulted before the king,

shewing many strange tumbling tricks, some of these being men and others

women. After all these followed sometimes two hundred or even three

hundred women, all carrying presents of some kind; only that every ten

were headed by an old motherly woman empty handed, to keep them in order

like so many soldiers. These presents were commonly rice and

_cashes_[129] on frames of split canes, curiously laid out for show, and

adorned with gilt paper, but the present itself seldom exceeded the

value of twelve-pence. Then followed the rich presents, being commonly

some rich _tuck_,[130] or some fine cloth of the country fashion,

curiously wrought and gilded, or embroidered with gold, for the king's

own wearing. These were also carried by women, having two pikes borne

upright before them; and every present intended for the king's wearing

had a rich parasol carried over it. Last of all followed the heir to the

person sending the present, being his youngest son, if he had any, very

richly attired after their fashion, with many jewels at gold, diamonds,

rubies, and other precious stones, on their, arms and round their

waists, and attended by a number of men and women. After he has made

his obeisance to the king, he sits down on the ground on a mat, and all

the presents are carried past the king's pageant into the palace, where

certain officers are ready to receive them.

[Footnote 129: A species of coin formerly explained.--E.]

[Footnote 130: Tuck, tuke, or tuque, the old term for a turban, worn by

Mahometans, or for the sash of which it is made.--ASTL. I. 301. c.]

When all these were gone by, a person within the king's pageant spoke

out of the devil's mouth, commanding silence in the king's name. Then

begins the chief revels, accompanied with music, and now and then the

musketeers discharged a volley. The pikemen and targeteers also

exhibited their feats of arms, being very expert, but their shot

exceedingly unskilful. Always when the pikemen and targeteers go up to

charge, they go forwards dancing and skipping about, that their

adversaries may have no steady aim to throw their darts or thrust their

pikes. During the shews, there likewise came certain representations of

junks, as it were under sail, very artificially made, and laden with

rice and _cashes_. There were also representations of former history,

some from the Old Testament, and others from the chronicles of the Javan

kings. All these inventions have been learnt by the Javans from the

Chinese, or from the Guzerates, Turks, and others who come hither for

trade, for they are themselves ignorant blockheads.

Our present was preceded by a fine pomegranate tree full of fruit, some

ripe, half ripe, green, and only budded. It had been dug up by the

roots, and set in earth in a frame made of rattans like a cage. The

earth was covered with green sod, on which were three silver-haired

rabbits, given me by the vice-admiral of our fleet; and all among the

branches we had many small birds fastened by threads, which were

continually fluttering and singing. We had likewise four very furious

serpents, very artificially made by the Chinese, on which we hung the

cloths that were meant for the king's use, being five pieces very

curiously wrought and gilded in their fashion; together with other

pieces of stuff for the king to bestow on his followers. We likewise

presented a petronel, or horseman's pistol, and a brace of smaller

pistols, finely damasked and in rich cases, having silken strings and

gold tassels. Having no women to carry these things, we borrowed thirty

of the prettiest boys we could get, and two tall Javans to carry pikes

before them. Mr Towerson had a very pretty Chinese boy, whose father had

been lately slain by thieves, and we sent this youth as gallantly

attired as the king himself, to present these things, and to make a

speech to the king, signifying, if our numbers and ability had equalled

our good will, we would have presented his majesty with a much finer

shew. The king and those about him took much delight in our rabbits,

being great rarities, and also in some fire-works which our men played

off, but the women cried out, fearing they might set the palace on fire.

The Hollanders gave but a small present, though they made a mighty brag

about it. Neither do they spare bragging of their king, as they called

Prince Maurice, whom at every word in those parts they styled _Raia

Hollanda_. Many quarrels took place between their men and ours, the

Hollanders always beginning in their drink to brawl, and usually having

the worst. I had much ado to restrain our men, which yet was necessary,

considering our great charge of goods, all of which lay on me. We were

also in a dangerous country, and but badly housed; and if we had come to

blows, it was likely that a great number would come upon us, and we

being few, could not have defended ourselves without bloodshed, which

would occasion revenge. Now of them there were above an hundred men,

including those in their house, ship, and fly-boat, all of whom would

have come against us, while we were only thirteen in a straw house.

The king of Jackatra came on the 18th of July to present his shew before

the king, attended by a guard of several hundred persons. Immediately on

his coming in sight, the guards of the king of Bantam rose up, and

handled their weapons, not from fear of the king of Jackatra offering

any violence, but because there were a number of other petty kings

present, who were mortal enemies to the king of Jackatra. On coming near

the innermost rank of the Bantam guards, and seeing that he had to pass

through among a number of these inimical petty kings, and being afraid

of the cowardly stab so usual among this people, he appeared much

alarmed, though as brave as any in those parts; wherefore he would not

pass through them, but sat down on a piece of leather, which every

gentleman has carried along with him for that purpose. He then sent to

the king, to know if it was his pleasure he should wait upon him; upon

which the king sent two principal noblemen to escort him into the

presence. And when the king of Jackatra had made his obeisance, the

young king embraced him, and he of Jackatra took his seat in the place

appointed for him.

Then came the presents of the king of Jackatra, carried by about 300

women, and attended by about as many soldiers, consisting of rice,

cashes, and many strange beasts and birds, both alive and dead. Among

these was a furious beast, called by them a _Matchan_, somewhat larger

than a lion, and very princely to behold, if he had been at liberty. He

was spotted white and red, having many black streaks from the reins down

under his belly. I have seen one of them leap eighteen feet for his

prey. These _matchans_ often kill many people near Bantam; and often the

king and all the people go out to hunt them, sometimes even in the

night. This _matchan_ was in a great cage of wood, placed on the trucks

of old gun carriages, and being drawn by buffaloes, seemed like a

traitor drawn on a hurdle.[131] There were several other curious

articles in this shew, with many maskers, vaulters, and tumblers,

strangely and savagely attired. Last of all came the youngest son of the

king of Jackatra, riding in a chariot drawn by buffaloes, which had to

me an unseemly appearance. They have indeed few horses in this island,

which are mostly small nags, none of which I ever saw draw; being only

used for riding and running tilt, after the Barbary fashion, which

exercise they ordinarily use every Saturday towards evening, except in

their time of Lent or _ramadan_.

[Footnote 131: This matchan of Java is obviously the tiger.--E.]

The second day after this shew, the king was carried on his pageant to

the mosque, where he was circumcised; his pageant being carried aloft by

many men, four hundred, as the king's nurse told me, but I think she

lied, as in my opinion so many could not stand under it.

* * * * *

§ 6. _Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, and

other Occurrences_.

Our general returned into the road of Bantam from Ternate on the 24th

July, 1605. As soon as we saw and knew the Dragon, I took a _praw_ and

went on board; when the general recounted all the dangers he had gone

through, and the unkind usage he had received of the Hollanders, though

he had saved some of their lives. He told me that he had procured a

good quantity of cloves towards his loading, though with much pains and

turmoil. For this good news, and especially because our general was

returned in safety, we gave hearty thanks to God, not doubting but we

should soon complete his loading. The 28th of the same month came in the

great Enkhusen of Holland from Ternate; and on the same day the king of

Jackatra came to visit our general.

The 1st August, in the afternoon, while the general and all our

merchants were very busy in the warehouse, taking an inventory of all

the prize goods remaining, and of all our other goods, word was brought

that the Hollanders had wounded two of our men, whom we presently

afterward saw enter the gate bleeding. Our general immediately ordered

every man to take his weapons, and to lay them soundly over the

Dutchmen's pates, which was done accordingly, and the Dutchmen were

banged home to their own house, one being run through the body, who was

said by some to have recovered afterwards; and two more lost their arms.

The Dutch merchants and several others came out with firearms; but

hearing that their men began the fray, they said they had only their

deserts: and, after taking a cup of wine in a friendly manner with our

general, they kindly look their leave. News was carried to court that

the Hollanders and us were by the ears, and that two were slain; on

which some of the king's attendants asked, whether the slain were Dutch

or English? and when told they were Hollanders, they said it was no

matter if they were all slain. I thank God that only two of our men were

hurt in this affair, which were those mentioned at the first; one having

a cut over the hand, and the other a stab with a knife in the side, but

not very deep. This was the first serious affray, but it was not long

before we were at it again pell-mell, again and again, when the

Hollanders sped as they did now.

The 11th August two ships came in from Cambaya, which had taken much

wealth from the Portuguese, and the same day one ship came from

Tenate.[132] The Ascension came in from Banda on the 16th. The 8th

September the Dutch merchants invited our general and his masters and

merchants to a feast, where we were treated with good cheer and much

friendship. The 15th September, two Dutch ships set sail for Holland,

one being a small ship laden with pepper at Bantam; and the other,

having taken in some cloves at Ternate, was loaded out with prize goods,

taken from the ships that came from Cambaya. The Dutch admiral came in

from Banda on the 21st, and next day our general sent some merchants to

the Dutch house to congratulate him; on which day a drunken Dutchman

caused a new fray, which began with our surgeon, but was augmented by

several on both sides, and some of the Hollanders were wounded.

[Footnote 132: Though not mentioned in the text, these three ships were

most probably Hollanders.--E.]

About one o'clock that same afternoon, while our general sat on a bench

at our gate, conversing with a Portuguese, a drunken Dutch swab came and

sat himself down between them, on which our general gave him a box in

the ear and thrust him away. Some of his comrades came presently round

our gate, drawing their knives and _sables_, [hangers,] and began to

swagger. Taking the butt-ends of our pikes and halberts, and some faggot

sticks, we drove them to an arrack house, where they shut the door upon

us; but we forced it open, knocked some of them down, and carried them

prisoners to our general. Soon after another troop of Hollanders came

down the street to take part with their comrades, on whom we laid such

load that they took to their heels, some being knocked down, and many

having their pates pitifully broken, while others had to run through a

miry ditch to escape us. The master of their admiral had occasioned this

tumult, as he had gone from ship to ship, desiring the men to go armed

on shore and kill all the English they could meet: and when some of our

people were going on board the Dutch ships, some Englishmen they had in

their ships called out to them not to come on board, as orders had been

given to slay as many English as they could, on board or on shore. These

frays were much wondered at by all foreigners in Bantam, that we should

dare to go to blows with the Hollanders, who had seven large tall ships

in the road, while we had but two. None of our men met with any harm in

this affray, except Mr Saris, one of our merchants, who got a cut on his

fore-finger with a hanger.

At the end of this fray, the Dutch general came to our house with a

great guard of captains, merchants, and others, and being met in a

similar manner in the street by our general, was invited into our

house. When the cause of this affray was reported to the Dutch general,

he approved of what we had done. When some of his people complained that

their men bore all the blows, as was apparent by their bloody pates and

shoulders, the Dutch general said he saw plainly the fault lay with his

men, and he would take order to prevent so many of his men coming on

shore in future. After much talk, a banquet of sweetmeats was served,

the Dutch general took a kindly leave of ours, and all the Dutch and

English merchants shook hands and parted.

Some Javans, who belonged to two of the principal men of Bantam under

the king, had stolen nine muskets and callivers from the gun-room of our

ship the Ascension; and two of them returning shortly after to steal

more, were taken by our people with the stolen goods upon them. Our

general sent me to examine into the matter, and to bring them on shore.

After some examination, they confessed whose slaves they were, and said

the pieces were forthcoming. After they came on shore, the general sent

to the king and protector, desiring to have the pieces back; but the

masters of these slaves said they had no pieces except what they had

bought with their money; yet they requested our general to defer

executing the slaves for two days, which he agreed to. But as these

nobles were not reckoned great good-wishers to the king, the protector

sent the executioner with a guard of pikes to put them to death. When

they came to the place of execution, our general wished to spare their

lives; but the executioner said he had the king's orders, and must

therefore put them to death, which was done accordingly. This the

thieves very patiently submitted to, as is the manner of their nation;

for they hold it their greatest glory to die resolutely, as I have seen

them do often, both men and women, in the most careless manner. One

would think these men ought to be excellent soldiers, but they are not;

as this valour is only when there is no remedy. Against their own

countrymen they are reasonably brave; but they will not venture with

Europeans, unless with manifest great advantage in numbers or otherwise.

The 3d October our general made a farewell feast, to which he invited

the Dutch admiral, with all his captains, masters, and merchants, and we

were all exceedingly merry on this occasion, with much friendship

between the two nations. Next day our general went to court,

accompanied by our merchants and others, to take leave of the king and

his nobles. The 6th, being Sunday, our general, with all who were bound

for England, went on board, and on passing the Dutch house, went in and

took leave of the Dutch general and merchants. Mr Gabriel Towerson, who

was to remain agent at Bantam, and some other merchants, accompanied us

on board, some returning on shore after dinner, and others staying till

next day. We weighed anchor about three o'clock, saluting the town and

Dutch ships with our cannon. About eleven at night we came to anchor

under an island, where next day we took in wood, which our general had

sent some men to get ready cut beforehand. Towards evening of the 7th

October, 1605, we again weighed anchor and set sail: Mr Towerson and

some other merchants now took their leaves to go on shore, whom we

committed to the protection of the Almighty, and ourselves to the

courtesy of the seas, praying God to bless them and us, and, if it be

his holy will, to send us a happy meeting again in England.

§ 7. _Observations by Mr John Saris, of Occurrences during his abode at

Bantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609_.[133]

This, and the subsequent subdivisions of the present section, are given

by Purchas as a continuation of the foregoing observations by Mr Scot,

to which Purchas affixes the following extended title, for the better

understanding of which it is to be noticed, that Mr Saris was afterwards

captain or general, as it was then called, of the _eighth_ voyage fitted

out by the English East India Company, which sailed in 1611.

[Footnote 133: Purch. Pilg. I. 384.]

"Observations by _John Saris_, of Occurrences which happened in the

_East Indies_, during his Abode at Bantam, from October, 1605, to

October, 1609. As likewise touching the Marts and Merchandises of these

Parts; observed by his own Experience, or taken from the Relation of

Others; extracted out of his larger Book, and, here added as an Appendix

to his greater Voyage. These may serve as a continuation of the

preceding Observations by Mr Scot; and to these are added, certain

Observations by the same Author, touching the Towns and Merchandise of

principal Trade in those Parts of the World."--_Purch_.

In the Pilgrims, these observations are appended to the voyage of

Captain Saris to India and Japan, in 1611, but are here placed more

naturally as a continuation of the observations by Scot, because

considerably prior to that voyage, and precisely connected with these

observations. Several uninteresting particulars are omitted from these

observations in the present edition.--E.

* * * * *

On the 7th of October, 1605, our general Henry Middleton, and Captain

Christopher Coulthurst, departed from the road of Bantam, leaving

eighteen men in all, of whom five were mariners and thirteen

sailors.[134] The 23d there arrived a Dutch junk from Priaman, by which

we learnt that Sir Edward Mitchelburne and Captain Davis were upon the

coast, and that they had captured a Guzerat ship in the straits of

Sunda, bound from Bantam to Priaman. On the report of the Hollanders, we

of the English factory were summoned to court on the 25th, and wore

required to say if we knew Sir Edward, and why he had offered violence

to the king's friends, who had done him no wrong. We answered, that we

knew a person of that name, but knew not if he were upon the coast, nor

whether he had taken the Guzerat vessel, except by the report of the

Hollanders, which we held to be false, and were more apt to believe it

had been done by one of the Dutch-ships, which sailed from Bantam two

days before the departure of that Guzerat ship. We were then desired to

depart till further proof could be had.

[Footnote 134: This piece of information is placed as a marginal note by

Purchas, and confirms an idea formerly hazarded, that mariners were in

these old times of a higher description than sailors; the former being

thoroughbred seamen, the latter only ordinary.--E.]

Sir Edward Mitchelburne came here to anchor in the road of Bantam on the

29th, when Mr Towerson and I went on board to visit him, and were well

entertained. He then informed us of having taken the Guzerat vessel, and

we entreated of him that he would not capture the Chinese junks, which

he promised not to do on the word of a gentleman. He set sail from

Bantam on the 2d November, directing his course for the straits of

Palinbangan.

The 18th November, a small Dutch pinnace sailed for the exploration of

the land called New Guinea, which was said to produce great abundance of

gold. The 2d January, 1606, a junk set sail for Timor, freighted by

Chinese merchants. Besides English iron, coarse porcelain, taffetas,

Chinese pans and bells, they carried with them what are called _brand_

pieces of silver, being beaten out very thin and a hand-breadth in size.

On the 20th there arrived a Chinese junk, which Sir Edward Mitchelburne

had captured notwithstanding his promise to Mr Towerson and me. We were

called upon to make restitution, the _nokhada_ or pilot of the junk

alleging to have lost many rich commodities, and the governor and

principal courtiers were grievously offended; but by the favour of the

admiral and sabander we were let off.

On the 23d May, there arrived a small vessel belonging to the Hollanders

from Ternate, bringing away the merchants left there by _Bastianson_,

who were sent away by the Spaniards, by whom that island was now taken,

together with all their goods, the Spaniards having allowed them to

depart, but had carried off the King of Ternate as a prisoner to

Manilla; and it was said they meant to send him to Spain. While about

ten leagues from Jackatra, this small vessel fell in with the king of

Bantam's fleet, by which they were pillaged of every thing they had

saved from the Spaniards; and though they now used every endeavour to

procure restitution, they could have no redress.

On the 15th June, _Nokhada Tingall_, a _cling-man_, arrived in a Javan

junk from Banda with a cargo of mace and nutmegs, which be sold here to

the Guzerats for 150 dollars the Bantam _bahar_, which is 450 _cattees_.

He told me that the Dutch pinnace, which went upon discovery to New

Guinea, had found the island; but that, on sending their men ashore to

endeavour to procure trade, nine of them had been slain by the natives,

who are canibals or man-eaters; so that the Dutch were forced to come

away, and had gone, to Banda.

The 6th August, the moon was eclipsed about eight in the evening, and

continued so for two hours, during which time the Chinese and Javans

made a continual noise by beating on pots and pans, crying out that the

moon was dead. The 4th October, the whole Chinese quarter of Bantam was

burnt down, yet it pleased God to preserve our house. That same night a

Dutch ship sailed for Holland, laden with 15,000 sacks of pepper,

besides some raw silk, and great store of China sugar. The 9th, arrived

a pinnace from Succadanea in Borneo, laden with wax and _cavalacca_, and

great store of diamonds.

The 14th May, 1607, there arrived here at Bantam a junk from _Grese_, by

which we learnt that one Julius, a Dutchman, who went from hence on the

30th November, 1606, for Succadanea, had been put to death at

Banjarmassen, in Borneo, and all his goods confiscated by the king of

that place, because, as was reported, Julius had used certain insolent

speeches concerning the king, which came to his knowledge, upon which he

sent for Julius and the master of the junk, and had them slain by the

way.

The 7th August arrived a pinnace from the island of _St Lucia_, in lat.

24° 30' S. about a mile from the coast of Madagascar, where they were

forced to take shelter in the ship which left this on the 4th October,

1606, having been obliged to throw overboard 3000 sacks of pepper,

besides other commodities of great value, to lighten the ship and

preserve their lives. They found this island an excellent place for

refreshment, the natives having no knowledge of money; so that they

bought a fat ox for a tin spoon, and a sheep for a small piece of brass.

The anchorage, as they reported, was very good, being in seven or eight

fathoms; upon hard ground.

The 14th November, 1607, Captain David Middleton arrived here in the

Consent.[135]

[Footnote 135: Mr Saris gives here a long account of incidents

concerning a Dutch fleet outward bound, having no connection with the

affairs of Bantam, or with those of the English trade, and which is

therefore omitted.--E.]

The 2d October, 1608, the Dragon arrived here from Priaman, in which was

General William Keeling, commander in the third voyage fitted out by our

English East India Company. He went to court on the 7th, and delivered

our king's letter to the King of Bantam, together with a present of five

handsome muskets, a bason, an ewer, and a barrel of gunpowder.

Very early in the morning of the 13th, the governor of Bantam and his

_Jerotoolies_ were put to death by the _Pangavas_; the sabander, the

admiral, _Key Depatty Utennagarra_, and others. The conspirators

assembled over night at the house of _Keymas Patty_, and beset the

court, laying hold in the first place of the king and his mother. They

then hastened to the residence of the governor, thinking to have found

him in bed; but he hid himself at the back of the bed, where they found

him, and wounded him in the head. He then fled for protection to the

priest, called _Key Finkkey_, who came out to them, and entreated they

would spare his life; but they were inexorable, and having forced their

way in, they dispatched him.

The 9th November, Samuel Plummer went from hence for Succadanca in

Borneo, where he intended to remain. In the afternoon of Sunday the 4th

December, our general, William Keeling, set sail from hence for England;

but on the 6th he was forced back by bad weather and westerly winds. He

set sail again on the 10th, and returned a second time on the 13th,

having met with the Dragon in the straits of Sunda, the men belonging to

that ship being very weak in consequence of the scurvy; besides which

the Portuguese of Damaun had treacherously seized their boats at Surat,

taking nineteen of their men, together with cloths which had cost 9000

dollars at that place. In their way for Bantam, the Dragon had captured

a pinnace belonging to Columbo, out of which they took eleven packs of

cloth, containing in all 83 pieces, thirteen pieces being _poulings_,

which were sent to the island of Banda. On the 23d, the Dragon,

commanded by Captain Gabriel Towerson, set sail again for England.

The 1st January, 1609, our general, William Keeling, set sail in the

Hector for Banda. The 20th March, a Chinese house next to our warehouse

was burnt down, but it pleased God that our house escaped. Next day I

was sent for to court by Paugran Areaumgalla, the governor, and went

accordingly, carrying the following present: One piece of _mallee

goobaer_, one piece _mallayo pintado_, a musket with a bandeleer and a

roll of match, which the governor accepted very kindly. He then told me

he had sent for me, having heard that there were two men in chains at

our house for debt, and he desired to know by whose authority I thus

confined them. I said we had laid hold of them by order of the king, and

I hoped he would not take them from us till I were satisfied for the

debt, or at least some part of it, and in proof of its being due I

showed their bills. He said he knew that they were indebted, but knew

likewise that the king had not given us leave to chain them up, and

desired therefore they might be set free; but I persuaded him to allow

me to keep them till _Tanyomge_, who owed 420-1/2 dollars, should pay

100, and Bungoone, who owed 500 dollars and 100 sacks of pepper, should

pay 20 sacks of pepper and 100 dollars in money, pursuant to his

agreement and bill. The governor sent one of his slaves home along with

me, to inform the prisoners of this, and to desire them to pay me.

The 24th I was again sent for to court, where the Hollanders were

likewise; on which occasion the governor asked the Hollanders, whether

it were customary in their country to take a man prisoner for debt

without informing the king? The Hollanders said, it was not. Whereupon,

forgetting his promise made only three days before, he commanded me to

liberate the prisoners immediately, although I reminded him of his

promise to no purpose; and he sent one of the king's slaves to take them

out of our house. I am satisfied this rigid course was taken on the

suggestion of the Dutch, induced by _Lackmoy_, the great Chinese

merchant, on purpose to prevent us from giving credit to the Chinese,

that we might be constrained to deal only with himself: and, as he is

provided by the Hollanders with all kinds of commodities, he will

entirely overthrow our trade, as we cannot now give credit to any one,

justice being refused to us.

Captain William Keeling arrived here from Banda on the 26th of August,

having laden there 12,484-1/2 _cattees_ of mace and 59,846 _cattees_ of

nutmegs, which cost him 9,10, and 11 dollars the _bahar_. The _cattee_

there weighs 13-1/2 English ounces; the _small bahar_ of mace being ten

cattees, and the small bahar of nutmegs 100 _cattees_; while the _large

bahar_ is 100 _cattees_ of mace, or 1000 cattees of nutmegs: so that if

a person owe _ten_ cattees of mace, and pay 100 cattees of nutmegs, the

creditor cannot refuse payment in that manner.

Captain Keeling having taken in the rest of his loading at Bantam,

consisting of 4900 bags and 3 cattees of pepper, set sail in the Hector

for England on the 4th October, 1609; on which occasion I embarked in

that ship to return home, having been four years, nine months, and

eleven days in the country.

§ 8. _Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of the

Places whence they are procured._[136]

_Lignum aloes_, a wood so called by us, is called _garroo_ by the

Mallays. The best comes from Malacca, Siam, and Cambodia,[137] being in

large round sticks and very massy, of a black colour interspersed with

ash-coloured veins. Its taste is somewhat bitter, and odoriferous; and

when a splinter is laid upon a burning coal it melts into bubbles like

pitch, continuing to fry till the whole is consumed, diffusing a most

delightful odour.

[Footnote 136: Purch. Pilgr. I. 389, being a continuation of the

Observations by Mr Saris.--E.]

[Footnote 137: In the Pilgrims this last place is called Cambaya, but

which we suspect of being an error of the press.--E.]

_Benjamin_, or _Benzoin_, is a gum called _Minnian_ by the Mallays. The

best kind comes from Siam, being very pure, clear, and white, with

little streaks of amber colour. Another sort, not altogether so white,

yet also very good, comes from Sumatra. A third sort comes from Priaman

and _Barrowse_, which is very coarse, and not vendible in England.[138]

[Footnote 138: On this subject Purchas has the following marginal note.

"Burrowse yieldeth _Tincal_, called _buris_ in England; worth at Bantam

a dollar the _cattee_, and here in England ten shillings the pound. It

is kept in grease."--Purch.

The substance of this note has not the smallest reference to benjamin or

benzoin, and evidently means borax, called _burris_ or _burrowse_, which

used likewise to be called _tincal_, a peculiar salt much used in

soldering, and which is now brought from Thibet by way of Bengal.--E.]

The best _civet_ is of a deep yellow colour, somewhat inclining to

golden yellow, and not whitish, as that kind is usually sophisticated

with grease. Yet when civet is newly taken from the animal, it is

whitish, and acquires a yellowish colour by keeping.

There are three sorts of _musk_, black, brown, and yellow; of which the

first is good for nothing, the second is good, and the last best. It

ought to be of the colour of spikenard, or of a deep amber yellow,

inclosed only in a single skin, and not one within another as it often

is. It should not be too moist, which adds to its weight, but of a

medium moisture, having a few hairs like bristles, but not many, and

quite free from stones, lead, or other mixed trash, and having a very

strong fragrant smell, which to many is very offensive. When chewed it

pierces the very brain with its scent; and should not dissolve too soon

in the mouth, neither yet to remain very long undissolved. Musk must not

be kept near any sweet spices, lest it lose its scent.

_Bezoar_, of which there are two kinds, one of which comes from the West

Indies, called _occidental_, and the other from the East Indies, called

_oriental_; which latter is worth double the price of the other. Both

are of divers forms; some round, others oblong like the stones of dates,

some like pigeons eggs; and others like the kidneys of a kid, and others

again like chesnuts; but most are blunt at both ends, and not sharp.

There is no less variety in the colours; some being light-red, others

like the colour of honey, many of a dark ash-colour, but most of a

waterish green. The East India or oriental bezoar consists of many

coats, artificially compacted together like the coats of an onion, each

inclosing the other, and all bright and shining, as if polished by art;

when one coat is broken off that immediately below being still brighter

than the former. These several coats are of different thicknesses, in

proportion to the size of the bezoars; and the larger is the stone so

much the more is it in request. There is one sure way to make trial of

bezoars: Take the exact weight of the stone, and then put it in water

for four hours; then see that it is not cracked, and wipe it quite dry;

and if it now weigh in the smallest degree heavier than before, you may

be assured that it is not good. I have ascertained this many times at

Bantam, having found many of them to turn out mere chalk, with a bit of

stick in the middle, that weighed a Javan _taile_, or two English

ounces. Most of the counterfeit bezoars come from Succadanea in Borneo.

The true oriental bezoars come from Patane, Banjarmassen, Succadanea,

Macasser, and the Isola das Vaccas at the entrance to Cambodia.[139]

[Footnote 139: In old times, oriental bezoar was prized at a high rate

in medicine, having many fancied valuable qualities, now found by

experience to be altogether imaginary; so that it is now confined to

cabinets of curiosities. It is merely an accidental concretion, which

takes place in the stomachs of various animals, somewhat similar to a

gall-stone.--E.]

Of Amber,[140] in regard to colour, there are many different kinds, as

black, white, brown, and grey; of all which the black is usually the

worst, and the grey the best. That which is freest from filth or dross

of any kind, and purest in itself, ought to be chosen; of a colour

inclining to white, or ash-coloured, or intermixed with ash-coloured

veins, and other white veins. When put into water it ought to swim; and

though some that is sophisticated will likewise float, it is certain

that none which is pure will sink. The greatest quantity of this

commodity comes from Mozambique and Sofala.

[Footnote 140: Ambergris is assuredly meant in the text.--E.]

§ 9. _Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commodities

they afford._[141]

Bantam, a town of Java Major, stands in latitude 6° S. and the variation

here is 3° W.[142] It is a place of great resort by various nations, and

where many different commodities are to be bought and sold, though of

itself it produce few things, besides provisions, cotton-wool, and

pepper. The quantity of this last at the yearly harvest, which is in

October, may be about 32,000 sacks, each containing 49-1/2 Chinese

cattees, and each cattee 21-1/2 rials English.[143] A sack is called a

_timbang_, two of which are one _pekul_, three pekuls a _small bahar_,

and 4-1/4 pekuls a _great bahar_, or 445-1/2 _cattees_. As the Javanese

are not very expert in using the beam, they mostly deal by means of a

weight called _coolack_, containing 7-1/4 cattees. Seven _coolacks_ are

one _timbang_, water-measure, being 1-1/4 cattees more than the beam

weight, although there ought to be no difference; but the weigher, who

is always a Chinese, gives advantages to his countrymen, whom he

favours, as he can fit them with greater or smaller weights at his

pleasure.

[Footnote 141: This subdivision is likewise a continuation of the

Observations of Saris, while factor at Bantam, and is to be found in the

Pilgrims, vol. I. p. 390.]

[Footnote 142: The latitude of Bantam is 6° S. as in the text, and its

longitude is 106° 10' W. from Greenwich.--E.]

[Footnote 143: This seems a mistake for English ounces. If so, the sack

weighs 1065-1/2 ounces, or 66 libs. 6-1/2 ounces.--E.]

In the months of December and January, there always come many junks and

proas to Bantam laden with pepper, from _Cherringin_ and _Jauby_,[144]

so that there is always enough of pepper to be had at the end of January

to load three large ships. There is no money coined here, all the

current coin being from China, called _cashes_, which are made from

very impure brass, in round thin pieces, having holes on which to string

them: 1000 cashes on a string is called a _pecoo_, which is of different

values, according as cashes rise or fall in demand. Their accounts are

kept in the following manner: 10 _pecoos_ are a _laxsau_, 10 _laxsaus_ a

_cattee_, 10 _cattees_ an _uta_, and 10 _utas_ a _bahar_. There are

two ways of stringing the _cashes_, one called China_ chuchuck_, and the

other Java_ chuchuck_, of which the Java is the best, as there ought to

be 200 _cashes_ upon a _tack_, but in the Chinese _tacks_ you will only

find 160 to 175; and as 5 tacks make a _pecoo_, you may lose 200

_cashes_, or 150, on each _pecoo_; which in extensive dealings will rise

to a considerable matter. By the law of the country there ought to be

just 1000 cashes upon a string or _pecoo_, or they must give _basse_,

which is allowance for the deficiency. On the departure of the junks,

you may buy 34 or 35 _pecoos_ for a dollar; which, before next year, you

may sell at 22 or even 20 pecoos for a dollar; so that there is great

profit to be made on this traffic; but the danger of loss by fire is

great.

[Footnote 144: Cherringin, is probably that now called Cheribon on the

south side of Java; but Jauby is not to be recognised in our modern

maps.--E.]

The weight used in the purchase and sale of bezoars is called a _taile_

which is 2-1/4 dollars, or 2 English ounces. A Mallay _taile_ is only

equal to 1-1/2 dollar, or 1-1/3 English ounces. A China _taile_ is

1-7/20 dollars, or 1-1/5 English ounces; so that 10 China _tailes_ are

exactly equal to 6 Javan _tailes_.

The English commodities vendible here are as follow: English iron in

long thin bars, sells for six dollars the _pekul_. Lead in small pigs,

5-1/2 dollars the pekul. The barrel of fine corned powder 25 dollars.

Square pieces _sanguined_ 10 dollars each. Square pieces _damasked_ all

over, 6-1/2 feet long, 15 dollars each.[145] Broad-cloth, of ten pounds

the cloth, of Venice red colour, sells for 3 dollars the _gasse_, which

is 3/4 of a yard. Opium _misseree_,[146] which is the best, 8 dollars

the _cattee_. Amber, in large beads, one _wang_ and half a _taile_

mallay, for 6 dollars. Coral in large branches, 5 or 6 dollars the

_taile_ mallay. Dollars are the most profitable commodity that can be

carried to Bantam.

[Footnote 145: These _pieces_ were probably matchlocks.--E.]

[Footnote 146: Misseree here certainly means from Egypt.--E.]

In February and March every year, there come to Bantam three or four

junks from China, richly laden with raw silk, and wrought silks of

various stuffs, China _cashes_, porcelain, cotton cloth, and other

things. The prices of these are as follow: Raw silk of _Lanking_

[Nankin] which is the best, 190 dollars the pekul; raw silk of Canton,

which is coarser, 80 dollars the pekul; taffeta in bolts, 120 yards in

the piece, 46 dollars the _corge_, or 20 pieces; velvets of all colours,

13 yards the piece, for 12 dollars; Damasks of all colours, 12 yards the

piece, at 6 dollars; white sattins, in pieces of 12 yards, 8 dollars

each; _Burgones_, of 10 yards long the piece, 45 dollars the _corge_;

sleeve silk, the best made colours, 3 dollars the _cattee_; the best

musk, 22 dollars the _cattee_; the best sewing gold thread, 15 knots,

and every knot 30 threads, one dollar; velvet hangings with gold

embroidery, 18 dollars; upon sattins, 14 dollars; white curtain stuffs,

9 yards the piece, 50 dollars the _corge_; flat white damask, 9 yards

the piece, 4 dollars each; white sugar, very dry, 3-1/2 dollars the

pekul; very dry sugar-candy, 5 dollars the pekul; very fine broad

porcelain basons, 2 dollars the piece; coarse calico cloths, white or

brown, 15 dollars the _corge_. They bring likewise coarse porcelain,

drugs, and various other commodities; but as these are not suitable to

our country, I omit to mention them, but the following may be

enumerated: Very good and white benjamins, from 30 to 35 dollars the

pekul; alum, from China, as good as English, 2-1/2 dollars the pekul.

Coromandel cloths are a principal commodity here, and those most

vendible are _goobares_; pintadoes or chintz, of four or five colours;

fine _tappies_ from St Thomas; _ballachos_; Java girdles, otherwise

called _caine-goolong_; calico lawns; book calicos; and white calicos

made up in rolls.[147] A _goobar_ is double, and contains 12 yards, or 6

_hastaes_ single; coarse and fine _ballachos_ contain from 32 to 34

_hastaes_, but the finest are always longest. In general, all sorts of

cotton cloths that are broad and of good length are here in good

request.

[Footnote 147: Probably turbans.--E.]

The king's custom, called _chuckey_, is 8 bags on the 100, rating pepper

always at 4 dollars the sack, whatever be its price. _Billa-billian_ is

another custom of this port, by which every ship that arrives here,

whatever be its lading, as cloth or the like, must in the first place

give notice to the king of all the sorts and quantities of commodities,

with their several prices, before landing any of them; upon which the

king sends his officers to look at the goods, who take for him such

goods as he inclines, at half the prices affixed to them, or somewhat

more, as can be agreed upon: Thus, if the cloths be rated at 20 dollars

per _corge_, the king will only give 15 or 16 dollars at the most.

Instead of this, the Hollanders have been in use to pay to the king 700

or 800 dollars at once for the freedom of a ship's loading, to clear

them of this troublesome _billa-billian_. By the custom of the country,

this duty upon 6000 sacks of pepper is fixed at 666 dollars, if you

purchase and load the pepper from the merchants; or otherwise to

purchase so many thousand sacks of pepper from the king, paying him half

or three quarters of a dollar more than the current price at the time.

Even if you have provided a loading beforehand, you must pay this

exaction before you can be permitted to load. _Rooba-rooba_ is the duty

of anchorage, and is 500 dollars upon 6000 sacks. The sabander's duty is

250 dollars on 6000 sacks. The weighers have one dollar on every 100

sacks; and the _jerotoolies_, or weighers belonging to the customhouse,

have a similar duty of one dollar the 100 sacks.

_Jortan_ is a place to the eastwards of _Jackatra_, called likewise

_Sourabaya_, which produces plenty of provisions, together with cotton

wool, and yarn ready spun. There come to this place many junks from

_Jauby_, laden with pepper, and several small proas belonging to this

place trade with Banda; so that some mace and nutmegs are to be had

here.

_Macasser_ is an island not far from Celebes, having abundance of bezoar

stones, which are there to be had at reasonable rates. It has plenty of

rice and other provisions; and as it has some junks which trade with

Banda, nutmegs and mace are likewise to be procured there, but in no

great quantity.

_Balee_, or Bally, is an island to the eastward of Macasser, standing in

8° 30' S. latitude.[148] It produces great abundance of rice,

cotton-yarn, slaves, and coarse white cloth, which is in great request

at Bantam. The commodities for sale there, are the smallest sort of blue

and white beads, iron, and coarse porcelain.

[Footnote 148: Instead of the eastwards, Bally is W.S.W. of Macasser, in

long. 115° E. and lat. 8° 30' S. while Macasser is in about the lat. of

5° 15' S. and in 120° E. long.--E.]

_Timor_ is an island to the eastwards of Bally, in the latitude of 10°

40'. This island produces great quantities of _Chindanna_, called by us

white saunders, of which the largest logs are accounted the best, and

which sells at Bantam for 20 dollars the pekul, at the season when the

junks are here. Wax likewise is brought from thence in large cakes,

worth at Bantam 18, 19, 20, and even 30 dollars the pekul, according to

quantity and demand. Great frauds are practised with this article, so

that it requires great attention in the purchaser, and the cakes ought

to be broken, to see that nothing be mixed with it. The commodities

carried there for sale are chopping knives, small bugles, porcelain,

coloured taffetas, but not blacks, Chinese _frying-pans_,[149] Chinese

bells, and thin silver plates beaten out quite flat, and thin like a

wafer, about the breadth of a hand. There is much profit made in this

trade, as the Chinese have sometimes given four for one to our men who

had adventured with them.

[Footnote 149: Perhaps, as stated in conjunction with bells, _gongs_ are

here meant, which are not unlike frying-pans.--E.]

_Banda_ is in the latitude of 5° S. and affords great store of mace and

nutmegs, together with oil of two sorts. It has no king, being ruled by

a sabander, who unites with the sabanders of Nero, Lentore, Puloway,

Pulorin, and Labatacca, islands near adjoining. These islands were all

formerly under the dominion of the King of Ternate, but now govern

themselves. In these islands they have three harvests of mace and

nutmegs every year; in the months of July, October, and February; but

the gathering in July is the greatest, and is called the _arepootee_

monsoon. Their manner of dealing is this: A _small bahar_ is ten cattees

of mace, and 100 of nutmegs; a great bahar being 100 cattees of mace,

and 1000 of nutmegs. The cattee is five libs. 13-1/2[150] ounces

English, and the prices are variable. The commodities in request at

these islands are, Coromandel cloth, _cheremallay_, _sarrasses_,

chintzes or pintadoes of five colours, fine _ballachos_, black girdles,

_chellyes_, white calicos, red or stammel broad-cloths, gold in coin,

such as English rose-nobles and Dutch ducats and dollars. But gold is so

much preferred, that you may have as much for the value of 70 dollars

in gold as would cost 90 dollars in silver. Fine china basons without

rims are likewise in request, together with damasks of light gay

colours, taffetas, velvets, china-boxes, gilded counters, gold chains,

gilt silver cups, bright and damasked head-pieces, fire-arms, but not

many sword blades, which must be _brandt_ and backed to the point.

Likewise Cambaya cloths, black and red calicos, calico lawns, and rice,

which last is a good commodity to carry there.

[Footnote 150: On a former occasion, the Banda _cattee_ was said to

contain only 13-1/2 ounces English, so that this account is quite

irreconcileable to the former.--E.]

The _Molucca_ islands are five in number; viz. Molucca Proper, Ternate,

Tidore, Gilolo, and Makian, and are under the equinoctial line. They

produce great abundance of cloves, not every year, but every third year.

The _cattee_ there is 3 libs. 5 ounces English, and the _bahar_ is 200

_cattees_. Thus 19 Molucca cattees make exactly 50 Bantam cattees. The

commodities most vendible in these islands are Coromandel

_cheremallays_, but fine, Siam girdles or sashes, _salalos_, but fine,

_ballachos_ and _chelleys_, are in most request. Likewise China

taffetas, velvets, damasks, great basons, varnished counters, crimson

broad-cloths, opium, benzoin, &c.

_Siam_ is in the lat. of 14° 30' N. It produces great store of fine

benzoin, and many rich precious stones, which are brought from Pegu. A

_taile_ is 2-1/4 dollars. There is here much silver bullion, which comes

from Japan, but dollars are most in request, for 2-1/4 dollars in coin

will purchase the value of 2-1/2 dollars in bullion. Stammel

broad-cloth, iron, and handsome mirrors are in much request, as also all

kinds of Chinese commodities are to be had there better and cheaper than

at Bantam. The Guzerat vessels come to Siam in June and July, touching

by the way at the Maldive islands, and then at Tanasserim, whence they

go overland to Siam in twenty days. At Tanasserim there is always 5-1/2

to 6 fathoms water.

_Borneo_ is in lat. 3° S.[151] This island affords great store of gold,

bezoar, wax, rattans, _cayulacca_, and dragons blood. At _Bernermassin_,

[Banjarmassen] one of the towns of this island, is the chief trade for

these articles; and at this place the following commodities are in

principal request: Coromandel cloths of all kinds, China silks,

damasks, taffetas, velvets of all colours but black, stammel

broad-cloths, and Spanish dollars. Bezoars are here sold by a weight

called _taile_, equal to a dollar and a half, and cost 5 or 6 dollars

the _taile_, being 1-1/3 ounce English. Succadanea is another town in

Borneo, in lat. 1° 30' S. and is about 160 leagues N.E. of Bantam. The

entrance to its harbour has five fathoms water at the height of the

flow, and three at ebb, only a falcon shot from the shore, upon ooze.

There is great trade at this place, which produces great quantities of

the finest diamonds in the world, which are to be had in abundance at

all times of the year, but chiefly in January, April, July, and October,

but the greatest quantities in January and April, when they are brought

down the river _Lavee_ in proas. They are said to be procured by diving,

in the same manner with pearls; and the reason why they are to be had

more abundantly at one season than another is, that in July and October

there falls so much rain, that the river deepens to nine fathoms at the

place where they are got, and occasions so rapid a stream that the

people can hardly dive in search of them; whereas in other months it is

only four fathoms or four and a half; which is found to be the best

depth for diving.

[Footnote 151: This is rather a vague account of so large an island,

which reaches from the lat. of 4° 20' S. to 6° 40' N. and between the

longitudes of 100° 12' and 119° 25' E. from Greenwich; being above 700

English miles from N. to S. and 670 from E. to W.--E.]

The commodities most vendible at Succadanea are Malacca pintados, very

fine _sarapa, goobares, poulings, cherujava,_ calico lawns,

light-coloured China silks, sewing gold, sleeve silk, stammel

broad-cloth, all sorts of bugles, especially those blue ones which are

made at Bantam, shaped like a hogshead, but about the size of a bean.

These cost at Bantam a dollar for 400, and are worth at Succadanea a

_masse_ the 100, a _masse_ being three quarters of a dollar. Likewise

Chinese _cashes_ and dollars are in request, but more especially gold;

insomuch that you may have a stone for the value of a dollar in gold,

which you would hardly get for a dollar and a half, or a dollar and

three quarters, in silver. On this account, therefore, when intending to

sail for Succadanea, it is best to go in the first place to

Banjermassen, where you may exchange your commodities for gold, which

you may purchase at the rate of three _cattees_ of _cashes_ the Mallayan

_taile_, which is nine dollars, as I have been credibly informed it has

been worth of late years. Afterwards carrying the gold to Succadanea,

and paying it away for diamonds, at four _cattees_ of _cashes_ the

_taile_, each of which is the weight of 1-3/4 and 1/8 of a dollar, you

gain 3/4 of a dollar on each _taile_: Yet, after all, the principal

profit must be upon the diamonds.

The diamonds of Borneo are distinguished into _four waters_, which they

call _varna_, viz. Varna _Ambon_, varna _Loud_, varna _Sackar_, and

varna _Bessee_. These are respectively white, green, yellow, and a

colour between green and yellow; but the white water, or _varna ambon_,

is the best. Their weights are called _Sa-masse, Sa-copang, Sa-boosuck_,

and _Sa-pead_: 4 copangs are a masse; 2 boosucks a copang; and 1-1/2

pead is a boosuck. There is a weight called _pahaw_, which is four

masse, and 16 _masse_ are one _taile_. By these weights both diamonds

and gold are weighed.

In regard to goods from _China_, the best raw silk is made at Nankin,

and is called _howsa_, being worth there 80 dollars the pekul. The best

taffeta, called _tue_, is made at a small town called _Hoechu_, and is

worth 30 dollars the _corge_. The best damask, called _towa_, is made at

Canton, and is worth 50 dollars the _corge_. Sewing gold, called

_kimswa_, is sold by the _chippau_, or bundle, each containing ten

pahees; and in each paper are ten knots or skeins, sold for three

_pawes_, or two dollars, the best having 36 threads in each knot. Sewing

silk, called _couswa_, is worth 100 dollars the pekul. Embroidered

hangings, called _paey_, are worth for the best 10 dollars the piece.

Sattins, called _lyn_, are worth for the best one dollar the piece.

Great porcelain basons, Called _chopau_, are sold three for a dollar.

White sugar, called _petong_, the best is sold for half a dollar the

pekul. The small sorts of porcelain, called _poa_, of the best sort,

sell for one dollar the _cattee_. The best pearl boxes, called _chanab_,

are worth five dollars each. Sleeve silk, called _jounckes_, the best

sells for 150 dollars the pekul. Musk, called _saheo_, seven dollars the

cattee. Cashes, 60 _pecoos_ for one dollar.

Broad-cloth, called _toloney_, is worth seven dollars the _sasocke_,

which is 3/4 of a yard. Large mirrors, called _kea_, are worth 10

dollars each. Tin, called _sea_, worth 15 dollars the pekul. Wax, called

_la_, 15 dollars the pekul. Muskets, called _cauching_, each barrel

worth 20 dollars. Japan sabres or _cattans_, called _samto_, are worth 8

dollars each. The best and largest elephants teeth, called _ga_, worth

200 dollars the pekul, and small ones 100 dollars. White saunders,

called _toawheo_, the best large logs sell for 40 dollars the pekul.

In China, the custom of pepper inwards is one _taile_ upon a pekul, but

no custom is paid outwards. Great care is taken to prevent carrying any

kind of warlike ammunition out of the country. In March, the junks bound

for Manilla depart from _Chuchu_, in companies of four, five, ten, or

more, as they happen to be ready; their outward lading being raw and

wrought silks, but of far better quality than those they carry to

Bantam. The ordinary voyage from Canton to Manilla is made in ten days.

They return from Manilla in the beginning of June, bringing back

dollars, and there are not less than forty sail of junks yearly employed

in this trade. Their force is absolutely nothing, so that the whole

might be taken by a ship's boat. In China this year, 1608, pepper was

worth 6-1/2 tailes the pekul, while at the same time it was selling in

Bantam for 2-1/2 dollars the _timbang_.