A
GENERAL
HISTORY AND COLLECTION
OF
VOYAGES AND TRAVELS,
ARRANGED IN SYSTEMATIC ORDER:
FORMING A COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
OF NAVIGATION, DISCOVERY, AND COMMERCE,
BY SEA AND LAND,
FROM THE EARLIEST AGES TO THE PRESENT TIME.
BY ROBERT KERR, F.R.S. & F.A.S. EDIN.
ILLUSTRATED BY MAPS AND CHARTS.
VOL. VIII.
MDCCCXXIV. CONTENTS
OF
VOL. VIII.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK III. CONTINUED.
CHAP. IX. Continued.--Early Voyages of the English to the East Indies
before the Establishment of an Exclusive Company.
SECT. IV. Voyage of Mr John Eldred, by Sea, to Tripoli in Syria, and
thence by Land and River to Bagdat and Basora, in 1583.
V. Of the Monsoons, or periodical Winds, with which Ships depart from
Place to Place in India. By William Barret.
VI. First Voyage of the English to India in 1591; begun by Captain
George Raymond, and completed by Captain James Lancaster.
VII. Supplementary Account of the former Voyage, by John May.
VIII. The unfortunate Voyage of Captain Benjamin Wood, towards the East
Indies, in 1596.
IX. Voyage of Captain John Davis to the East Indies, in 1598, as Pilot
to a Dutch Ship.
X. Voyage of William Adams to Japan, in 1598, and long residence in that
Island.
Introduction.
§ 1. Brief Relation of the Voyage of Sebalt de Wert to the Straits of
Magellan.
§ 2. First Letter of William Adams.
§ 3. Letter of William Adams to his Wife.
SECT. XI. Voyage of Sir Edward Michelburne to India, in 1604.
CHAP. X. Early Voyages of the English to India, after the Establishment,
of the East India Company.
Introduction.
SECT. I. First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, under
the Command of Captain James Lancaster.
Introduction.
§ 1. Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departure of
the Fleet from Saldanha Bay.
§ 2. Continuation of the Voyage, to the Nicobar and Sombrero Islands.
§ 3. Their Reception and Trade at Acheen.
§ 4. Portuguese Wiles discovered, and a Prize taken near Malacca.
§ 5. Presents to and from the King of Acheen, and his Letters to Queen
Elizabeth. Their Departure to Priaman and Bantam, and Settlement of
Trade at these Places.
§ 6. Departure for England, and Occurrences in the Voyage.
SECT. II. Account of Java, and of the first Factory of the English at
Bantam; with Occurrences there from the 11th February, 1603, to the 6th
October, 1605.
Introduction.
§ 1. Description of Java, with the Manners and Customs of its
Inhabitants, both Javanese and Chinese.
§ 2. Brief Discourse of many Dangers by Fire, and other Treacheries of
the Javanese.
§ 3. Differences between the Hollanders, styling themselves English, and
the Javans, and of other memorable Things.
§ 4. Treacherous Underminings, and other Occurrences.
§ 5. Arrival of General Middleton, and other Events.
§ 6. Account of Quarrels between the English and Dutch at Bantam, and
other Occurrences.
§ 7. Observations by Mr John Saris of Occurrences during his Abode at
Bantam, from October, 1605, to October, 1609
§ 8. Rules for the Choice of sundry Drugs, with an Account of the Places
where they are procured.
§ 9. Of the principal Places of Trade in India, and the Commodities they
afford.
SECT. III. Second Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1604,
under the Command of Captain Henry Middleton.
Introduction.
§ 1. Voyage of General Henry Middleton, afterwards Sir Henry, to Bantam
and the Moluccas, in 1604.
§ 2. Voyage of Captain Colthurst, in the Ascension, to Banda.
SECT. IV. Third Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1607, by
Captain William Keeling.
Introduction.
§ 1. Disasters in the Outset of the Voyage, with Occurrences till
leaving Saldanha Bay.
§ 2. Departure from Saldanha Bay, and Occurrences till the Ships parted
Company.
§ 3. Instruction learnt at Delisa respecting the Monsoon; with the
Arrival of the Dragon at Bantam.
§ 4. Voyage of the Hector to Banda, with Occurrences there.
SECT. V. Narrative by William Hawkins of Occurrences during his
Residence in the Dominions of the Great Mogul.
Introduction.
§ 1. Barbarous Usage at Surat by Mucrob Khan; and the treacherous
Procedure of the Portuguese and Jesuits.
§ 2. Journey of the Author to Agra, and his Entertainment at the Court
of the Great Mogul.
§ 3. The Inconstancy of the King, and the Departure of Captain Hawkins
to the Red Sea, Bantam, and England.
SECT. VI. Observations of William Finch, Merchant, who accompanied
Captain Hawkins to Surat, and returned over Land to England.
Introduction.
§ 1. Remembrances respecting Sierra Leona, in 1607.
§ 2. Observations made at St Augustine in Madagascar, and at the Island
of Socotora.
§ 3. Occurrences in India, respecting the English, Dutch, Portuguese,
and Moguls.
§ 4. Journey to Agra, and Observations by the Way; with some Notices of
the Deccan Wars.
§ 5. Description of Futtipoor, Biana, &c. of Nill, or Indigo; and of
other Matters.
§ 6. Description of Lahore, with other Observations.
SECT. VII. Voyage of Captain David Middleton, in 1607, to Bantam and the
Moluccas.
Introduction.
SECT. VIII. Fourth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1608, by
Captain Alexander Sharpey.
Introduction.
§ 1. Relation of this Voyage, as written by Robert Coverte.
§ 2. Supplement to the foregoing Narrative, from the Account of the same
unfortunate Voyage, by Thomas Jones.
§ 3. Additional Supplement, from the Report of William Nichols.
SECT. IX. Voyage of Captain Richard Rowles in the Union, the Consort of
the Ascension.
Introduction.
§ 1. Of the Voyage of the Union, after her Separation from the
Ascension, to Acheen and Priaman.
§ 2. Return of the Union from Priaman towards England.
SECT. X. Fifth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1609, under
the Command of Captain David Middleton.
Introduction.
§ 1. Occurrences at Bantam, Booton, and Banda.
§ 2. Occurrences at Banda; Contests with the Hollanders; Trade at
Pulo-way, and many Perils.
§ 3. Departure for Bantam, Escape from the Hollanders, and Voyage Home.
SECT. XI. Sixth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1610, under
the Command of Sir Henry Middleton.
Introduction.
§ 1. Incidents of the Voyage till the Arrival of the Squadron at Mokha.
§ 2. Transactions at Mokha, and Treachery of the Turks there, and at
Aden.
§ 3. Journey of Sir Henry Middleton to Zenan, in the Interior of Yemen,
or Arabia Felix, with some Description of the Country, and Occurrences
till his Return to Mokha.
§ 4. Sir Henry Middleton makes his Escape from the Turks, and forces
them to make Satisfaction.
§ 5. Voyage from the Red Sea to Surat, and Transactions there.
§ 6. Voyage from Surat to Dabul, and thence to the Red Sea, and
Proceedings there.
SECT. XII. Journal of the preceding Voyage by Nicholas Downton, Captain
of the Pepper-corn.
Introduction.
§ 1. Notices of the Voyage between Saldanha Bay and Socotora, both
inclusive.
§ 2. Of Abdal Kuria, Arabia Felix, Aden, and Mokha, and the treacherous
Proceedings of both Places.
§ 3. Account of Proceedings in the Red Sea on the second Visit.
§ 4. Voyage from Mokha to Sumatra, and Proceedings there.
§ 5. Voyage of the Pepper-corn Home to England.
SECT. XIII. The Seventh Voyage of the English East India Company, in
1611, commanded by Captain Anthony Hippon.
Introduction.
SECT. XIV. Notices of the preceding Voyage, by Peter Williamson Floris.
Introduction.
§ 1. The Voyage to Pullicatt, Patapilly, Bantam, Patane, and Siam.
§ 2. Narrative of strange Occurrences in Pegu, Siam, Johor, Patane, and
the adjacent Kingdoms.
§ 3. Voyage to Masulipatam, and Incidents during a long Stay at that
Place.
§ 4. Voyage to Bantam, and thence to England.
SECT. XV. Eighth Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1611, by
Captain John Saris.
Introduction.
§ 1. Incidents of the Voyage from England to Socotora.
§ 2. Occurrences at Socotora and in the Red Sea.
§ 3. Adventures along with Sir Henry Middleton in the Red Sea, and other
Observations in those Parts, with our Arrival at Bantam.
§ 4. The Voyage of Captain Saris, in the Clove, towards Japan, with
Observations respecting the Dutch and Spaniards at the Molucca Islands.
[Illustration: Map of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope]
A
GENERAL HISTORY
AND
COLLECTION OF VOYAGES AND TRAVELS.
* * * * *
PART II. BOOK III.
(CONTINUED.)
* * * * *
CHAPTER IX.--Continued.
EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH. TO THE EAST INDIES, BEFORE THE
ESTABLISHMENT OF AN EXCLUSIVE COMPANY.
SECTION IV.
Voyage of Mr John Eldred, by Sea, to Tripoli, in Syria, and thence, by
Land and River, to Bagdat and Basora, in 1583.[1]
I departed from London in the Tiger on Shrove-Tuesday, 1583, in company
with Mr John Newberry, Mr Ralph Fitch, and six or seven other honest
merchants, and arrived at Tripoli in Syria on the next ensuing 1st of
May. On our arrival, we went a _Maying_ on the Island of St George,
where the Christians who die here on ship board are wont to be buried.
In this city of Tripoli our English merchants have a consul, and all of
the English nation who come here reside along with him, in a house or
factory, called _Fondeghi Ingles_, which is a square stone building,
resembling a cloister, where every person has his separate chamber, as
is likewise the custom of all the other Christian nations at this place.
[Footnote 1: Hakluyt, II. 402. As Eldred accompanied Newberry and Fitch
from England to Basora, this article is, in a great degree, connected
with our present purpose: It may likewise be mentioned, that Eldred is
one of the persons with whom Newberry corresponded.--E.]
Tripolis stands under a part of Mount Lebanon, at the distance of two
English miles from the port. On one side of this port, in the form of a
half-moon, there are five block-houses, or small forts, in which there
are some good pieces of artillery, and they are occupied by about an
hundred janisaries. Right before the town there is a hill of shifting
sand, which gathers and increases with a west wind, insomuch, that they
have an old prophecy among them, that this sand hill will one day
swallow up and overwhelm the town, as it every year increases and
destroys many gardens, though they employ every possible device to
diminish this sand-bank, and to render it firm ground. The city is
walled round, though of no great strength, and is about the size of
Bristol: Its chief defence is the citadel or castle, which stands on the
south side of the town, and within the walls, overlooking the whole
town, being armed with some good artillery, and garrisoned by two
hundred janisaries. A river passes through the middle of the city, by
means of which they water their gardens and plantations of mulberry
trees, on which they rear great numbers of silk-worms, which produce
great quantities of white silk, being the principal commodity of this
place, which is much frequented by many Christian merchants, as
Venetians, Florentines, Genoese, Marsilians, Sicilians, and Ragusans,
and, of late, by the English, who trade more here than in any other port
of the Turkish dominions.
I departed from Tripolis with a caravan, on the 14th May, passing, in
three days, over the ridge of Mount Libanus; and at the end of that time
came to the city of _Hammah_, which stands in a goodly plain, abounding
in corn and cotton-wool. On these mountains grow great quantities of
_gall-trees_, which are somewhat like our oaks, but less, and more
crooked; and, on the best trees, a man shall not find above a pound of
galls on each. This town of Hammah is fallen into decay, and continues
to decay more and more, so that at this day scarcely is the half of the
wall standing, which has once been strong and handsome; but, because it
cost many lives to win it, the Turks will not have it repaired, and have
caused to be inscribed in Arabic, over one of the gates, "Cursed be the
father and the son of him who shall lay hands to the repairing of this
place."
Refreshing ourselves one day here, we went forwards three days more,
with our camels, and came to Aleppo, where we arrived on the 21st of
May. This has the greatest trade, for an inland town, of any in all
those parts, being resorted to by Jews, Tartars, Persians, Armenians,
Egyptians, Indians, and many different kinds of Christians, all of whom
enjoy liberty of conscience, and bring here many different kinds of
merchandise. In the middle of the city there is a goodly castle, raised
on high, having a garrison of four or five hundred janisaries. Within
four miles round about there are many goodly gardens and vineyards, with
many trees, which bear excellent fruit, near the side of the river,
which is very small. The walls of the city are about three miles in
circuit, but the suburbs are nearly as large as the city, the whole
being very populous.
We departed from Aleppo on the 31st of May, with a caravan of camels,
along with Mr John Newberry, and his company, and came to _Birrah_,
[Bir] in three days, being a small town on the Euphrates, where that
river first assumes the name, being here collected into one channel,
whereas before it comes down in numerous branches, and is therefore
called by the people of the country by a name which signifies a
_thousand heads_. We here found abundance of provisions, and furnished
ourselves for a long journey down the river; and, according to the
custom of those who travel on this river, we provided a small bark for
the conveyance of ourselves and our goods. These boats are
flat-bottomed, because the river is shallow in many places; and when
people travel in the months of July, August, and September, the water
being then at the lowest, they have to carry a spare boat or two along
with them, to lighten their own boats in case of grounding on the
shoals. We were twenty-eight days upon the river in going between Bir
and Feluchia, at which last place we disembarked ourselves and our
goods.
During our passage down the Euphrates, we tied our boat to a stake every
night at sun-set, when we went on land and gathered some sticks to make
a fire, on which we set our pot, with rice or bruised wheat; and when
we had supped, the merchants went on board to sleep, while the mariners
lay down for the night on the shore, as near the boats as they could. At
many places on the river side we met with troops of Arabs, of whom we
bought milk, butter, eggs, and lambs, giving them in barter, for they
care not for money, glasses, combs, coral, amber, to hang about their
necks; and for churned milk we gave them bread and pomegranate peels,
with which they tan their goat skins which they use for churns. The
complexion, hair, and apparel of these Arabs, are entirely like to those
vagabond Egyptians who heretofore used to go about in England. All their
women, without one exception, wear a great round ring of gold, silver,
or iron, according to their abilities, in one of their nostrils, and
about their legs they have hoops of gold, silver, or iron. All of them,
men, women, and children, are excellent swimmers, and they often brought
off in this manner vessels with milk on their heads to our barks. They
are very thievish, as I proved to my cost, for they stole a casket
belonging to me, containing things of good value, from under my man's
head as he lay asleep.
At Bir the Euphrates is about as broad as the Thames at Lambeth, in some
places broader, and in others narrower, and it runs very swiftly, almost
as fast as the Trent. It has various kinds of fish, all having scales,
some like our barbels, as large as salmon. We landed at Feluchia on the
28th of June, and had to remain there seven days for want of camels to
carry our goods to Babylon, [Bagdat,] the heat at that season being so
violent that the people were averse from hiring their camels to travel.
Feluchia is a village of some hundred houses, and is the place appointed
for discharging such goods as come down the river, the inhabitants being
all Arabs. Not being able to procure camels, we had to unlade our goods,
and hired an hundred asses to carry our English merchandize to New
Babylon, or Bagdat, across a short desert, which took us eighteen hours
of travelling, mostly in the night and morning, to avoid the great heat
of the day.
In this short desert, between the Euphrates and Tigris, formerly stood
the great and mighty city of ancient Babylon, many of the old ruins of
which are easily to be seen by day-light, as I, John Eldred, have often
beheld at my good leisure, having made three several journeys between
Aleppo and New Babylon. Here also are still to be seen the ruins of the
ancient Tower of Babel, which, being upon plain ground, seems very large
from afar; but the nearer you come towards it, it seems to grow less and
less. I have gone sundry times to see it, and found the remnants still
standing above a quarter of a mile in circuit, and almost as high as the
stone-work of St Paul's steeple in London, but much bigger.[2] The
bricks remaining in this most ancient monument are half a yard thick,
and three quarters long, having been dried in the sun only; and between
every course of bricks there is a course of matts made of canes, which
still remain as sound as if they had only lain one year.
[Footnote 2: It is hardly necessary to observe, that this refers to the
old St Paul's before the great fire, and has no reference to the present
magnificent structure, built long after the date of this journey.--E.]
The new city of Babylon, or Bagdat, joins to the before-mentioned small
desert, in which was the old city, the river Tigris running close under
the walls, so that they might easily open a ditch, and make the waters
of the river, encompass the city.[3] Bagdat is above two English miles
in circumference. The inhabitants, who generally speak three languages,
Persian, Arabic, and Turkish, are much of the same complexion with the
Spaniards. The women mostly wear, in the gristle of the nose, a ring
like a wedding-ring, but rather larger, having a pearl and a turquoise
stone set in it; and this however poor they may be. This is a place of
great trade, being the thoroughfare from the East Indies to Aleppo. The
town is well supplied with provisions, which are brought down the river
Tigris from Mosul, in Diarbekir, or Mesopotamia, where stood the ancient
city of Nineveh. These provisions, and various other kinds of goods, are
brought down the river Tigris on rafts of wood, borne up by a great
number of goat-skin bags, blown up with wind like bladders. When the
goods are discharged, the rafts are sold for fuel, and letting the wind
out of the goat skins, they carry them home again upon asses, to serve
for other voyages down the river.
[Footnote 3: It may be proper to remark, as not very distinctly marked
here, though expressed afterwards in the text, that Bagdat is on the
east side of the Tigris, whereas the plain, or desert of ancient
Babylon, is on the west, between that river and the Euphrates.--E.]
The buildings here are mostly of brick, dried in the sun, as little or
no stone is to be found, and their houses are all low and flat-roofed.
They have no rain for eight months together, and hardly any clouds in
the sky by day or night. Their winter is in November, December, January,
and February, which is almost as warm as our summer in England. I know
this well by experience, having resided, at different times, in this
city for at least the space of two years. On coming into the city from
Feluchia, we have to pass across the river Tigris on a great bridge of
boats, which are held together by two mighty chains of iron.
From this place we departed in flat-bottomed boats, which were larger
and more strongly built than those on the Euphrates. We were
twenty-eight days also in going down this river to Basora, though we
might have gone in eighteen days, or less, if the water had been higher.
By the side of the river there stand several towns, the names of which
resemble those of the prophets of the Old Testament. The first of these
towns is called _Ozeah_, and another _Zecchiah_. One day's journey
before we came to Basora, the two rivers unite, and there stands, at the
junction, a castle belonging to the Turks, called _Curna_, where all
merchants have to pay a small custom. Where the two rivers join, their
united waters are eight or nine miles broad; and here also the river
begins to ebb and flow, the overflowing of the water rendering all the
country round about very fertile in corn, rice, pulse, and dates.
The town of Basora is a mile and a half in circuit; all the houses, with
the castle and the walls, being of brick dried in the sun. The Grand
Turk has here five hundred janisaries always in garrison, besides other
soldiers; but his chief force consists in twenty-five or thirty fine
gallies, well furnished with good ordnance. To this port of Basora there
come every month divers ships from Ormus, laden with all sorts of Indian
goods, as spices, drugs, indigo, and calico cloth. These ships are from
forty to sixty tons burden, having their planks sewed together with
twine made of the bark of the date-palm; and, instead of oakum, their
seams are filled with slips of the same bark, of which also their tackle
is made. In these vessels they have no kind of iron-work whatever,
except their anchors. In six days sail down the Gulf of Persia, they go
to an island called. Bahrein, midway to Ormus, where they fish for
pearls during the four months of June, July, August, and September.
I remained six months at Basora, in which time I received several
letters from Mr John Newberry, then at Ormus, who, as he passed that
way, proceeded with letters, from her majesty to Zelabdim Echebar, king
of Cambaia,[4] and to the mighty Emperor of China, was treacherously
there arrested, with all his company, by the Portuguese, and afterwards
sent prisoner to Goa, where, after a long and cruel imprisonment, he and
his companions were released, upon giving surety not to depart from
thence without leave, at the instance of one Father Thomas Stevens, an
English priest, whom they found there. Shortly afterwards three of them
made their escape, of whom Mr Ralph Fitch is since come to England. The
fourth, who was Mr John Story, painter, became a religious in the
college of St Paul, at Goa, as we were informed by letters from that
place.
[Footnote 4: Akbar Shah, padishah or emperor of the Moguls in
India.--E.]
Having completed all our business at Basora, I and my companion, William
Shales, embarked in company with seventy barks, all laden with
merchandize; every bark having fourteen men to drag it up the river,
like our west country barges on the river Thames; and we were forty-four
days in going up against the stream to Bagdat. We there, after paying
our custom, joined with other merchants, to form a caravan, bought
camels, and hired men to load and drive them, furnished ourselves with
rice, butter, dates, honey made of dates, and onions; besides which,
every merchant bought a certain number of live sheep, and hired certain
shepherds to drive them along with us. We also bought tents to lie in,
and to put our goods under; and in this caravan of ours there were four
thousand camels laden with spices and other rich goods. These camels can
subsist very well for two or three days without water, feeding on
thistles, wormwood, _magdalene_, and other coarse weeds they find by the
way. The government of the caravans, the deciding of all quarrels that
occur, and the apportionment of all duties to be paid, are committed to
the care of some one rich and experienced merchant in the company, whose
honour and honesty can best be confided in. We spent forty days in our
journey from Bagdat to Aleppo, travelling at the rate of from twenty to
twenty-four miles a-day, resting ourselves commonly from two in the
afternoon till three next morning, at which time we usually began our
journey.
Eight days journey from Bagdat, near to a town called Heit, where we
cross the Euphrates in boats, and about three miles from that place,
there is a valley in which are many mouths, or holes, continually
throwing out, in great abundance, a black kind of substance like tar,
which serves all this country for paying their boats and barks. Every
one of these springs makes a noise like a smith's forge, continually
puffing and blowing; and the noise is so loud, that it may be heard a
mile off. This vale swalloweth up all heavy things that are thrown into
it. The people of the country call it _Bab-el-gehenam_, or the gate of
hell. In passing through these deserts we saw certain wild beasts, such
as asses, all white, roebucks, leopards, foxes, and many hares, a
considerable number of which last we chaced and killed. _Aborise_, the
king of the wandering Arabs in these deserts, receives a duty of 40
shillings value for every loaded camel, which he sends his officers to
receive from the caravans; and, in consideration of this, he engages to
convoy the caravans in safety, if need be, and to defend them against
the prowling thieves.
I and my companion, William Shales, came to Aleppo on the 11th June,
1584, being joyfully welcomed at twenty miles distance by Mr William
Barret, our consul, accompanied by his people and janisaries. He fell
sick immediately after, and departed this life in eight days illness,
having nominated, before he died, Mr Anthony Bate to succeed him as
consul for the English nation, who laudably executed the office for
three years. In the mean time, I made two other journeys to Bagdat and
Basora, returning in the same manner through the desert. Being
afterwards desirous to see other parts of the country, I went from
Aleppo to Antioch, which is 60 miles, and from thence to Tripoli, where,
going on board a small vessel, I arrived at Joppa, and travelled by land
to Rama, Lycia, Gaza, Jerusalem, Bethlem, the river Jordan, and the sea
of Sodom, and returned to Joppa, from whence I went back to Tripoli; but
as many others have published large discourses of these places, I think
it unnecessary to write of them here. Within a few days after my return
to Tripoli, I embarked in the Hercules of London, on the 22d December,
1587, and arrived safe, by the blessing of God, in the Thames, with
divers other English merchants, on the 26th March, 1588; our ship being
the richest in merchant goods that ever was known to arrive in this
realm.
SECTION V.
_Of the Monsoons, or Periodical Winds, with which Ships depart from
Place to Place in India. By William Barret._[5]
It is to be noted, that the city of Goa is the principal place of all
the oriental India, and that the winter begins there on the 15th of May,
with very great rain, and so continues till the 1st of August; during
which time no ship can pass the bar of Goa, as, by these continual
rains, all the sands join together hear a mountain called _Oghane_, and
run into the shoals of the bar and port of Goa, having no other issue,
and remain there, so that the port is shut up till the 1st of August;
but it opens again on the 10th of August, as the rains are then ceased,
and the sea thus scours away the sand.
[Footnote 5: Hakluyt, II. 413.
It appears, from the journal of John Eldred, in the preceding section,
that William Barret was English consul at Aleppo, and died in 1584.
In the immediately preceding article in Hakluyt, vol. II. p. 406, et
seq., is a curious account of the money weights and measures of Bagdat,
Basora, Ormus, Goa, Cochin, and Malacca, which we wished to have
inserted, but found no sufficient data by which to institute a
comparison with the money weights and measures of England, without which
they would have been entirely useless.
In the present article, the dates are certainly of the old stile, and,
to accommodate these to the present new stile, it may be perhaps right
to add _nine_ days to each for the sixteenth century, or _twelve_ days to
reduce them to corresponding dates of the present nineteenth
century.--E.]
To the northward, as Chaul, Diu, Cambay, Damaun, Basseen, and other
places, the ships depart from Goa between the 10th and 24th of August;
and ships may sail to these places at all times of the year, except in
winter, as already described.
Ships depart for Goa from Chaul, Diu, Cambay, and other parts to the
northward, betwixt the 8th and 15th of January, and come to Goa about
the end of February.
From Diu ships depart for the straits of Mecca, or the Red-Sea, about
the 15th of January, and return from thence to Diu in the month of
August. They likewise depart from Din for the Red-Sea in the second
monsoon, betwixt the 25th of August and 25th of September, and return
to Diu between the 1st and 15th of May following.
From Socotora, which hath only few ships, they depart for Ormus about
the 10th of August.
About the 15th of September the Moors of the firm land begin to come to
Goa from all parts, as from Balagnete, Bezenegar, Sudalcan, and other
places; and they depart from Goa betwixt the 10th and 15th of November.
It is to be understood, that, by going to the north, is meant departing
from Goa for Chaul, Diu, Cambay, Damaun, Basseen, and other places as
far as Sinde; and, by the south, is meant departing from Goa for Cochin,
and all that coast, as far as Cape Comorin.
In the _first_ monsoon for Ormus, ships depart from Goa in the month of
October, passing with easterly winds along the coast of Persia. In the
_second_ monsoon, the ships depart from Goa about the 20th of January,
passing by a like course, and with a similar wind; this second monsoon
being called by the Portuguese the _entremonson_. There is likewise a
_third_ monsoon for going from Goa to Ormus, when ships set out from Goa
betwixt the 25th March and 6th April, having easterly winds, when they
set their course for the coast of Arabia, which they fell in with at
Cape Rasalgate and the Straits of Ormus. This monsoon is the most
troublesome of all, for they make two navigations in the latitude of
Ceylon, somewhat lower than six degrees.[6]
[Footnote 6: This is by no means obvious; but means, perhaps, that they
are obliged to bear away so far south, owing to the wind not allowing a
direct passage.--E.]
The _first_ monsoon from Ormus for Chaul and Goa is in the month of
September, with the wind at north or north-east. The _second_ is between
the 25th and 30th of December, with like winds. In the _third_, ships
leave Ormus between the 1st and 15th of April, with the wind at
south-east, east, or north-east, when they coast along Arabia from Cape
Mosandon to Cape Rasalgate; and after losing sight of Rasalgate, they
have westerly winds which carry them to Chaul and Goa. But if they do
not leave Ormus on or before the 25th of April, they must winter at
Ormus, and wait the first monsoon in September.
The _first_ monsoon from Ormus to Sinde is between the 15th and 20th of
April; the second between the 10th and 20th of October. From Ormus
ships depart for the Red Sea in all January.
From Goa for Calicut, Cochin, Ceylon, and other places to the southward,
the ships depart from the 1st to the 15th of August, and find these seas
navigable all the year, except in winter, that is, from the 15th May to
the 10th August. In like manner, ships can go from these places to Goa
every time of the year except in winter; but the best time is in the
months of December, January, and February.
In the first monsoon from Goa for Pegu, the ships depart from Goa
between the 15th and 20th of April, and winter at San Thome, whence they
sail for Pegu after the 5th of August. In the second, they leave Goa
between the 8th and 24th of August, going direct for Pegu; but, if they
pass the 24th of August, they cannot make out their voyage that monsoon,
and must wait till next April. It may be noticed, that the best trade
for Pegu is to take ryals and patechoni to San Thome, and there purchase
Tellami, which is fine cotton cloth, of which great quantities are made
in Coromandel. Other merchandize is not good in Pegu, except a few
dozens of very fair oriental emeralds. Gold, silver, and rubies are in
Pegu sufficiently abundant. In coming from Pegu for Western India, ships
sail between the 15th and 25th of January, and come to Goa about the
25th of March, or beginning of April. If it pass the 10th of May before
reaching Goa, ships cannot reach Goa that monsoon; and if they have not
then made the coast of India, they will with much peril fetch San Thome.
In the first monsoon for Malacca, the ships leave Goa between the 15th
and 30th of September, and reach Malacca about the end of October. In
the second, they leave Goa about the 5th of May, and arrive at Malacca
about the 15th of June. In the first monsoon from Malacca for Goa, they
leave Malacca about the 10th September, and come to Goa about the end of
October. In the second, they leave Malacca about the 10th February, and
reach Goa about the end of March. If any ship is detained on this voyage
till the 10th May, they cannot enter the harbour of Goa; and, if they
have not then got to Cochin, they must return to Malacca, as the winter
and the contrary winds then come on.
Ships sail from Goa for China in the month of April; and they must sail
in such time from China as to reach Goa before the 10th of May. If not
then arrived, they must put back to Cochin; and if not able to get in
there, must go to Malacca to winter.
Ships going from Goa for the Moluccas must sail on or before the 10th or
15th May; after which period they cannot pass the bar of Goa: and the
ships returning from the Moluccas usually reach Goa about the 15th of
April.
The ships from Portugal for India usually depart between the 10th and
15th of March, going direct for the coast of Melinda and Mozambique,
which they reach in July, whence they proceed to Goa. If they do not
reach the coast of Melinda in July, they cannot fetch Melinda that year,
but must return to the island of St Helena. If they are unable to make
that island, then they run as lost on the coast of Guinea. If they reach
the coast of Melinda in time, and set forwards for Goa, but are unable
to make that port by the 15th September, they then go to Cochin; but, if
unable to get into Cochin, they must return and winter on the coast of
Mozambique. Yet, in the year 1580, the ship San Lorenzo arrived there on
the 8th of October, sore tempest-beaten, to the great admiration of
every one, as the like had not been seen before.
The ships bound for Portugal leave Cochin between the 15th and 31st
January, steering for _Cabo de buona Speranza_, and the isle of St
Helena, which island is about midway, being in lat. 16° S. It is a small
island, but fruitful of all things, with great store of fruit, and gives
great succour to the ships homeward-bound from India to Portugal. It is
not long since that island was discovered, by a ship that came from the
Indies in a great storm. They found in it such abundance of wild beasts
and boars, and all sorts of fruit, that, by these means, this ship,
which had been four months at sea, was wonderfully refreshed both with
food and water. It received its name because discovered on the day of St
Helen. This island is so great a succour to the Portuguese ships, that
many of them would surely perish if it were not for the aid they get
here. For this reason, the King of Portugal caused a church to be built
here to the honour of St Helena, where only two hermits reside, all
others being forbidden to inhabit there, that the ships may be the
better supplied with victuals, as on coming from India they are usually
but slenderly provided, because no corn grows there, nor do they make
any wine. The ships which go from Portugal for India do not touch there,
because, on leaving Portugal, they are fully provided with bread and
water for eight months. No other person can inhabit St Helena except the
two hermits, or perchance some sick person who may be left there on
shore under the care of the hermits, for his help and recovery.
Ships depart from Goa for Mozambique between the 10th and 15th of
January; and from Mozambique for Goa between the 8th and 31st August,
arriving at Chaul or Goa any time in October, or till the 15th of
November.
From Ormus ships bound for Bengal depart between the 15th and 20th of
June, going to winter at _Teve_? whence they resume their voyage for
Bengal about the 15th of August.
SECTION VI.
_First Voyage of the English to India in 1591; begun by Captain George
Raymond, and completed by Captain James Lancaster_.[7]
INTRODUCTION.
We have at length arrived at the period when the English began to visit
the East Indies in their own ships; this voyage of Captain Raymond, or,
if you will, Lancaster, being the first of the kind ever performed by
them. From this year, therefore, 1591, the oriental navigations of the
English are to be dated; they did not push them with any vigour till the
beginning of the next century, when they began to pursue the commerce of
India with unwearied diligence and success, as will appear from the
narratives in the next succeeding chapter.
[Footnote 7: Hakluyt, II. 286. Astley, I. 235.]
"As for Captain Raymond, his ship was separated near Cape Corientes, on
the eastern coast of Africa, from the other two,[8] and was never heard
of more during the voyage, so that, whether he performed the voyage, or
was lost by the way, does not appear from Hakluyt; from whose silence,
however, nothing can be certainly concluded either way, for reasons
that will appear in the sequel[9]."--_Astley_.
[Footnote 8: This is a singular oversight in the editor of Astley's
Collection, as by that time there were only two ships, the Royal
Merchant having been sent home from Saldanha bay.--E.]
[Footnote 9: These promised reasons no where appear.--E.]
The full title of this voyage in Hakluyt's Collection is thus: "A Voyage
with three tall ships, the Penelope, Admiral; the Merchant-Royal,
Vice-Admiral; and the Edward Bonadventure, Rear-Admiral, to the East
Indies, by way of the Cape of Buona Speranza, to Quitangone, near
Mozambique, to the isles of Comoro and Zanzibar, on the backside of
Africa, and beyond Cape Comorin, in India, to the isles of Nicobar, and
of Gomes Palo, within two leagues of Sumatra, to the Islands of Pulo
Pinaom, and thence to the Mainland of Malacca; begun by Mr George
Raymond in the year 1591, and performed by Mr James Lancaster, and
written from the mouth of Edmund Barker of Ipswich, his Lieutenant in
the said Voyage, by Mr Richard Hakluyt."
This voyage is chiefly remarkable as being the first ever attempted by
the English to India, though not with any view of trade, as its only
object seems to have been to commit privateering depredations upon the
Portuguese trading ships in India, or, as we would now call them, the
country ships, which were employed in trading between Goa and the
settlements to the eastwards. It is unnecessary here to point out the
entire disappointment of the adventurers, or the disastrous conclusion
of the expedition, as these are clearly related by Mr Edmund Barker.
This article is followed by a supplementary account of the same voyage,
by John May, one of the people belonging to the Edward Bonadventure, who
relates some of the occurrences rather differently from Edmund Barker,
or rather gives some information that Mr Barker seems to have wished to
conceal. For these reasons, and because of some farther adventures in a
French ship in which May embarked, it has been thought proper to insert
that narrative in our collection--E.
* * * * *
Our fleet, consisting of three tall ships, the Penelope, Merchant-Royal,
and Edward Bonadventure, sailed from Plymouth the 10th April, 1591, and
arrived at the Canary Islands on 25th of that month, whence we again
took our departure on the 29th. The 2d May we were in the latitude of
Cape Blanco, and passed the tropic of Cancer on the 5th. All this time
we had a fair wind at north-east, sailing always before the wind, till
the 13th May, when we came within eight degrees of the line, where we
met a contrary wind. We lay off and on from that time till the 6th June,
when we crossed the equinoctial line. While thus laying off and on, we
captured a Portuguese caravel, laden by some merchants of Lisbon for
Brasil, in which vessel we got about 60 tons of wine, 1200 jars of oil,
100 jars of olives, some barrels of capers, three vats of pease, and
various other necessaries fit for our voyage; the wine, oil, olives, and
capers, being more valuable to us than gold.
We had two men died before passing the line, and several sick, who first
became unwell in these hot climates, as it is wonderfully unwholsome
from 8° N. lat. to the equator at that season of the year; for we had
nothing but tornadoes,[10] with such thunder, lightning, and rain, that
we could not keep our men dry three hours together; which, with scanty
cloathing to shift them, and living entirely on salt provisions,
occasioned an infection among them. After passing the line, we had the
wind continually at east-south-east, which carried us along the coast of
Brasil, at 100 leagues from the land, till we were in lat. 26° S. when
we had the wind from the north; at which time we estimated the Cape of
Good Hope to bear E. by S. 900 or 1000 leagues distant.
[Footnote 10: Tornado signifies a storm, during which the wind shifts
about, or _turns_ to all points of the compass.--E.]
In passing this great gulf from the coast of Brasil to the Cape of Good
Hope, we had the wind often variable, as it is on our own coast, but,
for the most part, so as that we could hold our course. The 28th of July
we had sight of the Cape; and till the 31st we plied off and on, with a
contrary wind, always in hopes to double the Cape, meaning to have gone
70 leagues farther, to a place called _Aguada de San Bras_, before
seeking to put in at any harbour. But as our men were sick in all our
ships, we thought it good to seek some place of refreshment for them;
wherefore we bore up with the land to the northward of the Cape, on the
west coast of Africa; and going along shore, we espied a goodly bay,
having an island to leeward of its mouth, into which we entered, and
found it very commodious to ride in at anchor. This bay is called
_Aguada de Saldanha_, being in lat. 33° S. 15 leagues northward on this
side from the Cape;[11] and in it we anchored on Sunday the 1st August,
and immediately sent our sick men on shore.
[Footnote 11: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these early
voyages, that this Aguada de Saldanha, called likewise Saldanha or
Saldania bay, was that now named Table bay, on which stands Cape Town,
and not that which is now called Saldanha bay, which is ten or twelve
leagues farther north, and on the same western coast of Africa.--E.]
Certain very brutish black savages came to them, but would not stay, and
immediately retired. For the space of 15 or 20 days, we could procure no
fresh provisions, except some cranes and geese which we shot; and we
could get no fish but mussels and other shell-fish, which we gathered on
the rocks. At the end of this time, our admiral went one day with his
pinnace to the island off the mouth of the bay, where he found great
numbers of penguins and seals, of which he brought plenty with him to
the ships, and twice afterwards some of our people brought their boats
loaded with these animals. Alter we had been here some time, we got hold
of a negro, whom we compelled to go along with us into the country,
making signs to him to procure us some cattle; but not being able at
this time to come in sight of any, we let the negro go, giving him some
trifling presents.[12] Within eight days after, he and 30 or 40 other
negroes brought us down about 40 oxen and as many sheep, at which time
we only bought a few of them; but, about eight days afterwards, they
brought down as many more, when we bought 24 oxen and as many sheep. The
oxen were large and well-fleshed, but not fat; and we bought an ox for
two knives, and a stirk, or young beast, for one knife. The sheep are
very large, and excellent mutton, having hair instead of wool, and great
tails like those of Syria. We gave a knife for a sheep, and even got
some for less value. We saw various wild beasts, as antilopes, red and
fallow deer, and other large beasts, which we knew not, with a great
number of overgrown monkies or baboons. Mr Lancaster killed an antilope
as large as a young colt.
[Footnote 12: This negro must, of course, have been a Hotentot.--E.]
Holding a consultation in respect to the prosecution of our, voyage, it
was thought best to proceed rather with two ships well manned, than with
two weakly manned, having only 198 men in sound health, of whom 100 went
in the Penelope with our admiral, and 98 in the Edward, with the
worshipful Captain Lancaster. We left behind 50 men in the Royal
Merchant, Captain Abraham Kendal, of whom a good many were well
recovered, thinking proper, for many reasons, to send home that ship.
The disease that consumed our men was the scurvy. Our soldiers, who had
not been used to the sea, held out best, while our mariners dropt away,
which, in my judgment, proceeded from their evil diet at home.
Six days after sending home the Royal Merchant from Saldanha bay, our
admiral, Captain Raymond, in the Penelope, and Captain James Lancaster
in the Edward Bonadventure, set forward to double the Cape of Good Hope,
which they now did very readily. When we had passed as far as Cape
Corientes, on the east coast of Africa, at the entry into the channel of
Mozambique, we encountered a dreadful storm, with excessive gusts of
wind, during which we lost sight of our admiral, and could never hear of
him nor his ship more, though we used our best endeavours to seek him,
by plying up and down a long while, and afterwards staid for him several
days at the island of Comoro, which we had appointed our rendezvous in
case of separation. Four days after this unfortunate separation, we had
a tremendous clap of thunder at ten o'clock one morning, which slew four
of our men outright, without speaking one word, their necks being wrung
asunder. Of 94 other men, not one remained untouched, some being struck
blind, some bruised in their arms and legs, others in their breasts, so
that they voided blood for two days: some were as it were drawn out in
length, as if racked. But, God be praised, they all recovered, except
the four men who were struck dead. With the same flash of lightning our
mainmast was terribly split from the head to the deck, some of the
spikes that went ten inches into the wood being melted by the fervent
heat.
From thence[13] we shaped our course north-east, and not long afterwards
fell in with the north-west point[14] of the island of St Lawrence, or
Madagascar, which, by God's blessing, one of our men espied late in the
evening by moonlight.
[Footnote 13: The place of shaping this course is by no means obvious.
It could not be from Comoro, which is farther north than the north end
of Madagascar, and was therefore probably from near Cape Corientes.--E.]
[Footnote 14: From the sequel, the text is certainly not accurate in
this place, as they were not so far as this cape by 100 leagues. It
probably was Cape St Andrews.--E.]
Seeing from afar the breaking of the sea, he called to some of his
comrades, asking what it meant, when they told him it was the sea
breaking upon shoals or rocks, upon which we put about ship in good
time, to avoid the danger we were like to have incurred. Continuing our
voyage, it was our lot to overshoot Mozambique, and to fall in with
_Quitangone_, two leagues farther north, where we took three or four
barks belonging to the Moors, laden with millet, hens, and ducks, going
as provisions for Mozambique, and having one Portuguese boy on board.
These barks are called _pangaias_ in their language.
Within a few days after, we came to an island called Comoro, which we
found exceedingly populous, the inhabitants being tawny Moors, of good
stature, but very treacherous, and requiring to be sharply looked after.
Being desirous of procuring fresh water, of which we stood in great
need, we sent sixteen of our men, well armed, on shore, whom the natives
allowed very quietly to land and take the water. A good many of them
came on board, along with their king, who was dressed in a gown of
crimson satin, reaching to the knee, pinked after the Moorish fashion.
We entertained him in the best manner we could, and had some conference
with him as to the state of the place and merchandise, using the
Portuguese boy we had taken as our interpreter. We then dismissed the
king and his company courteously, and sent our boat on shore again for
water, when also they dispatched their business quietly, and returned. A
third time the boat went for the same purpose, and returned unmolested.
We now thought ourselves sufficiently provided; but our master, William
Mace, of Ratcliff, pretending that it might be long before we should
find any good watering-place, would needs go again on shore, much
against the will of our captain. He went accordingly with sixteen men in
a boat, which were all we had, other sixteen of our men being on shore
with our other boat, washing their clothes, directly over against our
ship. The perfidious Moors attacked all these men, who were mostly slain
in our sight, while we could not yield them the smallest aid, as we had
now no boat.
Going from thence with heavy hearts on the 7th November, we shaped our
course for the island of Zanzibar, where we arrived shortly after, and
there made ourselves a new boat, of such boards as we had in our ship.
We continued here till the 15th of February, 1591, during which time we
saw several _pangaias_, or boats, of the Moors, which are pinned with
wooden pins, and sewed together with cords made of the palmito, and
caulked with the husks of the cocoa-nut, beaten into a substance like
oakum. At length a Portuguese pangaia came out of the harbour of
Zanzibar, where they have a small factory, and sent a Moor to us who had
been christened, bringing with him a letter in a canoe, in which they
desired to know what we were, and what was our business. We sent them
back word that we were Englishmen, who had come from Don Antonio, upon
business to his friends in the East Indies. They returned with this
answer to their factory, and would never more look near us. Not long
after this we manned our boat, and took a pangaia belonging to the
Moors, in which was one of their priests, called in their language a
_sherife_,[15] whom we used very courteously. The king took this in very
good part, having his priests in high estimation, and furnished us with
two months' provisions for his ransom, during all which time we detained
him on board. From these Moors we were informed of the false and
spiteful dealing of the Portuguese towards us, as they had given out we
were barbarous people, and canibals, desiring the Moors, as they loved
their safety, not to come near us; using these contrivances to cut us
off from all knowledge of the state and commerce of the country.
[Footnote 15: _Sheríf, sharíf,_ in Arabic, more properly denotes one of
the descendants of Mahomet.--Astl. 1. 287. b.]
While we rode from the end of November till the middle of February in
this harbour, which has sufficient water for a ship of 500 tons, we one
day attempted to take a Portuguese pangaia; but as our boat was so small
that our men had not room to move, and as they were armed with ten good
guns, like fowling-pieces, we were not able to take them. For the
excellence of its harbour and watering-place; its plenty of fish, of
which we took great store with our nets; for sundry sorts of fruits, as
cocoa-nuts and others, which were brought to us in abundance by the
Moors; and for oxen and poultry, this place is well worth being
carefully sought after by such of our ships as shall hereafter pass this
way; but our people had good need to beware of the Portuguese. While we
lay here their admiral of the coast, from Melinda to Mozambique, came
to view us, and would have taken our boat, if he had found an
opportunity. He was in a galley frigate, or armed pinnace, with eight or
nine oars of a side. We were advertised of the strength of this galley,
and their treacherous intentions, by an Arabian Moor, who came
frequently to us from the King of Zanzibar, about the delivery of the
priest, and afterwards by another Moor, whom we carried from thence
along with us: for, wheresoever we came, we took care to get one or two
of the natives into our hands, to learn the languages and conditions of
the parts at which we touched.
We had at this place another thunder clap, which shivered our foremast
very much, which we fished and repaired with timber from the shore, of
which there is abundance, the trees being about forty feet high, the
wood red and tough, and, as I suppose, a kind of cedar. At this place
our surgeon, Mr Arnold, negligently caught a great heat, or stroke of
the sun, in his head, while on land with the master in search of oxen,
owing to which he fell sick, and shortly died, though he might have been
cured by letting blood before the disease had settled. Before leaving
this place we procured some thousand weight of pitch, or rather a grey
and white gum, like frankincense, as clammy as turpentine, which grows
black when melted, and very brittle; but we mixed it with oil, of which
we had 300 jars from the prize taken to the north of the equator, not
far from Guinea. Six days before leaving Zanzibar, the head merchant of
the factory sent a letter to our captain, in friendship, as he
pretended, requesting a jar of wine, a jar of oil, and two or three
pounds of gunpowder. This letter he sent by a negro servant and a Moor,
in a canoe. Our captain sent him all he asked by the Moor, but took the
negro along with us, as we understood he had been formerly in the
Indies, and knew something of the country. By this negro we were
advertised of a small bark of some thirty tons, called _junco_ by the
Moors, which was come hither from Goa, laden with pepper for the
factory, and for sale in that kingdom.
Having put our ship into as good order as we could, while we lay in the
road of Zanzibar, we set sail for India on the 15th of February, 1592,
as said before, intending, if we could, to have reached Cape Comorin,
the head-land, or promontory, of the main-land of Malabar, and there to
have lain off and on for such ships as should pass from Ceylon, San
Thome. Bengal, Pegu, Malacca, the Moluccas, China, or Japan, which ships
are full of wealth and riches. But in our course we were much deceived
by the currents, which set into the gulf of Arabia, all along the coast
of Melinda; and the winds so scanted upon us from the east and
north-east, that we could not get off, and set us to the northward,
within fourscore leagues of Socotoro, far from our destined course.
During all this time we never wanted dolphins, bonitos, and flying
fishes. Finding ourselves thus far to the northward, and the season
being far spent, we determined upon going to the Red Sea, or the island
of Socotoro, both for refreshment and to look out for some purchase,
(prize). But, while in this mind, the wind fortunately sprung up at
north-west, and carried us direct for Cape Comorin.
Before doubling that cape, it was our intention to touch at the islands
of _Mamale_[16] in 12° of N. lat. at one of which we were informed we
might procure provisions. But it was not our luck to find it, partly by
the obstinacy of our master; for the day before we should have fallen in
with part of these islands, the wind shifted to the south-west, and we
missed finding it. As the wind now became more southerly, we feared not
being able to double the cape, which would have greatly hazarded our
being cast away upon the coast of Malabar, the winter season and western
monsoon being already come in, which monsoon continues on that coast
till August. But it pleased God that the wind came about more westerly,
so that in May, 1592, we happily doubled Cape Comorin, without being in
sight of the coast of India. Having thus doubled the cape, we directed
our course for the islands of Nicobar, which lie north and south with
the western part of Sumatra, and in lat. 7° N.[17] We ran from Cape
Comorin to the meridian of these islands in six days, having a very
large wind, though with foul weather, excessive rain, and gusts of wind.
[Footnote 16: Perhaps the Maldives are here meant; but the northern
extremity of that group is in lat. 7° N., and the latitude of 10°, which
reaches to the southernmost of the Lakedives, is very far out of the way
for doubling Cape Comorin.--E.]
[Footnote 17: The Nicobar Islands are in 8° N.; but Great Sambelong is
in the latitude mentioned in the text, and may have been considered as
belonging to the Nicobar group.--E.]
Through the negligence of our master, by not taking due observation of
the south star, we missed these islands, falling to the southward of
them, within sight of the islands of _Gomes Polo_,[18] immediately off
the great island of Sumatra, it being then the 1st of June; and we lay
two or three days becalmed at the north-east side of these islands,
hoping to have procured a pilot from the island of Sumatra, which was in
sight, within two leagues of us. Winter now coming on, with much
tempestuous weather, we directed our course for the islands of _Pulo
Pinao_:[19] it is to be noted that Pulo, in the Malayan language,
signifies island. We arrived there early in June, and came to anchor in
a very good harbour between three islands. At this time our men were
very sick, and many of them fallen; and we determined to remain here
till the winter were well over. This place is in lat. 5° 15' N. and
about five leagues from the main land, between Malacca and Tanaserim,
belonging to Pegu.
[Footnote 18: Probably the islands now called Pulo Brasse, and Pulo
Way.--E.]
[Footnote 19: Most probably the same with Pulo Pinang, now called Prince
of Wales's Island: the Portuguese orthography being used in the text, in
which language _ao_, or rather _aom_, as in the next section, has oar
sound of _ang_.--E.]
We remained at this place till the end of August, our refreshments being
very small, consisting only of oysters, growing on the rocks, great
wilks, or conchs, and a few fish, which we took with hooks and lines. We
landed our sick upon one of these uninhabited islands, for the sake of
their health, yet twenty-six of them died here, among whom was John
Hall, our master, and Rainald Golding, a merchant of much honesty and
discretion. There are abundance of trees in these islands of white wood,
so tall and straight as to be well fitted for masts, being often an
hundred feet long. When winter was past, and our ship fitted for going
to sea, we had only now remaining thirty-three men and one boy,
twenty-two only of whom were sound and fit for labour, and not above a
third even of these were mariners. Being under the necessity of seeking
some place for refreshments, we went over to the main-land of Malacca,
and came next day to anchor in a bay two leagues from the shore. Then
our captain, Mr James Lancaster, with his lieutenant, Mr Edmund Barker,
the author of this narrative, having manned the boat, went on shore, to
see if we could fall in with any inhabitants. On landing, we could see
the tracks of some barefooted people, who had been there not long
before, for their foe was still burning; yet we could see no people,
nor any living creature, except a fowl called oxbird, being a grey
sea-bird, in colour like a _snipe_, but different in the beak. Being by
no means shy, we killed about eight dozen of them with small shot, and
having spent the day fruitlessly, we went on board in the evening.
About two o'clock next day we saw a canoe, in which were about sixteen
naked Indians, who came near us, but would not come on board; yet, going
afterwards on shore, we had some friendly converse with them, and they
promised to bring us victuals. Next morning we espied three ships, all
of them about sixty or seventy tons burden, one of which surrendered
even to our boat; and understanding that they were of the city of
Martaban, a chief sea-port of the great city of Pegu, and that the goods
belonged to some Portuguese jesuits, and a biscuit-baker of that nation,
we took that ship; but as the other two were laden on account of
merchants of Pegu, we let them go. Having this other along with us, we
came to anchor together at night; and in the night time all her men,
being mostly natives of Pegu, fled away in their boat, except twelve,
whom we had taken on board our ship. Next day we weighed anchor, and
went to leeward of an island hard by, where we took out her lading of
pepper, which they had taken on board at Pera, a place on the main-land,
thirty leagues to the south. We likewise stopt another ship of Pegu,
laden with pepper; but finding her cargo to belong to native merchants
of Pegu, we dismissed her untouched.
Having employed about ten days in removing the goods from the prize into
our own ship, and our sick men being greatly refreshed, and strengthened
by the relief we had found in the prize, we weighed anchor about the
beginning of September, determining to run into the straits of Malacca,
to the islands called Pulo Sambilam, about forty-five leagues north from
the city of Molucca, past which islands the Portuguese ships must
necessarily pass on their voyages from Goa, or San Thome, for the
Moluccas, China, or Japan. After cruizing off and on here for about
five-days, we one Sunday espied a Portuguese ship of 250 tons, from
Negapatnam, a town on the main-land of India, opposite the northern end
of Ceylon, laden with rice for Malacca, and took her that night. Captain
Lancaster ordered her captain and master on board our ship, and sent me,
Edmund Barker, his lieutenant, with seven men, to take charge of the
prize. We came to anchor in thirty fathoms, as in all that channel there
is good anchorage three or four leagues from shore.
While thus at anchor, and keeping out a light for the Edward, another
Portuguese ship of 400 tons, belonging to San Thome, came to anchor hard
by us. The Edward had fallen to leeward, for want of a sufficient number
of men to handle her sails, and was not able next morning to fetch up to
this other ship, until we who were in the prize went in our boat to help
her. We then made sail towards the ship of San Thome: but our ship was
so foul that she escaped us. We then took out of our prize what we
thought might be useful to us, after which we liberated her with all her
men, except a pilot and four Moors, whom we detained to assist in
navigating the Edward. We continued to cruize here till the 6th of
October, at which time we met the galeon of the captain of Malacca, a
ship of 700 tons, coming from Goa. After shooting at her many times, we
at length shot through her main-yard, on which she came to anchor and
surrendered. We then commanded the captain, master, pilot, and purser to
come on board our ship; but only the captain came, accompanied by one
soldier, saying that the others would not come, unless sent for; but
having got to some distance from us in the evening, all the people of
the ship, to the number of about 300, men, women, and children, got on
shore in two great boats, and we saw no more of them.
When we came on board, we found she was armed with sixteen brass cannon.
She had 300 butts of wine, Canary, Nipar wine, which is made of the
palm-trees, and raisin-wine, which is very strong. She had likewise an
assortment of all kind of haberdashery wares; as hats, red caps, knit of
Spanish wool, knit worsted stockings, shoes, velvets, camblets, and
silks; abundance of _surkets_, (sweet-meats,) rice, Venice glasses,
papers full of false and counterfeit stones, brought from Venice by an
Italian, wherewith to deceive the rude Indians, abundance of playing
cards, two or three bales of French paper, and sundry other things. What
became of the treasure usually brought in this vessel, in ryals of
plate, we could not learn. After the mariners had pillaged this rich
ship in a disorderly manner, as they refused to unlade the excellent
wines into the Edward, Captain Lancaster abandoned the prize, letting
her drive at sea, after taking out of her the choicest of her goods.
Being afraid that we might be attacked by a greatly superior force from
Malacca, we now departed from the neighbourhood of the Sambilam islands,
and went to a bay in the kingdom of Junkseylon, between Malacca and
Pegu, in the lat. of 8° N. We here sent on shore the soldier who had
been left on board our ship by the captain of the galeon, because he
could speak the Malay language, to deal with the people for pitch, of
which we were in much need, which he did very faithfully, procuring two
or three quintals, with promise of more, and several of the natives came
off along with him to our ship. We sent commodities to their king, to
barter for ambergris and the horns of the _abath_, the trade in both of
which articles is monopolized by the king of this country. This _abath_
is a beast having only one horn in her forehead, thought to be the
female _unicorn_, and the horn is highly prized by all the Moors in
those parts, as a most sovereign remedy against poison.[20] We got two
or three of these horns, and a reasonable quantity of ambergris. At
length the king was disposed to detain the Portuguese soldier and our
merchandise treacherously; but he told the king that we had gilt armour,
shirts of mail, and halberts, which things they prize greatly, and in
hope of procuring some of these he was allowed to return on board.[21]
[Footnote 20: This _Abath_, or _Abadia_, is the Rhinoceros Monoceros, or
One-horned Rhinoceros. The virtue of the horn, mentioned in the text, is
altogether imaginary.--E.]
[Footnote 21: At this place Hakluyt makes the following remark on the
margin:--"Some small quantity of these things might be carried out to
pleasure those kings."]
Leaving this coast, we returned in sight of Sumatra, and went thence to
the islands of Nicobar, which we found inhabited by Moors. After we came
to anchor, the people came daily on board in their canoes, bringing
fowls, cocoas, plantains, and other fruits; and within two days they
brought ryals of plate, which they gave us in exchange for calicut
cloth. They find these ryals by diving for them in the sea, having been
there lost in two Portuguese ships not long before, that were cast away
when bound for China. In their language the cocoa-nut is called
_calambo_; the plantain, _pison_; a hen, _jam_; a fish, _iccan_; and a
hog, _babee_. Departing from the Nicobar Islands on the 21st November,
we made sail for the island of Ceylon, where we arrived about the 3d
December, 1592, and anchored on its south side, in six fathoms water,
but lost our anchor, as the ground was foul and rocky. We then ran along
the south-west side of the island, and anchored at a place called _Punta
del Galle_, meaning to remain there in waiting for the Bengal fleet of
seven or eight ships, the Pegu fleet of two or three, and the ships from
Tanaserim, a great bay to the south of Martaban, in the kingdom of Siam,
which ships, according to different informations we had got, were
expected to come this way within fourteen days, with commodities for the
caraks, which usually depart from Cochin, on the homeward voyage, about
the middle of January.
The commodities of the ships which come from Bengal are, fine pavilions
for beds, wrought quilts, fine cotton cloth, _pintados_, (painted
chintz,) and other fine goods, together with rice; and they usually make
this voyage twice a year. The ships from Pegu bring the most precious
jewels, as rubies and diamonds; but their principal lading is rice and
certain cloths. Those from Tanaserim are chiefly freighted with rice and
Nipar wine, which is very strong, and as colourless as rock water, with
a somewhat whitish tinge, and very hot in taste, like _aqua vitae_.[22]
We came to anchor at Punta Galle, in foul ground, so that we lay all
that night a-drift, having only two anchors left, which were in the
hold, and had no stocks. Upon this our men took occasion to insist upon
going home, our captain at that time being very sick, and more likely to
die than recover. In the morning we set our foresail, meaning to bear up
to the northward, standing off and on to keep away from the current,
which otherwise would have set us to the south, away from, all known
land. When the foresail was set, and we were about to hand our other
sails, to accomplish our before-mentioned purpose, our men unanimously
declared that they would stay no longer in this country, and insisted
upon directing our course for England; and as they would listen to no
persuasions, the captain was under the necessity of giving way to their
demand, leaving all hope of the great possibility we had of making some
rich prizes.
[Footnote 22: Most probably what we now call arrack is here meant.--E.]
Accordingly, on the 8th of December, 1592, we made sail for the Cape of
Good Hope, passing the Maldive Islands, and leaving the great island of
St Lawrence to starboard, or on our right hand; we passed its southern
end in lat. 26° S. In our passage from the island of St Lawrence, or
Madagascar, to the main-land of Africa, we found immense quantities of
bonitos and albicores, which, are large fishes, and of which our
captain, who was now recovered from his sickness, took as many with a
hook in two or three hours as would have served forty persons a whole
day. This _skole_ of fish continued with us for five or six weeks, in
all which time we took every day as many as sufficed our whole company,
which was no small refreshment to us.
In February, 1593, we fell in with the eastern coast of Africa, at a
place called _Baia de Agoa_, something more than 100 leagues to the
north-east of the Cape of Good Hope; and having contrary winds, we spent
a month before we could double the cape. After doubling that cape in
March, we steered for the island of St Helena, where we arrived on the
3d of April, and remained there to our great comfort nineteen days, in
which time several individuals amongst us caught thirty sizeable congers
in a day, with other rock fish, and some bonitos. I, Edmund Barker, went
one day on shore, with four or five _Peguers_ and our surgeon, where I
found an Englishman in a house near the chapel, one John Segar, of Bury,
in Suffolk, who was left there eighteen months before by Abraham Kendal;
who put in there with the Royal Merchant, and who left him there to
refresh on the island, being like to perish on shipboard. At our coming
he was fresh in colour, and seemed in perfect health of body; but he was
crazed in mind, and half out of his wits, as appeared afterwards.
Whether it was that he was terrified at our arrival, not knowing at
first whether we were friends or foes, or if sudden joy so affected him
on finding again his countrymen and old comrades, I know not, but he
became quite light headed, and during eight days and nights he could not
get any natural rest, so that he died for lack of sleep. At this place
two of our men recovered their health in a short time, one of whom was
diseased with the scurvy, and the other had been nine months sick of the
flux. We found abundance of green figs, fine oranges and lemons, plenty
of goats and hogs, and numbers of partridges, pintados, and other wild
fowls. Having now supplied the ship with fresh water, and having some
store of fish, our discontented mariners insisted upon resuming the
voyage home; and our captain, being inclined to go for Fernambuco, in
Brasil, agreed to their request. We departed therefore from St Helena
about the 12th April, 1593, directing our course for the Brasils; and
next day, on calling the sailors to finish a foresail they had then in
hand, some of them declared they would not put their hands to any thing,
unless the ship's course was directed for England; so that he was
obliged to follow their humour, henceforwards directing our course
towards our own country, which we continued to do till we came to lat.
8° N. between the equator and which latitude we spent about six weeks,
with perpetual calms or contrary winds from the north, sometimes
north-east and north-west; owing to which loss of time, and our small
store of provisions, we were very doubtful of being able to keep our
course. At this time some of our men became very mutinous, threatening
to break up other people's chests, to the entire consumption of our
provisions and ourselves; for every man had now his share of provisions
in his own custody, that they might know what they had to trust to, and
husband that the more thriftily.
Anxious to prevent the occurrence of absolute famine, and being informed
by one of the ship's company who had been at the island of Trinidada, in
a voyage with Mr Chudlei, and that we might be sure of having provisions
there, our captain directed the course for that island; but not knowing
the currents, we overshot it in the night, getting into the gulf of
Paria, in which we were for eight days, unable to get out again, as the
current constantly set in, and our ship was often in three fathoms
water. At length the current put us over to the western side of the
gully under the main-land, so that by keeping close in shore, and having
the wind off the land in the night, we got out to the northward. Being
now clear, we came in four or five days to the isle of _Mona_, where we
anchored and remained about eighteen days, during which time the Indians
of Mona gave us some victuals. In the mean time there arrived a French
ship of Caen, in Normandy, of which one Monsieur de Barbaterre was
captain, from whom we bought two butts of wine, with some bread, and
other provisions. We then watered and repaired our ship, stopping a
great leak that sprung upon us while beating out of the gulf of Paria;
and being thus in readiness for sea, we determined upon going to the
island of Newfoundland: but, before we could put this in execution,
there arose a great storm from the north, which drove us from our
anchor, and forced us to the southwards of San Domingo. We were that
night in great danger of shipwreck upon an island called _Savona_, which
is environed with flats for four or five miles all round; yet it pleased
God to enable us to clear them, when we directed our course westwards,
along the southern shore of St Domingo, and having doubled Cape
Tiberoon, we passed through the old channel between St Domingo and Cuba,
shaping our course for Cape Florida.
In this part of our course we again met with the Caen ship, which could
now spare us no more victuals; but having some hides, which he had taken
in traffic among the islands, we were glad to procure them, and gave him
for them to his contentment. After this we passed Cape Florida, and
clearing the Bahama channel, we directed our course for Newfoundland.
Running to the lat. of 36° N. and as far east as the isle of Bermuda, we
found the winds, on the 17th September, very variable, contrary to
expectation and all men's writings, so that we lay there a day or two
with a north wind, which continually increased, till it blew a storm,
which continued twenty-four hours with such violence that it carried
away our sails, though furled, and occasioned the ship to take in much
water, so that we had six feet water in our hold. Having freed our ship
by baling, the wind shifted to the north-west, and somewhat dulled; but
presently after the storm renewed with such violence, and our ship
laboured so hard, that we lost our foremast, and our ship became as full
of water as before.
When the storm ceased, the wind remained as much contrary as ever, on
which we consulted together how we might best save our lives. Our
victuals were now utterly spent; and as we had subsisted for the last
six or seven days entirely on hides, we thought it best to bear away
back again for Dominica and the adjoining islands, as we might there
have some relief. Upon this we turned back for these islands; but before
we could get there the wind scanted upon us, so that we were in the
utmost extremity for want of water and provisions; wherefore we were
forced to bear away to the westwards, to the islands called _Las
Nueblas_, or the Cloudy Islands, towards the isle of _San Juan de Porto
Rico_. At these islands we found land-crabs and fresh water, and
sea-tortoises, or turtle, which come mostly on land about full noon.
Having refreshed ourselves there for seventeen or eighteen days, and
having supplied our ship with fresh water and some provision of turtle,
we resolved to return again for Mona, upon which determination five of
our men left us, remaining on the isles of Nueblas, in spite of every
thing we could say to the contrary. These men came afterwards home in an
English ship.
Departing from the Nueblas, we arrived again at Mona about the 20th
December, 1593, and came to anchor there towards two or three in the
morning. The captain and I, with a few others, went on shore to the
dwelling of an old Indian and his three sons, thinking to procure some
food, our victuals being all expended, so that we could not possibly
proceed without a supply. We spent two or three days on shore, seeking
provisions to carry on board for the relief of our people; and on going
to the shore, for the purpose of returning with these to the ship, the
wind being somewhat northerly and the sea rough, our people could not
come near the shore with the boat, which was small and feeble, and
unable to row in a rough sea. We remained therefore till the next
morning, in hopes there might then be less wind and smoother sea. But
about twelve o'clock that night our ship drove away to sea, having only
five men and a boy, our carpenter having secretly cut the cable, leaving
nineteen of us on shore, to our great distress, having no boat or any
thing else.
In this miserable situation we reposed our trust in God, who had many
times before succoured us in our greatest extremity, and contenting
ourselves with our poor estate, sought for the means of preserving our
lives. As one place was unable to sustain us, we divided ourselves into
several companies, six of us remaining with our captain. The greatest
relief that we could find during twenty-nine days was the stalks of
purselin, boiled in water, with now and then a pompion, or gourd, which
we found in the garden of the old Indian, who, on this our second
arrival, fled with his three sons, and kept himself continually aloft on
the mountains. At the end of these twenty-nine days we espied a French
ship, which we afterwards learnt was the Louisa, of Dieppe, commanded by
a Monsieur Felix. As a signal to this ship we made a fire, at sight of
which he took in his top-sails, and bore up for the land, shewing his
French colours. Then coming to anchor at the Western end of the island,
we came down with all speed towards him; and the old Indian, with his
three sons, now joined us, and accompanied us towards the ship. This
night Captain Lancaster went on board the ship, where he received good
entertainment; and next morning they fetched other eleven of us on
board, and used us all very courteously.
This day came another French ship belonging to Dieppe, which remained
till night, expecting our other seven men to come down; but though
several shots were fired to call them, none of them came. Next morning,
therefore, we departed thence for the north side of St Domingo, where we
remained till April, 1594, spending two months in traffic, upon
permission, with the inhabitants, for hides and other articles, six of
us being in one of the ships and six in the other. In this time we were
joined by a third French ship of Newhaven, by which we had intelligence
of the seven men who were left by us at the island of Mona. Two of them
had broken their necks by clambering on the cliffs to catch fowls; other
three were slain by the Spaniards, who came over from St Domingo, having
received information of our being on Mona, from our people who went away
in the Edward; the other two were in this ship of Newhaven, which had
relieved them from the bloody hands of the Spaniards.
From this place Captain Lancaster and I shipped ourselves in another
ship belonging to Dieppe, of which one Monsieur Jean la Noe was captain,
being the first that was ready to come away, leaving the rest of our men
in the other ships, where they were all well treated. We sailed for
Europe on Sunday the 7th April, 1594; and passing through the _Caycos_,
we arrived safe in Dieppe in forty-two days after, on the 19th of May.
After staying two days to refresh ourselves, giving thanks to God and to
our friendly preservers, we took our passage for Rye, where we landed on
Friday the 24th May, 1594, having spent in this voyage three years, six
weeks, and two days, which the Portuguese perform in half the time,
chiefly because we lost the fit time and season to begin our voyage.
We understood, in the East Indies, from certain Portuguese, that they
have lately discovered the coast of China as high as the latitude of
59° N. finding the sea still open to the northwards, by which great
hopes are entertained of finding the north-east or north-west passage.
Witness, JAMES LANCASTER.
SECTION VII.
_Supplementary Account of the former Voyage, by John May_.[23]
We departed from Plymouth on the 10th April, 1591, with three tall
ships; the Penelope, Captain Raimond admiral; the Merchant Royal,
Captain Samuel Foxcroft[24] vice-admiral; and the Edward Bonadventure,
Captain James Lancaster rear-admiral; on board of which I sailed,
together with a small pinnace. In May following we arrived at Gran
Canaria, one of the Fortunate Islands; and towards the end of that
month, being within three degrees of the equator on the north side, we
took a Portuguese ship, bound for Brasil, which tended much to our
refreshment. The 29th July we came to Saldanha Bay. (_Aguada Saldania_,)
a good harbour, near the Cape of Good Hope, where we staid about a
month, and whence we sent home the Merchant Royal for England, because
of great sickness among our people, with a considerable number of our
weak men. We here bought an ox for a knife worth three-pence, a sheep
for a broken knife, or any other odd trifle, from the natives, who are
negroes, clad in cloaks of raw-hides, both men and women.
[Footnote 23: Hakluyt, III. 52.]
[Footnote 24: In the account of this voyage, penned from the relation of
Edmund Barker, forming the immediately preceding section, the captain of
the Merchant Royal is named Abraham Kendal.--E.]
The 8th of September the Penelope and Edward Bonadventure weighed
anchor, and that day we doubled the cape. The 12th following we were
assailed by a fierce tempest, or hurricane; and in the evening we saw a
great sea break over our admiral, the Penelope, which struck out their
light, and we never saw them any more. In October we in the Edward fell
in with the westernmost part of the island of St Lawrence about
midnight, not knowing where we were. Next day we came to anchor at
Quitangone, a place on the main-land of Africa, two or three leagues
north of Mozambique, which is supplied from hence with fresh water. We
here took a _pangaia_, in which was a Portuguese boy, being a vessel
like a barge, with one mat-sail of cocoa-nut leaves. The hull of this
barge is pinned with wooden pins, and sewed with cord made of the bark
of trees. In this pangaia we found a kind of corn called _millio_, or
millet, a considerable number of hens, and some bales of blue calicut
cloth. We took the Portuguese boy with us, and dismissed the rest. From
this place we went to an island called Comoro, off the coast of Melinda,
in about 11° S., where we staid all November, finding the people black
and comely, but very treacherous; for the day before we left that island
they killed thirty of our men on shore, among whom was William Mace our
master, and two of his mates, one of them being in the boat along with
him to fetch water, and the other on shore, over against the ship. They
first took possession of our boat, and then slaughtered our men. From
thence we went to the island of Zanzibar, on the coast of Melinda, where
we staid to winter, till the beginning of February, 1592.
The 2d February, 1592, we weighed anchor, and set sail for the East
Indies; but, having calms and contrary winds, we were not able to fetch
the coast of India, near Calicut, till the month of June, by which long
delay many of our men died for want of refreshments. In this month of
June we came to anchor at the islands of _Pulo Pinaom_, where we staid
till the 1st September, our men being very sick, and dying fast. We set
sail that day, directing our course for Malacca, and had not gone far at
sea when we took a ship of the kingdom of Pegu, of about eighty tons,
having wooden anchors, a crew of about fifty men, and a pinnace of some
eighteen tons at her stern, laden with pepper; but the pinnace stole
from us in the morning in a gust of wind. We might likewise have taken
two other Pegu vessels, laden with pepper and rice. In this month also
we took a great Portuguese ship of six or seven hundred tons, chiefly
laden with victuals, but having chests of hats, pintados, and calicut
cloths.[25] We took likewise another Portuguese ship, of some hundred
tons, laden with victuals, rice, white and painted cotton cloth, (or
calicoes and chintzes,) and other commodities. These ships were bound
for Malacca, mostly laden with victuals, as that place is victualled
from Goa, San Thome, and other places in India, provisions being very
scarce in its own neighbourhood.
[Footnote 25: Painted and white calicoes or cotton cloths.--E.]
In November, 1592, we steered for the Nicobar Islands, some degrees to
the north-west of the famous island of Sumatra, at which islands we
found good refreshment, as the inhabitants, who are Mahometans, came on
board of us in their canoes, with hens, cocoas, plantains, and other
fruits; and within two days brought ryals of plate, which they gave us
for cotton cloth, which ryals they procured by diving in the sea, having
been lost not long before in two Portuguese ships bound for China, that
had been there cast away. Our ship's company was now so much wasted by
sickness, that we resolved to turn back to Ceylon, for which purpose we
weighed anchor in November, and arrived off Ceylon about the end of that
month. In this island grows excellent cinnamon; and the best diamonds in
the world are found there. Our captain proposed to have staid at this
island to make up our voyage, of which he had great hope, in consequence
of certain intelligence we had received; but our company, now reduced to
thirty-three men and boys, mutinied, and would not stay, insisting upon
going home, and our captain was very sick, and like to die.
We accordingly set sail, homeward bound, on the 8th December, 1592; but
some days before our arrival within sight of the Cape of Good Hope, we
were forced to divide our bread, to each man his portion, in his own
keeping, as certain flies had devoured most of it before we were aware.
We had now only thirty-one pounds of bread a man to carry us to England,
with a small quantity of rice daily. We doubled the Cape of Good Hope on
the 31st March, 1593, and came next month to anchor at the island of St
Helena, where we found an Englishman, a tailor, who had been there
fourteen months. Having sent ten men on shore in the boat, they found
this man in the chapel, into which he had gone to avoid the heat; and
hearing some one sing in the chapel, whom our people supposed to have
been a Portuguese, they thrust open the door, and went in upon him: but
the poor man, on seeing so many men of a sudden, and believing them to
be Portuguese, was at first in great fear, not having seen a human being
for fourteen months, and afterwards knowing them to be English, and
some of them his acquaintance, he became exceeding joyful, insomuch
that between sudden and excessive fear and joy, he became distracted in
his wits, to our great sorrow. We here found the carcasses of forty
goats, which he had dried. The party which left him had made for him two
suits of goats'-skins, with the hairy side outmost, like the dresses
worn by the savages of Canada. This man lived till we came to the West
Indies, and then died.
We remained at St Helena all the month of April, and arrived at the
island of Trinidada, in the West Indies, in June, 1593, hoping to
procure some refreshments there, but could not, as the Spaniards had
taken possession. We got here embayed between the island and the main;
and, for want of victuals, our company would have forsaken the ship, on
which our captain had to swear every man not to forsake her till the
most urgent necessity. It pleased God to deliver us from this bay,
called _Boca del Dragone_, from whence we directed our course for the
island of _San Juan de Puerto Rico_, but fell in with the small island
of Mona, between Porto Rico and Hispaniola, where we remained about
fifteen days, procuring some small refreshment. There arrived here a
ship of Caen, in Normandy, of which Monsieur Charles de la Barbotiere
was captain, who greatly comforted us by a supply of bread and other
provisions, of which we were greatly in need, after which we parted.
Having foul weather at Mona, we weighed anchor and set sail, directing
our course for Cape Tiberoon, at the west end of Hispaniola; and, in
doubling that cape, we had so violent a gust of wind from the shore,
that it carried away all our sails from the yards, leaving us only one
new fore-course, the canvass of which we had procured from the
Frenchman. Having doubled the cape in that distress, the
before-mentioned Captain de la Barbotiere gave us chase with his
pinnace; and when come near, I went on board to inform him of our
distress; and he now said, there was nothing in his ship but what he
would spare for our assistance; so we agreed with him for some canvass.
He said likewise, if we would accompany him to a harbour called
_Gonnavy_,[26] to the northward of Tiberoon, that he would procure us
plenty of fresh provisions. I went back to our ship, and reported this
to our captain, who made it known to the company, and it was unanimously
agreed to go there, which was done accordingly. We remained there
fifteen days along with the Frenchman, but could get very small
refreshment, as the Spaniards were in great fear of the Frenchman,
supposing him a man of war, and that our ship was Portuguese, which he
had captured, and could not be persuaded to the contrary by any thing he
could say. Thus staying long, and procuring very little refreshment, our
people begun to grow mutinous, pretending that the captain and I went on
board the Frenchman to make good chear ourselves, taking no care of
them; but I protest before God that our sole care was to procure
victuals that we might leave him.
[Footnote 26: Hakluyt, on the margin, gives _Guanaba_ as a synonime: it
was probably Gonaives' Bay, in the northern part of the west end of
Hispaniola.--E.]
In the mean time a great part of our people entered into a conspiracy to
seize the Frenchman's pinnace, and with her to board the French ship;
but while this was concerting among them, one of themselves went on
board the Frenchman, and revealed the plot. Upon this Monsieur de la
Barbotiere sent for the captain and me to dine with him. We went
accordingly, and remained all the afternoon, being invited likewise to
supper. While we were at supper the French captain did not come to us
for a long time, and when he at length came into the cabin, he told us
we must either leave him, or he must go seek another port. Informing
Captain Lancaster of this, he desired me to say, that rather as be any
hindrance to him we would depart. While we were thus talking together,
the Frenchman weighed and set sail, which we perceived, and asked what
he meant. He said he proposed to keep us as his sureties, because our
men had plotted to seize his ship, as before mentioned.
When the French ship came athwart ours, it blowing then a stiff breeze,
their boat, which was astern, and had in her two Moors and two Peguers,
whom we had given to them, broke away. The French captain was now worse
than before, and threatened sore to make us pay for his voyage. Seeing
us pass, the Edward weighed and set sail, meaning to go for England; and
the people shared among them all the captain's victuals and mine, when
they saw us kept as prisoners.
Next morning the French ship went in search of her pinnace, which was at
_Laguna_, and on firing a gun she came off, having three of our people
on board, Edmund Barker our lieutenant, one John West, and Richard
Lackland, one of our mutineers. Of this I told the French captain, which
Lackland could not deny but that such a scheme was intended. I was then
put into the French pinnace to seek their boat, while they went to see
if they could overtake our ship.
Next day we all met at Cape St Nicholas, but could hear no tidings of
the French boat. As there were Spaniards and negroes on board our ship,
Captain de la Barbotiere requested to have them; on which our captain
desired him to send his boat for them, and he might have them with all
his heart. After much ado this was done, and they were brought on board.
He then demanded of these people if his boat were in our ship, and being
assured she was not, we became good friends again, to our great joy. The
12th August, 1593, our captain was again sent on board his own ship;
but, before his departure, he requested the French captain to take me
home with him, that I might certify to the owners all that had passed in
our unfortunate voyage, as also the mutinous behaviour of our crew.
Accordingly we took our leaves of each other, the Edward setting sail
for England, while we in the French ship bore up again for _Gonnavy_, or
Gonaives, where we afterwards found the French boat.[27]
[Footnote 27: In this part of the narrative, May is somewhat different
from that formerly given from Edmund Barker, in the preceding section,
or rather he is more minutely particular. The remainder of the narrative
has no farther connection with the unfortunate Edward Bonadventure.--E.]
The last of November, 1593, Monsieur de la Barbotiere departed from a
port called Laguna, in Hispaniola. The 17th of December we had the
misfortune to be cast away on the north-west part of the island of
Bermuda, about midnight. At noon of that day the pilots reckoned
themselves twelve leagues to the south of that island, and certifying
the captain that the ship was out of all danger, they demanded and
received their _wine of height_.[28] After having their wine, it would
seem that they became careless of their charge, so that through their
drunkenness and negligence a number of good men were cast away. It
pleased God that I, a stranger among above fifty Frenchmen and others,
was among those who were saved: I trust to his service and glory. At
first we comforted ourselves in the hope that we were wrecked hard by
the shore of the island, being high cliffs; but we found ourselves seven
leagues off. By means of our boat, and a raft which we made, about
twenty-six of us were saved, among whom I was the only Englishman. Being
among so many strangers, and seeing there was not room for half the
people, I durst neither press to get into the boat or upon the raft,
lest they should have thrown me overboard or killed me; so I remained in
the ship, which, was almost full of water, till the captain called me
into the boat, in which he was; so I presently entered, leaving the
better half of our company to the mercy of the sea.
[Footnote 28: Probably alluding to some customary perquisite on getting
safely through the dangerous navigation of the Bahama Islands.--E.]
We rowed all day, and an hour or two of the night, towing the raft after
us, before we got to land: and, being all that day without drink, every
man dispersed in search of water, but it was long before any was found.
At length one of the pilots, by digging among a tuft of weeds, found
water, to our great comfort. As there are many fine bays in this island,
I think abundance of fresh water might be got by digging for it. Bermuda
is all divided into broken islets; the largest, upon which I was, might
be about four or five miles long, by two and a half miles over, all
covered with wood, as cedar and other kinds, but cedar is the most
abundant.
It pleased God, before our ship broke to pieces, that we saved our
carpenter's tools, otherwise we must have remained on the island. With
these tools we went immediately to work, cutting down trees, of which we
built a small bark of about eighteen tons, almost entirely fastened with
trunnels, having very few nails. As for tackle, we made a trip to our
ship in the boat, before she split, cutting down her shrouds, and some
of her sails and other tackle, by which means we rigged our bark.
Instead of pitch, we made some lime, which we mixed with oil of
tortoises; and as soon as the carpenters had caulked a seam, I and
another, with small sticks, plastered the mortar into the seams, and
being fine dry warm weather, in the month of April, it became dry, and
as hard as stone, as soon as laid on. Being very hot and dry weather, we
were afraid our water might fail us, and made therefore the more haste
to get away. Before our departure, we built two great wooden chests,
well caulked, which we stowed on each side of our mast, into which we
put our provision of water, together with thirteen live sea-tortoises
for our food during the voyage, which we proposed for Newfoundland.
There are hogs in the south part of Bermuda; but they were so lean,
owing to the barrenness of the island, that we could not eat them. It
yielded us, however, abundance of fowl, fish, and tortoises. To the
eastwards this island has very good harbours, so that a ship of 200 tons
might ride in them, perfectly land-locked, and with enough of water.
This island also has as good pearl-fishing as any in the West Indies;
but is subject to foul weather, as thunder, lightning, and rain. In
April and part of May, however, when we were there, the weather was hot,
and quite fair.
On the 11th of May it pleased God that we got clear of this island, to
the no small joy of us all, after we had lived in it for five months.
The 20th of that month we fell in with the land near Cape Breton, where
we ran into a fresh water river, of which there are many on this coast,
and took in wood, water, and ballast. Here the people of the country
came to us, being cloathed in furs, with the hair side inwards, and
brought with them sundry sorts of furs to sell, together with great
quantities of wild ducks; and as some of our company had saved a few
small beads, we bought a few of their ducks. We staid only about four
hours at this place, which seemed a very good country, as we saw very
fine champaign ground and woods. We ran from this place to the Banks of
Newfoundland, where we met several vessels, none of which would take us
in. At length, by the blessing of God, we fell in with a bark belonging
to Falmouth, which received us all for a short time; and in her we
overtook a French ship, in which I left my dear friend, Captain de la
Barbotiere, and all his company, remaining myself in the English bark,
in which I arrived at Falmouth in August, 1594.
SECTION VIII.
_The unfortunate Voyage of Captain Benjamin Wood, towards the East
Indies, in_ 1596.[29]
INTRODUCTION.
In the year 1596, a squadron of three ships, the Bear, Bear's Welp, and
Benjamin, was fitted out, chiefly at the charges of Sir Robert Dudley,
and the command given to Mr Benjamin Wood. The merchants employed in
this voyage were, Mr Richard Allot and Mr Thomas Bromfield, both of the
city of London. As they intended to have proceeded as far as China, they
obtained the gracious letters of Queen Elizabeth, of famous memory, to
the king or emperor of that country, recommending these two merchants,
or factors, to his protection.
[Footnote 29: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 110, Astl. I. 252.]
This their honourable expedition, and gracious recommendations from her
majesty for the furtherance of their mercantile affairs, had no
answerable effects, but suffered a double disaster: first, in the
miserable perishing of the squadron; and next, in losing the history, or
relation, of that tragedy. Some broken plank, however, as after a
shipwreck have yet been encountered from the West Indies, which gives us
some notice of this East-Indian misadventure. Having the following
intelligence by the intercepted letters of the licentiate _Alcasar de
Villa Senor_, auditor in the royal audience of St Domingo, judge of the
commission in Porto Rico, and captain-general of the province of New
Andalusia, written to the King of Spain and his royal council of the
Indies; an extract of which, so far as concerns this business, here
follows; wherein let not the imputation of robbery and piracy trouble
the minds of the reader, being the words of a Spaniard concerning the
deeds of Englishmen, done in the time of war between us and them.
So far we have exactly followed the introductory remarks of Purchas. In
the sequel, however, we have thought it better to give only an
abridgement of the letter from Alcasar de Villa Senor, which Purchas
informs us, in a side note, he had found among the papers of Mr Richard
Hakluyt. In this we have followed the example of the editor of Astley's
Collection, because the extract given by Purchas is very tedious, and
often hardly intelligible. This letter, dated from Porto Rico, 2d
October, 1601, gives no light whatever into the voyage itself, nor by
what accident the ships, which had set out for the East Indies, had come
into the West Indies; neither what became of the ships, nor the nature
of the sickness which had reduced their men to four, but wholly refers
to what passed after these sailors had quitted their ship, and landed on
the island of _Utias_, near Porto Rico. All these circumstances were
probably communicated in a former letter, alluded to in the commencement
of that which was intercepted, as it proceeds upon having received a
commission from the royal audience, to punish certain offenders who had
usurped a great quantity of property belonging to the King of Spain in
the island of Utias; the plunder taken by the English, and with which
these four men had landed in that island--E.
* * * * *
It appears by this letter, that three English ships bound for the East
Indies, belonging to Portugal, had captured three Portuguese ships, one
of them from Goa, from the captain of which they took a large rich
precious stone, which the captain had charge of for the King of Spain;
the particulars of which had been communicated the year before in a
letter from Alcasar to the king, together with a copy of the declaration
of one Thomas, of the goods he and his three companions had in the said
island of Utias. They had also many bags of ryals of eight and four,
intended for the pay of the garrison in a frontier castle of India, and
much more goods belonging to the Portuguese.
After this all the men died of some unexplained sickness, except four
men, whose names were Richard, Daniel, Thomas, and George. These men,
with all the jewels, money, and rich goods they could remove, put into a
river or bay of the island of _Utias_,[30] three leagues from Porto
Rico; where, after landing their goods, their boat sunk, and they
remained on that island with only a small boat made of boards, which
they had taken from some fishermen at Cape San Juan, the north-east
headland of Porto Rico. With that small boat they crossed over to Porto
Rico in search of water, and, on their return to Utias, left George
behind them on Porto Rico. He, being found by Don Rodrigo de Fuentes and
five others, gave information of all that had happened to them, and of
the large stone, jewels, gold, plate, testoons, and other rich goods
that were in the said island, and of the places where the other three
Englishmen and their goods might be found.
[Footnote 30: From the context, it would appear, that the island of
Utias is to the east of Porto Rico, among or towards the group called
the Virgin isles. The ships of Wood were probably suffering from scurvy
and famine, like the Edward Bonadventure; and, endeavouring, like
Lancaster, to seek relief in the West Indies, may have perished among
the Virgin isles.--E.]
Consulting together on this information, they agreed to pass over into
the island, to take possession for their own benefit of these rich
goods, and did so, carrying with them a letter from George the
Englishman to his: comrades, advising them to submit to the Spaniards,
and to deliver up to them their arms and riches. Coming near to where
the three Englishmen dwelt, these Spaniards displayed a white flag in
token of peace, and the Englishmen set up another; after which they held
a friendly conference together, the Spaniards pledging their good faith
and friendship. Upon which the Englishmen yielded themselves to Don
Rodrigo and his companions, with their arms and all their goods, which
they took possession of, and parted all the money among themselves. They
hid and kept secret the great stone and other jewels, with a great
quantity of gold, silver, and other rich goods; keeping out only a small
quantity of silver in bars, and some silks, as a cover for the rest.
And, that it might not be known what quantity of jewels, gold, silver,
and other rich goods they had usurped, they agreed to murder the three
Englishmen with whom they had eaten, drank, and slept in peace. They
accordingly killed Richard and Daniel, and would have slain George, but
he escaped from them to a mountain. They then returned to Porto Rico,
where they put George to death by poison, and sent to Utias to seek out
Thomas and put him to death; but he got over to this island in a
wonderful manner by means of a piece of timber; which they hearing of,
sought by all the means they could to kill him, but to no purpose.
Meanwhile Don Rodrigo, and two others of his accomplices, came to the
city of San Juan, and informed the governor that they had found a small
quantity of goods in the island of Utias, having slain three Englishmen
in fight to get them; and their other accomplices presented themselves
as witnesses, falsely declaring that they had found no more goods. But
not agreeing in their story on farther investigation, and Thomas the
Englishman being at length procured as evidence against them, they were
all sent to prison; whence Don Rodrigo, though bolted and guarded by two
soldiers, contrived to get out by filing off his irons in the night.
After Don Rodrigo's escape, the rest confessed the whole affair; but
either through favour or fear, no one would assist Alcasar to bring this
rascally ringleader to justice. He pronounced sentence on all the rest,
with a denunciation that they were to be put to death in five days,
unless the goods were delivered up.
How this affair ended does not appear, as the letter was written before
the expiry of the five days. Neither indeed is this letter of much
importance, except to shew the miserable end of that unfortunate voyage,
the villainy of Don Rodrigo and his comrades in murdering the poor
Englishmen to conceal their plunder, and that Alcasar, in the
prosecution, was solely intent upon recovering the treasure for the King
of Spain, without any consideration of the murder of the three
Englishmen; who, in his letter, are treated as robbers and thieves,
though England was then at war with Spain, and they were consequently
justifiable in taking the Portuguese ships as lawful prizes.
SECTION IX.
_Voyage of Captain John Davis to the East Indies, in 1598, as Pilot to a
Dutch Ship_.[31]
This voyage was written by Davis himself, and appears to have been sent
by him in a letter to Robert Earl of Essex, dated Middleburgh, 1st
August, 1600. From this letter we learnt that Mr Davis had been employed
by his lordship, for discovering these eastern parts of the world, for
the service of Queen Elizabeth, and the good of England. He informs his
noble patron, that his journal only contains such things as had fallen
under his own observation; but, when favoured with an opportunity, he
would give him an account of all that he had learnt abroad relating to
the places of trade and strength belonging to the crown of Portugal, and
respecting the commerce of those eastern nations with each other. The
Portuguese possessions, he says, beginning at Sofala, being the first
beyond the Cape of Good Hope, are Mozambique, Ornuus, Diu, Gor, Coulan,
Onore, Mangalore, Cochin, Columbo, Negapatam, Portogrande or Chittigong
in Bengal, Malacca, and Macao in China, with the islands of Molucca and
Amboyna. That the Portuguese likewise trade to Monomotapa, Melinda,
Aden, Arabia, Cambaya or Guzerat, the coast of Coromandel, Balagate, and
Orissa.
[Footnote 31: Purch. Pilg. I. 116. Astley, I. 254.]
Of all these nations, as he says, there are some traders residing at
Acheen, in the island of Sumatra; where likewise he met with Arabians,
and a nation called _Ramos_,[32] from the Red-Sea, who have traded there
many hundred years. There are there also many Chinese engaged in trade,
who have been used to trade there for many hundred years, and used Davis
kindly, so that he says he was able to give his lordship much
information concerning the great empire of China. He concludes by
saying, that the Portuguese had long industriously concealed all these
things, which were now providentially laid open. He concludes by saying,
that he had inclosed the alphabet of the Acheen language, with some
words of their language, written from right to left, after the manner of
the Hebrews; but this has not been printed in the Collection of Purchas.
He says that he had also sent by one Mr Tomkins, probably the bearer of
the letter and journal, some of the coin used there in common payments;
The gold piece called _mas_, being worth about ninepence half-penny; and
those of lead called _caxas_, of which it takes 1600 to make one _mas_.
[Footnote 32: Constantinople is called New Rome, and thence In the east
the Turks are called Rumos.--_Purchas_.
By the _Rumos_, or _Rúms_, are to be understood the people of Egypt;
which, having been a part of the Roman empire, is, like Anatolia and
other provinces of the Turkish empire, called _Rúm_ by the orientals.
Hence likewise the Turks are called _Rúms_; and not, as Purchas says,
because they are in possession of Constantinople, which was called _New
Rome_: For these provinces were called _Rúm_ several ages before the
Turks took that city.--ASTLEY, I.254, b.]
"The relation which follows, titled "A brief Relation of Master John
Davis, chief Pilot to the Zealanders in their East India Voyage,
departing from Middleburgh," is obscure in some places, but must only be
considered as an abstract of his large journal, perhaps written in
haste. The latitudes are by no means to be commended for exactness, and
seem to have been taken on shipboard, only two or three of them with any
care. It is rather singular that he gives no observation for Acheen,
though the chief object of the voyage, and that he staid there so
long."--ASTLEY.
* * * * *
We departed from Flushing on the 15th of March, 1598, being two ships in
company, the Lion of 400 tons, having 123 persons on board, and the
Lioness of 250 tons, with 100 men. These ships were the sole property of
Messrs Mushrom, Clarke, and Monef of Middleburgh, and entirely at their
risk. Cornelius Howteman was chief commander of both ships, with the
title of general, having a commission from Prince Maurice.
The seventh day after, being the 22d, we anchored in Torbay, having a
contrary wind. We sailed thence on the 7th of April, and had sight of
Porto Santo on the 20th; fell in with Palma on the 23d, and the 30th
reached the Cape Verd islands. We first anchored at St Nicholas, in lat.
16° 16' N. We here watered on the 7th of May, and setting sail on the
9th, fell in with St Jago. The 9th June we got sight of Brazil, in lat.
7° S, not being able to double Cape St Augustine; for, being near the
equator, we had very inconstant weather and bad winds; in which
desperate case we shaped our course for the island of Fernando Noronho,
in lat. 4° S. where on the 15th June we anchored on the north side in
eighteen fathoms. In this island we found twelve negroes, eight men and
four women. It is a fertile island, having good water, and abounds in
goats; having also beeves, hogs, hens, melons, and Guinea corn with
plenty of fish and sea-fowl. These negroes had been left here by the
Portuguese to cultivate the island, and no ships had been there for
three years.
Leaving this island on the 26th August, with the wind at E.N.E. we
doubled Cape St Augustine on the 30th. The 10th September we passed the
_Abrolhos_, which we were in much fear of; these shoals being far out at
sea in lat. 21° S. and are very dangerous. On this occasion our _Baas_,
for so a Dutch captain is called, appointed a _Master of Misrule_, named
the _Kesar_, the authority of which disorderly officer lay in riot, as
after dinner he would neither salute his friends, nor understand the
laws of reason, those who ought to have been most respectful being both
lawless and witless. We spent three days in this dissolute manner, and
then shaped our course for the Cape of Good Hope, sailing towards the
coast of Bacchus, to whom this idolatrous sacrifice was made, as
appeared afterwards.
The 11th November we came to anchor in Saldanha bay, in lat. 34° S. ten
leagues short of the Cape of Good Hope, where there are three fresh
water rivers.[33] The people came to us with great plenty of oxen and
sheep, which they sold for spike nails and pieces of old iron, giving
the best for not more than the value of a penny. Their cattle are large,
and have a great lump of flesh on the shoulder, like the back of a
camel. Their sheep have prodigiously large tails, entirely composed of
fat, weighing twelve or fourteen pounds, but are covered with hair
instead of wool. The people are not circumcised; are of an olive black
colour, blacker than the Brazilians, with black curled hair like the
negroes of Angola. Their words are mostly inarticulate, and in speaking
they cluck with the tongue like a brood hen, the cluck and the word
being pronounced together in a very strange manner. They go naked,
except a short cloak of skins, and sandals tied to their feet, painting
their faces with various colours, and are a strong active people, who
run with amazing swiftness. They are subject to the King of
Monomotapa,[34] who is reported to be a mighty sovereign. Their only
weapons are darts.
[Footnote 33: It has been before remarked, that the Saldanha bay of the
older navigators was Table bay. What is now called Saldanha bay has no
river, or even brook, but has been lately supplied by means of a cut or
canal from Kleine-berg river, near twenty-five miles in length.--E.]
[Footnote 34: This is an error, the Hotentots having been independent
nomadic herders of cattle and sheep, divided into a considerable number
of tribes, and under a kind of patriarchal government.--E.]
As the Dutchmen offered them some rudeness, they absented themselves
from us for three days, during which time they made great fires on the
mountains. On the 19th of November, there came a great multitude of them
to us, with a great number of cattle, and taking a sudden opportunity
while bartering, they set upon us and slew thirteen of our people with
their hand-darts, which could not have hurt any of us at the distance of
four pikes' length. The Dutchmen fled from them like mice before cats,
basely throwing away their weapons. Our _Baas_ or captain kept on board
to save himself, but sent us corslets, two-handed swords, pikes,
muskets, and targets, so that we were well laden with weapons, but had
neither courage nor discretion, for we staid at our tents besieged by
savages and cows. We were in muster giants, with great armed bodies; but
in action babes with wrens' hearts. Mr Tomkins and I undertook to order
these fellows, according to that excellent way which we had seen in your
lordship's most honourable actions. Some consented to go with us, though
unwillingly; but most of them ran to the pottage pot, swearing it was
dinner time. We went all on board this night, except our great mastiff
dog, which we could not induce to follow us, for I think he was ashamed
of our cowardly behaviour. The land here is of an excellent soil, and
the climate is quite healthy; the soil being full of good herbs, as
mints, calamint, plantain, ribwort, trefoil, scabious, and such like. We
set sail from Saldanha bay on the 27th of December, and doubled the Cape
of Good Hope on the last day of the year.
The 6th of January, 1599, we doubled Cape Aguillas, the most southern
point of Africa, in lat. 35° S. [34° 45'] where the compass has no
variation.[35] The 6th of February we fell in with Madagascar, short of
St Romano, [or Cape St Mary, at its southern end;] and not being able to
double it, we bore room with [bore away to leeward for] the bay of St
Augustine on the south-west side of that island, in lat. 23° 50' S. [23°
30'.] The 3d of March we anchored in that bay, where we saw many people
on the shore, but they all fled when we landed; for when, our _baas_ was
in this bay on the former voyage, he greatly abused the people, and
having taken one of them, he had him tied to a post and shot to death,
having besides used them otherwise most shamefully. After seven days, we
enticed some of them to come to us, from whom we bought some milk and
one cow; but they soon left us, and would not have any more connexion
with us. They are a strong well-shaped people, of a coal-black colour,
having a sweet and pleasing language. Their weapons are spears or half
pikes, headed with iron, which they keep very clear; and they go quite
naked. The soil appeared very fertile, and we saw a vast number of
tamarind trees. We found another high tree producing beans very good to
eat, in pods two feet long, and the beans of a proportional size. We saw
here many cameleons. We English suffered no small misery, especially in
this bay: but God, the ever living commander, was our only succour.
[Footnote 35: This, it must be noticed, was in the year 1599. The
variation alters progressively, increasing to a maximum in one
deflexion; it then retrogrades till it points true north, which it
progressively overpasses in the opposite deflexion to a maximum again.
But these changes do not proceed with sufficient regularity to admit of
being predicted with any certainty.--E.]
This 8th of March we came on board hungry and meatless, and on the 14th
we set sail from this place, which we called Hungry bay, shaping our
coarse to the northward along the west side of the island. The 29th, we
came to the islands of Comoro, between 12° and 13° S. [12° 32' and 15°
16'.] There are five of these islands, named Mayotta, Anzuame,
Magliaglie, San Christophero, and Spiritu Santo.[36] The 30th, we
anchored at Mayotta close by a town, where there were many people who
seemed rejoiced at our arrival, and came on board, bringing us presents
of victuals. The king sent a message to our _baas_, inviting him on
shore with promise of much kindness; and when he landed, the king met
him with a great retinue, having three drums beaten before him. He and
his principal followers were richly dressed, in long silken robes,
embroidered in the Turkish fashion: and after using us with great
kindness, gave us a letter of recommendation for the Queen of Anzuame,
or Hinzuan, as that island has no king.
[Footnote 36: There are six islands in the Comoro group: 1. Comoro,
Gasidza, of Angazesio: 2. Malalio, Senbraeas, or Moelia: 3. Mayotta: 4.
St Christophus: 5. Hinzuan, Angouan, or Joanna: 6. St Esprit. Which last
has four inlets off its western side, and one to the N.E. of its
northern end.--E.]
We sailed from Mayotta on the 17th of April, and anchored at Hinzuan on
the 19th, before a town named _Demos_, which appears from its ruins to
have been a strong place, the houses being built of hewed freestone, and
what remains being as large as Plymouth, but the walls are almost
ruined. The queen used us in a most friendly manner, yet would not allow
any of us to see her. In these islands we had rice, oxen, goats, cocoas,
bananas, oranges, lemons, and citrons. The inhabitants are negroes, but
smooth-haired, and follow the Mahometan religion. Their weapons are
swords, targets, bows and arrows. These islands are very beautiful and
fertile; and among them we found merchants of Arabia and India, but I
could not learn what commodities they yielded. They greatly coveted
weapons and iron, and were fond of procuring paper. The 28th we departed
from Hinzuan, passing through the islands of Mascarenhas and the Shoals
of Almirante.
The 23d of May, we fell in with the islands called Maldives, which are
very low close to the water, and are so covered with cocoa-nut trees,
that we saw only trees and no shore. Many of the native boats passed
close by us, but none would come to us, wherefore our _baas_ sent a
ship's boat to take one of them, which on the 24th brought a boat to us,
which was covered with mats like a close barge. In this boat was a
gentleman and his wife. He was dressed in very fine white linen, made
after the Turkish fashion, having several rings with red stones; and his
countenance was so modest, his behaviour so sweet and affable, and his
speech so graceful, that we concluded he could not be less than a
nobleman. He was very unwilling to let his wife be seen; but our _baas_
went into the boat along with him to see her, and even opened her
casket, in which were some jewels and ambergris. He reported that she
sat in mournful modesty, not speaking a word. What was taken from them I
know not, but on departing, this gentleman shewed a princely spirit. He
was a man of middle stature, of a black colour, with smooth or lank
hair. There is considerable trade in these islands, by reason of the
cocoa-trees; for they make ropes, cables, sails, wine, oil, and a kind
of bread from that tree and its fruit. It is said that there are 11,000
of these islands.
The 27th of May we set sail, and that morning there came on board of us
an old man who could speak a little Portuguese, who piloted us through
the channel, as by chance we had fallen upon the right channel called
Maldivia, in lat. 4° 15' N. Here the compass varied 17° westerly. It is
a very dangerous thing to miss the right channel, the trade and
navigation through which is very great of various nations, to most
places of India, as I hope in your lordship's presence to inform you at
large. The 3d June we fell in with the coast of India near Cochin, in
lat. 8° 40' N.[37] and coasting along the shore, we shaped our course
eastwards for Cape Comorin, and thence to the island of Sumatra.
[Footnote 37: Cochin is in lat. 9° 56' 30" N. 8° 40', the lat. in the
text falls very near Anjengo; to the south of Coulan.--E.]
The 13th June we saw the coast of Sumatra, in lat. 5° 40' N. at its most
northerly extremity; and when stopping at an island near the shore to
take in water, on the 16th, we spoke with some of the people. The 21st,
we anchored in the bay of Acheen in twelve fathoms, on which the king
sent off his officers to measure the length and breadth of our vessels,
and to take the number of our ordnance and men, which they did. Our
_baas_ sent two of his people on shore along with these officers, with a
present to the king, consisting of a looking glass, a drinking glass,
and a coral bracelet. Next day our people returned on board, being
apparelled by the king after the country fashion, in dresses of white
calico, and brought a friendly message of peace, welcome, and plenty of
spices. We found, three barks belonging to Arabia and one of Pegu riding
in the bay, which had come to lade pepper. There was here also a
Portuguese officer, Don Alfonso Vincente, with four barks from Malacca,
who had come expressly to endeavour to prevent our trade, as was shewn
in the sequel.
On the 23d June, the king sent at midnight for our _baas_ to come to
wait upon him, sending a noble as his hostage. He went immediately on
shore, and was kindly used by the king, who promised him a free trade,
and cloathed him after the fashion of the country, giving him likewise a
_criss_ of honour. This _criss_ is a dagger, having a haft or handle of
a kind of metal of fine lustre esteemed far beyond gold, and set with
rubies. It is death to wear a criss of this kind, except it has been
given by the king; and he who possesses it is at absolute freedom to
take victuals without money, and to command all the rest as slaves. Our
_baas_, or captain, came on board the 26th with a boat-load of pepper,
making incredible boasts of his mighty good fortune, and the wonderful
trade he had procured, with no small rejoicing in his pride. He said
likewise that the king had often asked if he were from England, which he
strongly denied, using many unhandsome speeches of our nation; and after
coming on board, he said he would have given a thousand pounds to have
had no English with him, thus thrusting us poor souls into a corner.
The 27th of June, our merchants went on shore with their goods, having a
house appointed for their residence by the king. On the 20th July, our
captain being with the king, was well entertained by him, and on this
occasion the king was very importunate to know if he were English. "Tell
me truly," said he, "for I love the English; and I must farther tell you
that Alfonso Vincente has been earnest with me to betray you, but it
shall not be, for I am your friend." With that he gave him a purse of
gold. The captain gave him thanks for the present and his friendly
disposition, declaring that he was not from England but from Flanders,
and entirely disposed to serve his majesty. "I have heard of England,"
said the king, "but never of Flanders; pray what land is that?" He
farther enquired who was their king, and what was the state and
government of the country? The captain made a large report on this
topic, saying that they had no king, but were governed by an
aristocracy. He likewise requested that the king would give orders to
his subjects not to call him an Englishman, as that gave him much
displeasure, which the king promised should be done. The king then asked
if there were no English in the ships? To which the captain answered,
that there were some, but they had been bred up in Flanders. The king
then said, he understood there were some men in the ships that differed
from the others in apparel, language, and manners, and desired to know
who these were? To this the _baas_ answered, that they were English, and
that his chief pilot was one of them. The king then said that he must
see these men. "As for your merchandize," added he, "I have war with the
king of Johor, and if you will assist me against him with your ships,
your recompence shall be a full lading of pepper." To this our captain
agreed. The 28th of July, the _Sabandars_,[38] the secretary, the
merchants of Mecca, who were Turks and Arabians, together with Don
Alfonso Vincente and some others of the Portuguese, came on board with
our _baas_, and all returned passing drunk.
[Footnote 38: The _Shah bandar_, signifies in Persian, the King of the
Port; being the title of the principal officer of the customs.--Astl. I.
257. a.]
The 20th of August the king began to change his countenance to our
captain, demanding why the English pilot had not been to wait upon him;
for hitherto Mr Tomkins and I had not been permitted to go on shore;
adding, that when the Dutch had got their pepper, he supposed they would
ran away without performing the service they had promised. Upon this I
was immediately sent for, and came ashore on the 21st. I waited on the
king early next morning, and he treated me very kindly. I staid with him
four boars, or more, banqueting And drinking. After an hour, he ordered
the _sabandar_ to stand up, and me likewise; upon which the sabander
took off my hat, and put a roll of white linen about my head. He then
put about my middle a long white linen cloth, embroidered with gold,
which went twice about me, the ends hanging down half my leg. After
this, taking the roll from my head, and laying it before the king, he
put a white garment on me, and above that a red one. Then, replacing the
roll on my head, I sat down before the king, who drank to me in
_aquavitae_, [arrak, or brandy,] and made me eat of many strange meats.
All his service was in gold, except some of the dishes, which were fine
porcelain. These were all set upon the floor, without table, napkins, or
other linen. He asked me many questions about England, about the queen,
and her _bashas_, or nobles; and enquired how she could carry on war
against so great a monarch as the king of Spain, for he believed that
all Europe was under his government. I satisfied him as well as I could
on all these points, and he seemed very much pleased.
On the 23d I was sent for by the prince, and rode to his court on an
elephant. He used me extremely well, our entertainment consisting in
excessive eating and drinking. While I was on shore, I met with a very
sensible merchant of China, who spoke Spanish, and of whom I learnt some
things which I hope will give your lordship good contentment hereafter.
There are many people here from China who follow trade, and who have
their separate town. So have the Portuguese, the Guzurates, the Arabs,
Bengalese, and Peguers. As our _baas_ disliked that I should so much
frequent the company of the Chinese, he ordered me on board, and came
off himself next day in a very dull humour, having had some sour looks
from the king.
The 1st of September the king gave out that we were to receive ordnance
on board for battering Johor, and to take in soldiers for that service.
Many gallies were manned and brought out of the river, and rode at
anchor about half a mile from our ships. The sea was all full of
_paraws_ and boats. There came that day on board our ship the secretary,
named _Corcoun_, and the chief sabander, named _Abdala_, accompanied by
many soldiers armed with cutlasses, darts, crisses, and targets. They
brought with them many kinds of meats, and a great jar of aquavitae,
making a great shew of friendship and banqueting. Suspecting some
treachery, we filled our tops with stones, made fast and prepared our
gratings, all without orders from our _baas_, who was exceedingly angry,
and ordered us to discontinue, but we would not.
There is a kind of seed in this country, by eating a little of which a
man becomes quite foolish, all things seeming to be metamorphosed; but,
above a certain quantity, it is deadly poison. With this all the meat
and drink they brought on board was infected. While banqueting, the
sabandar sent for me and Mr Tomkins, who kept me company, and said some
words to one of their attendants, which I did not understand. In a short
time we were foolishly frolicsome, gaping one upon another in a most
ridiculous manner, our captain, or _baas_, being at that time a prisoner
in their hands, yet knew it not. A signal was made from the other ship,
where the like treachery was going on under the direction of the
secretary, who went there from our ship for that purpose. They
immediately set upon us, murdered our _baas_, and slew several others.
Mr Tomkins and I, with the assistance of a Frenchman, defended the poop,
which, if they had gained, our ship had been lost, for they already had
the cabin, and some of their fellows were below among our guns, having
crept in at the port-holes. The master of our ship, whom the Dutch call
captain, leapt into the sea, with several others, but came on board
again when all was over. In the end, we put them to flight, for our
people in the tops annoyed them sore; and, when I saw them run, I leapt
from the poop to pursue them, Mr Tomkins following my example. At this
time a Turk came out of the cabin, who wounded him grievously, and they
lay tumbling over each other on the deck. On seeing this, I ran the Turk
through the body with my rapier, and our skipper thrust him down the
throat into the body with a half pike.
All the principal people in the other ship were murdered, and the ship
obviously in possession of the Acheenese; on which we instantly cut our
cables and drove towards her, and, with our shot, made the Indians
abandon her, so that we recovered her likewise. The gallies did not
venture near us. In our great distress, it was some comfort to see how
these base Indians fled, how they were killed, and how they were
drowned; the whole sea being covered with dead Indians, floating about
in hundreds. Abdala, the sabandar, and one of the king's near kinsmen,
were slain, with many others, and the secretary was wounded. The king
was by the shore at this time, attended by a vast many, people; and, on
learning the death of the sabandar, and the overthrow of this treachery,
the furious infidels murdered all of our people who were on shore,
except eight, who were put in irons as slaves. In this great calamity we
lost sixty-eight persons, of whom we are not certain how many may be in
captivity, having only knowledge of these eight. We lost at this time
two fine pinnaces of twenty tons each, and our ship's boat.
We left Acheen that same day, and anchored at _Pedier_, where we had
sent a small pinnace for rice, but could get no tidings of her. Next
day, the 2d September, there came eleven gallies to take our ships,
having Portuguese in them, as we thought. We sank one of them, and
defeated all the rest, so that they fled amain. That same afternoon, the
son of Lafort, a French merchant, dwelling in Seethinglane, London, came
on board of us, being one of the eight prisoners. He brought the
following message from the king:--"Are you not ashamed to be such
drunken beasts, as, in your drunkenness, to murder my people whom I sent
on board of you in kindness?" He farther required of us, in satisfaction
of his pretended wrong, that we should give up our best ship, on which
he would release our men, telling Lafort, if he could succeed in this,
that he would make him a great nobleman. To this ridiculous proposal we
gave a flat denial; and, being in distress for water, we went over to
_Pulo Lotum_, on the coast of Queda, or northern part of Malacca, on its
western coast, in lat. 6° 50' N. where we refreshed and watered.
During our stay at Acheen, we received into both our ships 140 tons of
pepper, what precious stones and other merchandize besides I know not.
But, on the day of treason, our merchants lost all the money and goods
they had on shore, which was said to be of great value. On this
occasion, many of our young adventurers were utterly ruined; among whom,
I most grieve at the loss sustained by _poor John Davis_, having not
only lost my friendly factor, but all my European commodities, with
those things I had provided to shew my love and duty to my best friends;
so that, though India did not receive me rich, she hath sent me back
sufficiently poor.
The island of Sumatra is pleasant and fertile, abounding in many
excellent fruits; but their only grain is rice, which serves them for
bread. They plough the land with buffaloes, which they have in great
numbers, but with small skill, and less industry. The rice grows in all
respects like our barley. They have plenty of pepper, which is grown in
large gardens or plantations, often a mile square. It grows like hops,
from a planted root, winding about a stake set to support it, till it
grows like a great bushy tree, whence the pepper hangs in small
clusters, three inches long, and an inch about, each cluster having
forty pepper-corns; and it yields as great increase as mustard-seed. At
Acheen they are able to load twenty ships every year, and might supply
more, if the people were industrious. The whole country resembles a
pleasure-garden, the air being temperate and wholesome, having every
morning a fruitful dew, or small rain. The harbour of Acheen is very
small, having only six feet water on the bar, at which there is a stone
fort, the ramparts of which are covered or flanked with battlements, all
very low, and very despicable. In front of this fort is an excellent
road, or anchoring ground for ships, the wind being, always off shore,
so that a ship may ride safely a mile from the shore, in eighteen
fathoms, and close in, in six and four fathoms.
In this country there are elephants, horses, buffaloes, oxen, and goats,
with many wild-hogs. The land has plenty of mines of gold and copper,
with various gums, balsams, many drugs, and much indigo. Its precious
stones are rubies, sapphires, and garnets; but I know not whether they
are found there, or are brought from other places. It has likewise most
excellent timber for building ships. The city of Acheen,[39] if such it
may be called, is very spacious, and is built in a wood, so that the
houses are not to be seen till we are close upon them; neither could we
go into any place but we found houses and a great concourse of people,
so that the town seems to spread over the whole land. Their houses are
raised on posts, eight feet or better from the ground, leaving free
passage under them, the walls and roofs being only of mats, the poorest
and weakest things that can be conceived. I saw three great
market-places, which were every day crowded like fairs, with all kinds
of commodities exposed for sale.
[Footnote 39: This place, called likewise _Achin_ and _Achien_ by Davis,
is commonly called _Achen_; but in the letters from the king to Queen
Elizabeth, which will be mentioned in the sequel it is called
_Ashi_.--Astl. I. 259. b.]
The king, called Sultan Aladin, is said to be an hundred years old, yet
is a lively man, exceedingly gross and fat. In his young days he was a
fisherman, of which there are many in this place, as they live mostly on
fish. Going to the wars with the former king, he shewed himself so
valiant and discreet in ordering the king's gallies, that he acquired
the royal favour so much as to be appointed admiral of all the
sea-force, in which he conducted himself so valiantly and wisely, that
the king gave him one of his nearest kinswomen to wife. The king had an
only daughter, whom he married to the king of Johor, by whom she had a
son, who was sent to Acheen to be brought up as heir to his grandfather.
The king who now is, being commander in chief by sea and land, the old
king died suddenly; on which the present king took the child under his
guardianship, against which the nobility protested: but, as he had the
command of the whole armed force, he maintained his point, putting to
death more than a thousand of the nobles, raised the rascal people to be
new lords, and made new laws. Finally, the young prince was murdered,
and he proclaimed himself king, in right of his wife; on which there
arose great wars between him and the king of Johor, which continue to
this day. He has held the kingdom by force these twenty years, and seems
now secure in his usurped and ill-got power.
The king's court, or residence, is situated upon the river, about half a
mile from the city, having three inclosures, and guards, before any one
can come to him, and a wide green between each guarded inclosure. His
house is built like all the rest, but much higher, so that he can see,
from where he sits, all that come to any of his guards, yet no one can
see him. The walls and covering of his house are made of mats, which
are sometimes hung with cloth of gold, sometimes with velvet, and at
other times with damask. He sits on the ground, cross-legged, like a
tailor, and so must all do who are admitted into his presence. He always
wears four _crisses_, two before and two behind, richly ornamented with
diamonds and rubies, and has a sword lying in his lap. He is attended by
at least forty women; some with fans to cool him, some with cloths to
wipe off sweat, others to serve him with aquavitae or water, and the
rest to sing pleasant songs. He doth nothing all day but eat and drink,
there being no end of banqueting from morning till night; and, when
ready to burst, he eats _areka betula_[40], which is a fruit like a
nutmeg, wrapped in a leaf like tobacco, with _sharp-chalk_ [lime] made
of the shells of pearl oysters. Chewing these ingredients makes the
spittle very red, causes a great, flow of saliva, and occasions a great
appetite; it also makes the teeth very black, and the blacker they are
is considered as so much the more fashionable. Having recovered his
appetite by this means, he returns again to banqueting. By way of
change, when his belly is again gorged, he goes into the river to bathe,
where he has a place made on purpose, and gets a fresh appetite by being
in the water. He, with his women and great men, do nothing but eat,
drink, and talk of venery; so that, if the poets have any truth, then is
this king _the great Bacchus_, for he practises all the ceremonies of
gluttony. He spends his whole time in eating and drinking with his
women, or in cock-fighting. Such is the king, and such are his subjects;
for the whole land is entirely given to such habits of enjoyment.
[Footnote 40: _Areka_ is the nut, and _betel_ the leaf in which it is
wrapped, along with _chunam_, or lime, called _sharp-chalk_ in the
text.--E.]
While, in all parts of Christendom, it is the custom to uncover the head
in token of reverence, it is here the direct contrary; as, before any
man can come into, the presence of this king, he must put off his shoes
and stockings, coming before him bare-footed and bare-legged, holding
his hands joined over his head, bowing his body, and saying _dowlat_;
which duty performed, he sits down, cross-legged, in the king's
presence. The state is governed by five principal officers, his
secretary, and four others, called _sabandars_, in whom are all the
authority of government, and who have inferior officers under them. The
will of the king is the law: as there seemed to be no freemen in all the
land, the lives and properties of all being at the king's pleasure. In
punishing offenders, he makes no man happy by death, but orders their
hands and feet to be cut off, and then banishes them to an island called
_Pulo Wey_. When any one is condemned to die, he is either trodden to
death by elephants, or empaled. Besides those in jails, many prisoners
in fetters are seen going about the town. The king has three wives, and
many concubines, who are very closely kept, and his women are his chief
counsellors.
The king has many gallies, an hundred, as I think, some of them so large
as to carry four hundred men. These are all made like wherries, very
long, narrow, and open, without deck, forecastle, or poop, or any upper
works whatever. Instead of oars, they have paddles, about four feet
long, made like shovels, which they hold in their hands, not resting
them on the gunwales, or in row-locks, as we do. The gallies have no
ordnance; yet with these he holds all his neighbours under subjection.
His admiral is a woman, as he trusts no man with that high office. Their
weapons are bows and arrows, javelins, swords, and targets, having no
defensive armour, and fighting entirely naked. They have a great many
pieces of brass ordnance, which they fire lying on the ground, using no
carriages. Some of these are the greatest I ever saw, and the metal of
which they are made is said to be rich in gold. The great dependence of
his land-force is in the elephants.
These people boast of being descended from Abraham, through Ismael, the
son of Hagar, and can distinctly reckon the genealogies in our Bible.
They follow the Mahometan religion, and use rosaries, or strings of
beads, in praying, like the papists. They bring up their children in
learning, and have many schools. They have an archbishop, and other
spiritual dignitaries. There is a prophet in Acheen, who is greatly
honoured, and is alleged to have the spirit of prophecy, like the
ancients. This person is distinguished from all the rest by his dress,
and is in great favour with the king. The natives are entirely addicted
to commerce, in which they are very expert; and they have many mechanics
or artisans, as goldsmiths, cannon-founders, shipwrights, tailors,
weavers, hatters, potters, cutlers, smiths, and distillers of
aquavitae, [arrak,] which is made from rice, as they must drink no wine.
Every family or tribe has its own particular place of burial, which are
all in the fields. The bodies are all deposited in graves, with the
heads laid towards Mecca, having a stone at the head, and another at the
feet, curiously wrought, so as to designate the rank and worth of each
person. In the burial-place of the kings, as we were told, every grave
has a piece of gold at the head, and another at the feet, each weighing
500 pounds, curiously embossed and carved. I was very desirous to see
this royal cemetery, because of its great riches, but could not obtain
permission; yet am disposed to believe it to be true, as the reigning
king has made two such costly ornaments for his own grave, which are
almost finished. They are each of gold, a thousand pounds weight
a-piece, and are to be richly ornamented with precious stones.[41]
[Footnote 41: In the Portuguese Asia is a story which confirms this
report. George Brito, who went in 1521 to Acheen with six ships, and
three hundred men, having been informed, by an ungrateful Portuguese,
whom the king had relieved from shipwreck, that there was a great
treasure of gold in the tombs of the kings, and having made other
inquiries on this subject, picked a quarrel with the king, and landed
with two hundred men in order to seize it: But being opposed by the
king, at the head of a thousand men, and six elephants, he, and most of
his men, were slain; a just reward of injustice, ingratitude, and
avarice.--Astl. 1. 260. a.]
The people who trade to this port are from China, Bengal, Pegu, Java,
Coromandel, Guzerata, Arabia, and _Rumos_. _Rumos_ is in the Red-Sea,
whence Solomon sent his ships to Ophir for gold; which Ophir is now
Acheen, as they affirm upon tradition; and the _Rumos_ people have
followed the same trade from the time of Solomon to this day.[42] Their
payments are made in different denominations, called cash, mas, cowpan,
pardaw, and tayel. I only saw two sorts of coin, one of gold, and the
other of lead: The gold coin, or _mas_, is of the size of a
silver-penny, and is as common at Acheen as pence are in England. The
other, of lead, called _cash_, is like the little leaden tokens used in
London by the vintners: 1600 _cashes_ make one _mas_; 400 _cashes_ make
a _cowpan_, and four cowpans a mas; five _mases_ are equal to four
shillings sterling; four _mases_ make a _pardaw_, and four _pardaws_ a
_tayel_. Hence one _mas_ is 9-3/5d. sterling; one pardaw, 3s. 2-2/5d.;
one _tayel_, 12s. 9-3/5d.; one cowpan, 2-3/5d.; and one cash is a
two-hundredth part of a penny. Pepper is sold by the _Bahar_, which is
360 English pounds, for 3l. 4s. Their pound is called _catt_, being
twenty-one of our ounces; and their ounce is larger than ours in the
proportion of sixteen to ten. They sell precious stones by a weight
named _masse_, 10-3/4 of which make an ounce.
[Footnote 42: The Turks are called _Rumos_ in India, because their chief
city, Constantinople, was called New Rome. Their tradition of Ophir is
more to be marked than this conceit of _Rumos_ in the Red-Sea.--_Purchas_,
in a marginal note.
The Egyptians might follow this trade from the days of Solomon, but the
_Rums_, or Romans, could not, as they did not possess Egypt till long
after Solomon.--Astl. 1. 260. c.
It would be too long, in a note, to enter upon any critical discussion
respecting the _Ophir_ of Solomon, which was more probably at _Sofala_,
on the eastern coast of Africa.--E.]
Once every year they have the following strange custom, which happened
while we were there. The king and all his nobles go in great pomp to the
church, or mosque, to see if the _Messias_ be come. On that occasion, I
think, were at least forty elephants, all richly covered with silk,
velvet, and cloth of gold, several nobles riding on each elephant. One
elephant was exceedingly adorned beyond the rest, having a little golden
castle on his back, which was led for the expected _Messias_ to ride
upon. On another elephant, the king sat alone in a little castle, so
that the whole made a very splendid procession; in which some bore
targets of pure massy gold, others large golden crescents, with
streamers, banners, ensigns, drums, trumpets, and various other
instruments of music. Going to the church with great solemnity, and
using many ceremonies, they looked into the church, and not finding the
_Messias_ there, the king descended from his own elephant, and rode home
on that prepared for the _Messias_. After which, the day was concluded
with great feastings, and many pleasant sports.
The island of Sumatra is divided into four kingdoms, Acheen, Pedier,
Monancabo, and Aru, of which Acheen is the chief, Pedier and Monancabo
being tributary to it; but Aru refuses subjection, and adheres to the
king of Johor, in Malacca. I only heard of five principal cities in this
island, Acheen, Pedier, Pacem, [Pisang,] Daia, [perhaps Daga,] and
Monancabo.
I now return to our proceedings after the slaughter of Acheen. On the
10th September we anchored at the islands of _Pulo Lotum_, in lat. 6°
50' N. near the coast of the kingdom of _Queda_, where we watered, and
procured refreshments. There were in our ship three sealed letters,
superscribed A.B.C. which were to be opened on the death of our _baas_,
or captain. On opening that marked A. one Thomas Quymans was appointed
our chief; but, as he was slain at Acheen, we opened B. by which Guyan
Lafort, who escaped death by bringing the message from the king to us at
Pedier, was nominated our chief, and was accordingly received by us in
that capacity. The letter marked C. was not opened.
Leaving Pulo Lotum on the 30th September, we sailed for Acheen, for the
purpose of endeavouring to recover our men who were there in captivity.
We came in sight of Acheen on the 6th October, and got into the bay on
the 12th, where twelve of their gallies set upon us. We got up with one
of them, and gave her several shots; but, as the weather was very calm,
she escaped from us under the land, and the rest did not dare to
approach us, for they are proud base cowards. On the 18th, we set sail
for Tanaserim,[43] which is a place of great trade, and anchored among
the islands in the bay belonging to that place, in lat. 11° 20' N. on the
25th. We were here so much crossed by contrary winds, that we could not
get up to the city, which stands twenty leagues within the bay; and,
being in great distress for provisions, we made sail for the Nicobar
islands, hoping there to find relief. We anchored at these islands on
the 12th November, in lat. 8° N. when the people brought us off great
abundance of poultry, oranges, lemons, and other fruit, with some
ambergris, which we paid for in pieces of linen cloth and table napkins.
These islands consist of pleasant and fertile low land, and have good
anchorage for ships; but the people are very barbarous, living on fish
and natural fruits, not cultivating the ground, and consequently having
no rice.
[Footnote 43: Mergui, the sea-port of Tanaserim, is in lat. 12° N.]
We departed on the 16th of November, shaping our course for Ceylon,
being in great distress, especially for rice. By the great goodness of
God, on the 6th December, we took a ship from Negapatam, on the coast of
Coromandel, laden with rice, and bound for Acheen. There were in her
about sixty persons, belonging to Acheen, Java, Ceylon, Pegu, Narsinga,
and Coromandel. From these people we learnt that there is a city in
Ceylon called _Matecalon_,[44] a place of great trade, where we might
load our ships with cinnamon, pepper, and cloves. They also told us that
there were great store of precious stones and pearls to be had in
Ceylon; that the country abounded in all kinds of provisions, and that
the king was a bitter enemy to the Portuguese. They likewise told us of
a city called _Trinquanamale_, [Trinconomale, usually called
Trinquamalee,] at which was a similar trade. They engaged that we might
load our ships, and procure a plentiful supply of provisions, at either
of these places, for little money; and we accordingly used our utmost
possible exertions to get to them, but all to no purpose, as the wind
was quite contrary. The Indians then told us, that if we would remain
till January, we should meet above an hundred sail of ships, laden with
spiceries, linen cloth, [cottons,] and commodities of China; but our
commander would not agree to stay there for the purpose of war, as his
commission only authorised him to trade, but proposed to remain for
traffic, paying for every thing he might be able to procure. To this,
however, the company would not consent; and we accordingly began our
voyage homewards on the 28th of December, after beating up for sixteen
days to endeavour to make Batacolo. We had discharged our prize on the
18th, after taking out most of her rice, for which our commander paid
them to their satisfaction; but our men plundered the Indians of their
goods and money in a disorderly manner. We took with us twelve of the
Indians, belonging to different countries; and after they had been with
us some time, they informed us that the merchants in the Negapatam ship
had a large quantity of precious stones in the ship, hidden under the
planks of her lining. How far this might be true I know not, as, for
some unknown reason, Mr Tomkins and I were not allowed to go on board
her.
[Footnote 44: Perhaps Batacolo is here meant, on the east side of
Ceylon, in lat. 7° 45' N.]
The 5th March, 1600, our victuals were poisoned, but God preserved us;
for one of our people tasting it by chance, or from greediness, was
infected. It was strongly poisoned before it came to us, being fresh
fish; for our surgeon took almost a spoonful of poison out of one fish.
But this is not the first time, if the grieved would complain.[45] The
10th March we fell in with the Cape of Good Hope, where we encountered a
heavy storm; and on the 26th we doubled that Cape.
[Footnote 45: This story is very unintelligible, as no circumstance is
mentioned as to where the fish were got, nor who was suspected of
introducing the poison.--E.]
We anchored at St Helena on the 13th March. This island is in lat. 16°
S. [15° 45'.] We here found plenty of water, with abundance of figs, and
as many fish as we chose to take. At sun-set, on the 15th, a caravel
came into the roads, and anchored a large musket-shot to windward of us.
She was totally unprepared for fighting, as none of her guns were
mounted. We fought her all night, giving her in that time, as I think,
upwards of 200 shots, though, in the course of eight hours, she did not
return a single shot, nor seemed to regard us. By midnight she got six
pieces mounted, which she used to good purpose, shooting us often
through, and slew two of our men. So, on the 16th, in the morning, we
departed, having many of our men sick, and shaped our course for the
island of Ascension, where we hoped to find relief. The 23d April we got
sight of that island, which is in lat. 8° S. [7° 50'.] But it has
neither wood, water, or any green thing upon it, being a barren green
rock, five leagues broad. The 24th, at midnight, we agreed to proceed to
the island of _Fernando Loronio_, [Noronho,] where we knew that
sufficient relief could be had, as we had stopt ten weeks there when
outward-bound, when unable to double Cape St Augustine.
We arrived on the 6th May at Fernando Noronho, [in lat. 3° 28' S. off
the coast of Brazil,] where we remained six days to take in water, and
to refresh ourselves. The 13th of the same month we departed, shaping
our course for the English channel, and arrived at Middleburgh, in
Zealand, on the 29th of July, 1600.
SECTION X.
_Voyage of William Adams to Japan, in 1598, and long Residence in that
Island_.[46]
INTRODUCTION.
This very curious article consists chiefly of two letters from Japan,
written by William Adams, an Englishman, who went there as pilot in a
Dutch fleet, and was detained there. His _first_ letter, dated Japan,
22d October, 1611, is addressed,--"To my unknown Friends and Countrymen;
desiring this letter, by your good means, or the news or copy thereof
may come to the hands of one, or many of my acquaintance, at Limehouse,
or elsewhere; or at Gillingham, in Kent, by Rochester." The _second_
letter has no date, the concluding part of it being suppressed or lost,
by the malice of the bearers, as Purchas suspected; but is addressed to
his wife, and was probably inclosed in the former, or perhaps sent home
by Saris, whose voyage will be found in the sequel. Adams appears to
have died about 1620, in Japan, as reported by the ship James, which
arrived from that island, in England, in 1621. Purchas observes, that
though this voyage was not by the Cape of Good Hope, he had yet inserted
it among the early English voyages to India, because performed to Japan.
The editor of Astley's Collection says that he once intended to have
placed it in a different division of his work, as performed by a
south-west course; but, because Adams is frequently mentioned in the
journals of Saris and Cocks, to whom he was serviceable in Japan, he
chose to follow the example of Purchas. One of the views of Adams, in
the first of these letters, in the opinion of the editor of Astley's
Collection, appears to have been to excite the English to repair to
Japan; and they seem to have entertained that object at the same time,
as Saris set out upon his voyage to that island six months before the
date of the letter from Adams.
[Footnote 46: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 125. Astley, I. 525.]
In Astley's Collection, the editor has used the freedom, as he has done
in a variety of other instances, to make great alterations in the
arrangement of the original document, and even often makes important
changes in the sense, which is by no means commendable. In this article,
as in all others, we have chosen to have recourse to the original
source, merely accommodating the language to that of the present day.
Before the letters of Adams, it seemed proper to give the following
short notice of the earlier part of the voyage in which Adams went to
Japan, as contained in the Pilgrims of Purchas, vol. I. p. 78.--E.
* * * * *
§ 1. _Brief Relation of the Voyage of Sebalt de Wert to the Straits of
Magellan_.
In the year 1598, the following ships were fitted out at Amsterdam for a
voyage to India: The Hope, of 250 tons, admiral, with 136 persons; the
Charity, of 160 tons, vice-admiral, with 110 men; the Faith, of 160
tons, and 109 men; the Fidelity, of 100 tons, and 86 men; and the Good
News, of 75 tons, and 56 men; of which fleet Sir Jaques Mabu was
general, and Simon de Cordes vice-admiral; the captains of the other
three ships being Benninghen, Bockholt, and Sebalt de Wert. Being
furnished with all necessary provisions, they set sail on the 27th June,
1598. After much difficulty, and little help at the Cape de Verd
islands, where they lost their general, to whom Cordes succeeded, they
were forced, by their pressing wants, and the wiles of the Portuguese,
being severely infected with the scurvy in all their ships, to leave
these islands, with the intention of going to the Isle of Anabon, in the
gulf of Guinea, in lat. 1° 40' S. to make better provision of water, and
other necessaries, and to refresh their men. Falling in unexpectedly
with the land, in about the lat. of 3° S. 120 miles before their
reckoning, they determined to go to Cape Lope Gonsalves, driving a
peddling trade with the negroes as they went along the coast.
Arriving at the bay of Cape Lope, the sick men were sent a-shore on the
10th November. The 23d, a French sailor came aboard, who promised to
procure them the favour of the negro king, to whom Captain Sebalt de
Wert was sent. This king was found on a throne hardly a foot high,
having a lamb's skin under his feet. He was dressed in a coat of violet
cloth, with tinsel lace, without shirt, shoes, or stockings, having a
party-coloured cloth on his head, with many glass beads hanging from his
neck, attended by his courtiers adorned with cocks feathers. His palace
was not comparable to a stable. His provisions were brought to him by
women, being a few roasted plantains and some smoke-dried fish, served
in wooden vessels, with palm-wine, in such sparing measure, that
Massinissa, and other renowned examples of temperance, might have been
disciples to this negro monarch. One time the Dutch captain regaled his
majesty with some of the ship's provisions; but he forgot all his
temperance on being treated with Spanish wine, and had to be carried off
mortal drunk. Very little refreshment could be procured here. They
killed a boar and two buffaloes in the woods, and snared a few birds,
besides buying some provisions from the negroes. The worst of all was,
as the scurvy subsided, they were afflicted with dangerous fevers.
Departing from this place on the 8th December, they came to the island
of _Anobon_ on the 16th, where they procured some provisions by force.
By the scurvy and fever they lost thirty men, among whom was Thomas
Spring, a young Englishman of promising parts. In the beginning of the
year 1599, they departed from Anabon, steering for the straits of
Magellan, being too late for passing the Cape of Good Hope. The 10th
March they observed the sea all red, as if mixed with blood, occasioned
by being full of red worms, which when taken up leapt like fleas. They
entered the straits on the 6th April, supplying themselves at Penguin
islands with thirteen or fourteen hundred of these birds. On the 18th of
that month they anchored in Green bay within the straits, where they got
fresh water and large mussels. They remained at this place till the 23d
of August, in a perpetually stormy winter, and lost a hundred of their
men. The storm found them continual labour, without any furtherance of
their intended voyage; suffering continual rain, wind, snow, hail,
hunger, loss of anchors, and spoiling of their ships and tackling,
sickness, death, and savages, want of stores and store of wants, so that
they endured a fulness of misery. The extreme cold increased their
appetites, which decreased their provisions, and made them anxious to
look out for more.
On the 7th May, going in their boats to take gudgeons on the south side
of the straits, opposite Green bay, they descried seven canoes with
savages, who _seemed_ ten or eleven feet high, with red bodies and long
hair.[47] The Dutch were much amazed at these men, who likewise
terrified them with stones and loud cries. The Dutch got immediately
into their boats, and stood on their defence; but when the savages saw
four or five of their companions fall down dead, slain by Dutch thunder,
they fled to the land; and plucking up large trees, barricaded
themselves against the Hollanders, who left them. After this, three of
the Dutchmen, in seeking food to preserve their life, found death at the
hands of naked savages, who were armed with barbed darts, which, if they
entered the flesh, had to be cut out.
[Footnote 47: This is the first notice we have yet met with of the
long-famed Patagonians; but their enormous stature in the text is very
diffidently asserted. We shall have future opportunities of becoming
better acquainted with these South American giants. Perhaps the original
may only have said they seemed ten or eleven _spans_ high, and some
careless editor chose to substitute _feet_.--E.]
This Green bay, in which they staid so long, was named Cordes bay after
the commander. In another, called Horse bay, they erected a new guild or
fraternity, binding themselves with much solemnity and many oaths to
certain articles, and calling it the _Fraternity of the Freed Lion_. The
general added six chosen men to himself in this society, and caused
their names to be engraven on a board, which was hung up on high
pillars, to be seen by all passing that way; but it was defaced by the
savages, who likewise disinterred the dead bodies from their graves and
dismembered them, carrying one away.
The 3d September, they left the straits, and continued till the 7th,
when De Wert was forced to stay by a storm, and the Faith and Fidelity
were left behind in much misery, hunger, tempests, leaks, and other
distress. The death of their master, and the loss of their consorts,
added much to their misery, and in the end of the month they were forced
again into the straits; after which, in two months, they had not one
fair day to dry their sails. The 14th October, the Faith lost two
anchors. To one place they gave the name of Perilous bay, and called
another Unfortunate bay, in remembrance of their distresses, to all of
which the devil added mutiny among their people and thieving. They took
a savage woman who had two children, one of whom they thought to be only
six months old, yet it could walk readily, and had all its teeth. I
loath to relate their loathsome feeding, with the blood running from
their mouths. They here met General Oliver Noort, whose men were all
lusty, and was yet unable to spare them any relief. After a world of
straits in these straits, too long to rehearse, they departed thence on
the 22d January, 1600, and arrived in the Maese on the 14th July.
Without the straits, in lat. 50° 40' S. they saw three islands, sixty
miles from land, stored with penguins, which they called the Sebaldines
of the Indies, but which are not inserted in maps.[48]
[Footnote 48: The only islands which agree in any respect with the
position assigned in the text, are the north-westermost of the Malouines
or Falkland islands, which are nearly in that latitude, but much farther
from the land.--E.]
§ 2. _First Letter of William Adams_.
Hearing that some English merchants are residing in the island of Java,
although by name unknown, and having an opportunity, I presume to write
these lines, desiring your worshipful company, being unknown to me, to
pardon my boldness. The reason of my writing is chiefly that my
conscience binds me to love my country and country men. Your worships
will therefore please to understand that I am a Kentish man, born in the
town of Gillingham, two miles from Rochester and one mile from Chatham,
where the king's ships lie; and that from the age of twelve years I was
brought up at Limehouse near London, being apprentice twelve years to
one Mr Nicholas Diggines. I have served both as master and pilot in her
majesty's ships; and served eleven or twelve years with the worshipful
company of Barbary merchants. When the Indian trade of Holland began, I
was desirous of making some trial of the small knowledge which God hath
given me in that navigation. So, in the year 1598, I was hired as chief
pilot of a fleet of five sail, which was fitted out by Peter Vanderhag
and Hans Vanderuke, the chiefs of the Dutch India company. A merchant
named Jaques Mayhay,[49] was general of this fleet, in whose ship I was
pilot.
[Footnote 49: Called Mahu in the preceding narrative.--E.]
It being the 23d or 24th of June before we set sail, we were too late in
coming to the line to pass it without contrary winds, for it was then
the middle of September, at which time we found much southerly winds,
and many of our men fell sick, so that we were obliged to go upon the
coast of Guinea to Cape Lopo Gonsalves, where we landed our sick men,
many of whom died. Few recovered here, as the climate was very
unhealthy, and we could procure little or no refreshment. We determined
therefore, for the fulfilment of our voyage, to sail for the coast of
Brazil, and to pass through the straits of Magellan. By the way we came
to an island called _Ilha da Anobon_, where we landed and took the town,
consisting of about eighty houses. We refreshed in this island, where we
had plenty of lemons, oranges, and various other fruits; but such was
the unhealthiness of the air, that as one grew better another fell sick.
We spent upon the coast of Cape Gonsalves and at Anobon about two
months, till the 12th or 13th of November, when we sailed from Anobon,
having the wind still at S. by E. and S.S.E. till we got four degrees
south of the line; at which time the winds became more favourable,
coming to S.E. E.S.E. and E. so that we ran from Anobon to the straits
in about five months. During this passage, one of our ships carried away
her mainmast, by which we were much hindered, having to set up a new
mast at sea.
The 29th of March we espied the land in the latitude of 50° S. after
having the wind for two or three days contrary; but the wind becoming
again fair, we got into the straits of Magellan on the 6th April, 1599,
by which time the winter was come on, so that there was much snow.
Through cold and hunger combined, our men became very weak. We had the
wind at east for five or six days, in which time we might have passed
through the straits; but we waited refreshing our men, taking in wood
and water, and setting up a pinnace of about fifteen or sixteen tons. At
length, we would have passed the straits, but could not, on account of
southerly winds, attended by much rain and great cold, with snow and
ice; so that we had to winter in the straits, remaining there from the
6th April till the 24th September, by which time almost all our
provisions were spent, so that many of our men died of hunger. Having
passed through the straits into the South Sea, we found many violent
currents, and were driven south into 54 degrees, where we found the
weather excessively cold. Getting at last favourable winds, we
prosecuted our intended voyage towards the coast of Peru; but in the
end lost our whole fleet, being all separated from each other.
Before the fleet separated, we had appointed, in case of separation by
foul weather, that we should wait on the coast of Chili, in the latitude
of 46° S. for thirty days, in hopes of rejoining. Accordingly, I went to
that latitude, where we remained twenty-eight days, and procured
refreshments from the natives, who were very good-natured, though the
Spaniards had nearly prevented them at first from dealing with us. They
brought us sheep and potatoes, for which we gave them bells and knives;
but at length they retired into the country, and came no more near us.
Having set up a pinnace which we brought with us, and remained in
waiting for our consorts during twenty-eight days, we proceeded to the
port of _Baldivia_ in lat. 40° 20' S. but entered not by reason of
contrary winds, on which we made for the island of _Mocha_, where we
arrived next day. Finding none of our ships there, we sailed for the
island of _Santa Maria_,[50] and came next day to the Cape, which is
within a league and half of that island, where we saw many people; being
much tempest-tost endeavouring to go round that cape, and finding good
ground, we came to anchor in a fine sandy bay, in fifteen fathoms water.
[Footnote 50: The island of Santa Maria, or St Mary, is on the coast of
Chili near Conception, in about the latitude 86° 50' N.]
We went in our boat, to endeavour to enter into a friendly conference
with the natives, but they opposed our landing, and shot a great many
arrows at our men. Yet, having no victuals in our ship, and hoping to
procure refreshments here, we forcibly landed between twenty-seven and
thirty men, driving the natives from the shore, but had most of our men
wounded by their arrows. Being now on land, we made signs to them of
friendship, and at length succeeded in bringing them to an amicable
conference, by means of signs and tokens which the people understood. By
our signs we communicated our desire to procure provisions, in exchange
for iron, silver, and cloth. They gave us some wine, potatoes, and
fruits; and desired us by signs to return to our ship, and come back the
next day, when they would supply us with victuals. It being now late,
our people came on board, most of them more or less hurt, yet glad of
having brought the natives to a parley.
Next day, the 9th November, 1599, our captain and all our officers
prepared to land, having come to the resolution of only going to the
shore, and landing two or three men at the most, as the people were very
numerous, and our people were not willing to put too much trust in them.
Our captain went in one of our boats, with all the force we were able to
muster; and when near the shore, the natives made signs for him to land,
which our captain was not willing to do. But as the natives did not come
near the boats, our captain and the rest determined to land,
notwithstanding what had been agreed upon in the ship. At length
twenty-three men landed, armed with muskets, and marched up towards four
or five houses; but had hardly got a musketshot shot from the boats,
when above a thousand Indians fell upon them from an ambush, with such
weapons as they had, and slew them all within our sight. Our boats
waited long, to see if any of our men would return; but seeing no hope
to recover any of them, they returned to the ship with, the sorrowful
news that all who had landed were slain. This was a most lamentable
affair, as we had scarcely as many men remaining as could weigh our
anchor.
We went next day over to the island of St Mary, where we found our
admiral, who had arrived there four days before us, and had departed
from the island of _Mocha_ the day after we came from thence, the
general, master, and all the officers having been _wounded_ on
shore.[51] We were much grieved for our reciprocal misfortunes, so that
the one bemoaned the other, yet were glad that we had come together
again. My good friend Timothy Shotten of London was pilot of this ship.
At this island of St Mary, which is in lat. 37° S, [36° 50'] near the
coast of Chili, it was concluded to take every thing into one of the
ships, and burn the other; but the new captains could not agree which of
the ships to burn, so that this agreement was not executed. Having much
cloth in our ships, it was agreed to steer for Japan, which we
understood was a good market for cloth; and we were the more inclined to
this measure, because the King of Spain's ships upon the coast of Peru
having now intelligence of us, would come in search of us, and knew that
we were weak by the loss of our men, which was all too true, for one of
our ships, as we learnt afterwards, was forced to surrender to the enemy
at St Jago.
[Footnote 51: In the second letter, the general and twenty-seven men are
said to have been _slain_ at Mocha.--E.]
Having procured refreshments at Santa Maria, more by policy than force,
we departed from the road of that island on the 27th November with our
two ships, having heard nothing of the rest of our fleet. We took our
course direct for Japan, and passed the line together, keeping company
till we came into the latitude of 28° N. in which latitude, on the 22d
and 23d of February, we had as heavy a storm of wind as I ever saw,
accompanied with much rain; during which storm we lost sight of our
other and larger ship, being very sorry to be left alone, yet comforted
ourselves with the hope of meeting again at Japan. Continuing our course
as we best could for wind and weather, till we were in the lat. of 30°
N. we sought for the _north_ cape of that island, but found it not;
because it is falsely laid down in all charts, maps, and globes, for
that cape is 35° 30' N. which is a great difference.[52] At length, in
32° 30' N. we saw land on the 19th April, having been four months and
twenty-two days between Santa Maria and Japan, and at this time there
were only six men, besides myself, who could stand on their feet.
[Footnote 52: The geographical notices in the text are hardly
intelligible. The northern cape of Japan is in 40° 30' N. _Sanddown_
point, towards the _south_ end of the eastern side of the great island
of Niphon, is nearly in the latitude indicated in the text. The latitude
of 32° 30', where, according to Adams, they had first sight of Japan, is
on the eastern side of Kiusiu, the south-western island of Japan, in
long. 131° 25' E. while Sanddown point is in long. 141° E. from
Greenwich.--E.]
Being now in safety, we let go our anchor about a league from a place
called _Bungo_.[53] Many boats came off to us, and we allowed the people
to come on board, being quite unable to offer any resistance; yet,
though we could only understand each other very imperfectly by signs,
the people did us no harm. After two or three days, a jesuit came to us
from a place called Nangasacke, to which place the Portuguese caraks
from Macao are in use to come yearly. This man, with some Japanese
chieftains, interpreted for us, which was bad for us, being our mortal
enemies; yet the King of Bungo, where we had arrived, shewed us great
friendship, giving us a house on shore for our sick, and every
refreshment that was needful. When we came to anchor off Bungo, we had
twenty-four men living, sick and well, of whom three died next day, and
other three after continuing long sick, all the rest recovering.
[Footnote 53: In modern maps, Bungo is the name of the middle province
on the eastern side of Japan, and includes the indicated latitude, the
nearest sea-port town being named _Nocea_, thirty-five miles farther
north. But as we have hardly any intercourse with Japan, our maps of
that country are very imperfect.--E.]
The Emperor of Japan hearing of us, sent presently five gallies, or
frigates, to us at Bungo, with orders to bring me to the court where he
resided, which was almost eighty English leagues from Bungo.[54] When I
came before him, he demanded to know from what country we were, and I
answered him in all points. There was nothing almost that he did not
enquire about, more especially concerning war and peace between
different countries, to all of which I answered to the best of my
knowledge, which were too long to write off at this time. After this
conference, I was ordered to prison along with one of our mariners, who
had accompanied me to serve me, but we were well used there. Some two
days afterwards the emperor sent for me again, and demanded the reason
of our having come so far. I made answer, that we were a people who
sought peace and friendship with all nations, and to have trade with all
countries, bringing such merchandise as our country had, and buying such
others in foreign countries as were in request in ours, through which
reciprocal traffic both countries were enriched. He enquired much
respecting the wars between us and the Spaniards and Portuguese, and the
causes of the same, all the particulars of which I explained to him,
with which he seemed much pleased. After this I was again remanded to
prison, but in another place, where my lodging was bettered.[55]
[Footnote 54: This was Osaca, which is eighty leagues from
Bungo.--_Purchas_.
Osaka, in a straight line, is about ninety marine leagues, or 276
English miles, from the coast of Bungo.--E.]
[Footnote 55: The second letter, addressed to his wife, breaks off
here.--E.]
I continued thirty-nine days in prison, hearing no news of our ship or
captain, and knew not whether he were recovered or not, neither
respecting the rest of our company. In all that time I expected
continually to be crucified, as is the custom of Japan, as hanging is
with us; for during my long imprisonment, the Portuguese and jesuits
gave many false accounts against us to the emperor, alledging that we
were thieves, who went about to rob and plunder all nations, and that if
we were suffered to live it would be to the injury of the emperor and
his nation; for then no nation would come there without robbing, but if
justice were executed upon us, it would terrify the rest of our nation
from coming there any more. They thus persuaded the emperor daily to cut
us off, making all the friends at court they could to back them. But God
was merciful to us, and would not permit them to have their will against
us. At length the emperor gave them this answer: "That, as we had done
no hurt to him or any of his subjects, it was contrary to reason and
justice to put us to death; and if our country and theirs were at war,
that was no reason why he should punish us." They were quite cast down
by this answer, seeing their cruel intentions towards us disappointed,
for which God be praised for ever and ever.
While I remained in prison, the emperor gave orders for our ship to be
brought as near to the city where he resided as possible, which was done
accordingly. Then, on the one and fortieth day of my imprisonment, I was
again brought before the emperor, who asked me many more questions,
which were too long to write. In conclusion, he asked me if I wished to
go to the ship to see my countrymen, which I said would give me much
satisfaction. So he bad me go, and I departed, being freed from
imprisonment. I now first learnt that our ship and company were come to
the city where the emperor resided; whereupon, with a joyous heart, I
took a boat and went on board, where I found our captain and the rest
recovered from their sickness. At our meeting they saluted me with
tears, having heard that I was long since put to death. Thus, God be
praised, all we that were left alive came again together.
All our things were taken out of our ship, all my instruments and other
things being taken away, so that I had nothing left but the clothes on
my back, and all the rest were in a similar predicament. This had been
done unknown to the emperor, and, being informed of it, he gave orders
to restore every thing to us; but they were all so dispersed among many
hands that this could not be done. Wherefore 50,000 ryals were ordered
to be given us, which the emperor himself saw delivered into the hands
of one of his officers, who was appointed our governor, with orders to
supply us from that fund as we had occasion, to enable us to purchase
provisions, and all other necessary charges. At the end of thirty days,
during which time our ship lay before a city called _Sakay_, three
leagues, or two and a half, from _Osaka_, where the emperor then
resided, an order was issued that our ship should be carried to the
eastern part of the land of Japan called _Quanto_, whither, according to
his commands, we went, the distance being about 120 leagues. Our passage
there was long, owing to contrary winds.
Coming to the land of _Quanto_, and near to the city of _Eddo, [Jedo,]_
[56] where the emperor then was, we used many supplications to get our
ship set free, and to be allowed to seek our best profit at the place
where the Hollanders have their trade,[57] in the prosecution of which
suit we expended much of the money given us by the emperor. In this time
three or four of our men mutinied against the captain and me, and drew
in the rest of our men, by which we had much trouble with them, every
one endeavouring to be commander, and all being desirous to share among
them the money given us by the emperor. It would be too tedious to
relate all the particulars of this disturbance. Suffice it to say, that
we divided the money, giving to every one a share according to his
place. This happened when we had been two years in Japan. After this,
when we had received a positive denial to our petition for having our
ship restored, and were told that we must abide in Japan, our people,
who had now their shares of the money, dispersed themselves, every one
to where he thought best. In the end, the emperor gave to every one to
live upon two pounds of rice daily, and so much yearly as was worth
eleven or twelve ducats, the captain, myself, and the mariners all
equal.
[Footnote 56: Osaka, at the head of a bay of the same name on the south
side of Niphon, is in lat. 34° 58' N. long. 135° 5' E. Sakay, or Sakai,
on the eastside of the same bay, is about fifteen miles directly south
from Osaka. Eddo, or Jedo, at the head of a bay of that name, likewise
on the south side of Niphon, is in lat. 35° 38' long. 140° E. from
Greenwich--E.]
[Footnote 57: This is probably an anachronism, meaning the place where
the Hollanders had been allowed to trade by the time when Adams wrote in
1611.--E.]
In the course of three or four years the emperor called me before him,
as he had done several times before, and on this occasion he would have
me to build him a small ship. I answered that I was not a carpenter, and
had no knowledge in ship-building. "Well then," said he, "do it as well
as you can, and if it be not well done, there is no matter." Accordingly
I built a ship for him of about eighty tons burthen, constructed in all
proportions according to our manner. He came on board to see her, and
was much pleased, so that I grew into favour with him, was often
admitted to his presence, and received presents from him from time to
time, and at length got an yearly revenue to live upon, equal to about
seventy ducats, besides two pounds of rice daily, as before. Being in
such grace and favour, owing to my having taught him some parts of
geometry and mathematics, with other things, I so pleased him, that
whatever I said was not to be contradicted. My former enemies, the
jesuits and Portuguese, wondered much at this, and often solicited me to
befriend them with the emperor, so that through my means both Spaniards
and Portuguese have frequently received favours, and I thus recompensed
their evil with good. In this manner, though at first it cost me much
labour and pains to pass my time and procure a living, God hath at
length blessed my endeavours.
At the end of five years I made supplication to the emperor for leave to
quit Japan, desiring to see my poor wife and children, according to
nature and conscience; but he was displeased with my request, and would
not permit me to go away, saying that I must continue in the country.
Yet in process of time, being greatly in his favour, I made supplication
again, hearing that the Hollanders were in Acheen and Patane, which
rejoiced us much, in the hopes that God would enable us to return again
to our country by some means or other. I told him, if he would permit me
to depart, I would be the means of bringing both the English and
Hollanders to trade in his country. He said that he was desirous of both
these nations visiting his country in the way of trade, and desired me
to write to them for that purpose, but would by no means consent to my
going away. Seeing, therefore, that I could not prevail for myself; I
petitioned him for leave to our captain to depart, which he readily
granted. Having thus procured his liberty, the captain embarked in a
Japanese junk, in which he went to Patane, where he waited a year for
Dutch ships; but none arriving in that time, he went from Patane to
Johor, where he found a fleet of nine sail, of which _Matleet_ was
general, and in which fleet he was again made a master.
This fleet sailed for Malacca, where it fought with a Portuguese
squadron, in which battle he was slain; so that I think as yet there can
be no certain news respecting me, whether I be alive or dead. Wherefore
I am very desirous that my wife and two children may learn that I am
alive in Japan; my wife being in a manner a widow, and my children
fatherless; which alone is my greatest grief of heart, and sorely
afflicts me. I am a man not unknown in Ratcliff and Limehouse;
particularly to my good master Mr Nicholas Diggines, Mr Thomas Best, Mr
Nicholas Isaac and Mr William Isaac, brothers, with many others, as also
to Mr William Jones and Mr Becket. Therefore, if this letter, or a copy
of it, may come into any of their hands, I am sure that such is their
goodness, that they will communicate the news to my family and friends,
that I do as yet live in this vale of sinful pilgrimage: Which, thing I
do again and again earnestly desire may be done, for the sake of Jesus.
You are to understand, that the first ship I built for the emperor made
a voyage or two, whereupon he commanded me to build another, which I did
of the size of 120 tons. In this ship I made a voyage from Meaco[58][in
lat. 35° 12' N. long. 135° 37' E.] to Jeddo, being about as far as
London is from the Lizard or Land's-end of England. In the year 1609,
the emperor lent this ship to the governor of Manilla, to go with 86 of
his men to Accapulco. In the same year 1609, a great ship of about 1000
tons, called the San Francisco, was cast away on the east coast of
Japan, in the latitude of 30° 50' N. Being in great distress in a storm,
she cut her mainmast by the board, and bore away for Japan; and in the
night time, before they were aware, the ship ran on shore, and was
utterly wrecked, 136 men being drowned, and 340 or 350 saved, in which
ship the governor of Manilla was going as a passenger for New Spain.
This governor was sent off to Accapulco, as before said, in the larger
ship of my building, and 1611 he sent back another ship in her stead,
with a great present, and an ambassador to the emperor, giving him great
thanks for his kindness, and sending the value of the emperor's ship in
goods and money: which ship of my building, the Spaniards now have at
the Philippine islands.
[Footnote 58: Meaco is entirely an inland city, thirty-five miles from
Osaka, and on the same river, which runs into the bay of Osaka two or
three miles below the latter city. It is probable, therefore, that this
ship may have been built at Meaco, and floated down the river to the bay
of Osaka.--E.]
At this time, for the services which I have performed to the emperor,
and am daily performing, he hath given me a living, like unto a
lordship in England, in which there are eighty or ninety husbandmen, who
are as my servants and slaves, the like having never been done to any
stranger before in this country. Thus God hath amply provided for me
after my great misery To his name be the praise for ever and ever.
_Amen_. But whether I shall ever get out of this land or not I know not.
Until this present year, 1611, there has been no way or manner of
accomplishing this my earnest desire, which there now is through the
trade of the Hollanders. In 1609, two ships belonging to Holland came to
Japan, in the intention of taking the carak which comes yearly from
Macao. Being five or six days too late for that purpose, they came
notwithstanding to Firando.[59] From thence they waited on the emperor,
and were received in a friendly manner, receiving permission to come
yearly to Japan with one or two ships, and so departed with the
emperor's pass or licence. In consequence of this permission, a small
ship is arrived this year, 1611, with cloth, lead, elephants' teeth,
damask, black taffeties, raw silk, pepper, and other commodities; and
have given a sufficient excuse why they missed the former year, as had
been promised. This ship was well received, and entertained in a
friendly manner.
[Footnote 59: Firando is an island about twenty miles in diameter, in
the west of Japan, the centre of which is in lat. 33° 10' N. and long.
128° 30' E. from Greenwich.--E.]
You must understand that the Hollanders have here _an Indies_ of money
and profit; as by this trade they do not need to bring silver from
Holland to the East Indies; for in Japan there is much silver and gold,
to serve their turn in other places of the East Indies where it is
needed. The merchandise that is most vendible here for ready money, is
raw silk, damask, black taffety, black and red cloth of the best kind,
lead, and such like goods. Learning, by this lately-arrived Hollander,
that a settled trade is now carried on by my countrymen in the East
Indies, I presume that some among them, merchants, masters, or mariners,
must needs know me. Therefore am I emboldened to write these few lines,
which I have made as short as I could, not to be too tedious to the
readers.
This country of Japan is a great island, reaching in its northern part
to the latitude of forty-eight degrees,[60] and its most southerly part
is in thirty-five degrees, both north. Its length from east by north to
west by south, for such is its direction, is 220 English leagues. The
breadth from south to north is thirteen degrees, twenty leagues to the
degree, or 260 leagues, so that it is almost square. The inhabitants of
Japan are good-natured, courteous above measure, and valiant in war.
Justice is executed with much severity, and is distributed impartially,
without respect of persons, upon all transgressors of the law. They are
governed in great civility, and I think that no part of the world has
better civil policy. The people are very superstitious in their
religion, and entertain various opinions or beliefs. There are many
jesuits and franciscan friars in the country, and who have many churches
in the land.
[Footnote 60: The island of Japan Proper reaches only to lat. 40° 37' N.
and the southern coast of Tacuxima, its most southerly detached isle, is
in lat. 32° 28'. The most southerly point of the largest island of Niphon
being in 33° 3' N. The extreme length of Niphon, in a slight curve from
N.E. to S.W. is about 815 English miles; or, continuing the measure to
the S.W. extremity of Kiusiu at Cape Nomo, about 1020 miles. The breadth
is very irregular, but cannot exceed 100 miles on the average.--E.]
Thus shortly am I constrained to write, hoping that by one means or
other I may hear of my wife and children in process of time, and so with
patience I wait the good will and pleasure of Almighty God; earnestly
desiring all those to whom this letter may come, to use means to
acquaint my good friends before named of its contents; that so my wife
and children may hear of me, and I may have hope to hear of them before
I die. Which God grant, to his glory and my comfort. _Amen_.
Dated in Japan, the 22d of October, 1611, by your unworthy friend and
servant, to command in what I can,
WILLIAM ADAMS.
§3. _Letter of William Adams to his Wife_.[61]
Loving wife, you shall hereby understand how all things have passed with
me since I left you. We sailed from the Texel with five ships, on the
24th June, 1598, and took our departure from the coast of England the
5th July. The 21st August we came to St Jago, one of the Cape Verd
Islands, where we remained twenty-four days. In this time many of our
men fell sick, through the unwholesomeness of the air, and our general
among the rest. We abode so long among these islands, because one of the
captains of our fleet made our general believe that we should find
plenty of refreshments there, as goats and other things, which was not
the case. I and all the pilots in the fleet were here called to council;
but as we all declared ourselves much averse to the place, our opinions
were so much disliked by the captains, that they agreed among themselves
to call us no more to council.
[Footnote 61: Although this fragment relates to the same circumstances
that are detailed in the former letter, these are frequently given more
at large, and it has therefore been retained.--E.]
The 15th September we departed from St Jago, and passed the equator; and
in the lat. of 3° S. our general died. The season being much too late,
we were forced upon the coast of Guinea, falling in with a headland
called _Cabo de Spiritu Santo_. The new general commanded us to bear up
for Cape Lopo Gonsalves, to seek refreshments for our men, which was
done accordingly. We landed all our sick at that place, where they did
not find much benefit, as we could get no store of provisions. The 29th
December we resumed our voyage, and on our way fell in with an island
called Anobon, where we landed our sick men, taking possession of the
island by force, the town containing about eighty houses. Having here
refreshed our men, we again set sail, our general giving out in orders,
that each man was only to have the allowance of one pound of bread in
four days, being a quarter of a pound daily, with a like reduced
allowance of wine and water. This scarcity of victuals made our men so
feeble, that they fell into great weakness and sickness for very hunger,
insomuch that they eat the calf-skins with which our ropes were covered.
The 3d April, 1599, we fell in with port St Julian,; and on the 6th we
entered the Straits of Magellan, which are at first narrow. The 8th day
we passed the second narrows with a fair wind, and came to anchor at
Penguin Island, where we landed, and loaded our boat with penguins.
These are fowls larger than ducks, and proved a great refreshment to us.
The 10th we weighed anchor, having much wind, yet fair for our passage;
but our general insisted upon taking in wood and water for all our
ships, of which there is great abundance in all parts of the straits,
and good anchoring grounds every three or four leagues. In the mean time
the wind changed, and became southerly; so we sought for a good harbour
on the north side of the straits, four leagues from Elizabeth Bay. April
being out, we had a wonderful quantity of snow and ice, with great
winds; for the winter there is in April, May, June, July, and August,
being in 52° 30' S. Many times during the winter we had the wind fair
for passing through the straits, but our general would not; so that we
remained in the straits till the 24th August,[62] 1599, on which day we
came into the South Sea. Six or seven days after the whole fleet was
separated, and the storm-continuing long, we were driven south, into 1st
54° 30' S. The weather clearing up, with a fair wind, we saw the admiral
again, to our great joy. Eight or ten days afterwards, having very heavy
wind in the night, our foresail was blown away, and we again lost sight
of the admiral.
[Footnote 62: In the former letter this is called the 24th September,
which seems to be the true date from what follows--E.]
Having a fair wind for that purpose, we directed our course for the
coast of Chili, where we arrived on the 29th October, at a place
appointed by the general for a rendezvous, in lat. 46° S. where we
waited twenty-eight days, and set up a pinnace. In this place we found
people, with whom we had friendly intercourse for five or six days,
during which they brought us sheep, for which we gave them bells and
knives, with which they seemed contented. But shortly afterwards they
all went away from the place where our ship lay, and we saw no more of
them. The twenty-eight days being expired, we set sail in the intention
to go to Baldivia, and came to the mouth of the port; but as the wind
was high, our captain changed his mind, and we directed our course for
the island of Mocha, in thirty-eight degrees, where we arrived the 1st
November. The wind being still high, we durst not come to anchor, and
directed our course for Cape St Mary, two leagues south of the island of
that name. Having no knowledge of the people, our men landed on the 2d
of November, and the natives fought with them, wounding eight or, nine
of our people; but in the end the natives made a false composition of
friendship with them, which our men believed sincere.
Next day our captain went on shore, with twenty-three of our best men,
meaning to get victuals in exchange for goods, as we were reduced to
great straits. Two or three of the natives came immediately to the boat,
bringing a kind of wine and some roots, and making signs for our people
to land, where they would get sheep and oxen. The captain and men went
accordingly on shore, being very anxious to get provisions; but above a
thousand of the natives broke out upon them from an ambush, and slew
them all, among whom was my brother, Thomas Adams. After this severe
loss we had hardly as many men remaining as could hoist our anchor; so
on the 3d November, in great distress and heaviness of mind, we went to
the island of Santa Maria, where we found our admiral ship, by which our
hearts were somewhat comforted: but when we went on board, we found them
in as great distress as ourselves, the general and twenty-seven of their
men having been slain at the island of Mocha, from whence they had
departed the day before we passed that island. We here consulted what we
should do to procure victuals, not being in condition to go to land and
take them by force, as most of our remaining men were sick.
While in this sad dilemma, there came a Spaniard on board by composition
to see our ship. He came on board again the next day, and we allowed him
quietly to depart. The following day two Spaniards came, on board,
without pawn or surety, to see if they could betray us. When they had
seen our ship, they were for going again on land; but we would not let
them, saying, as they had come on board without leave, we should not
permit them to go away till we thought fit, at which they were very much
offended. We then told them how much we were in want of victuals, and
said if they would let us have such a number of sheep and ewes, that we
would set them at liberty. Thus, against their wills, they entered into
a composition with us, which, within the time appointed, they
accomplished. Having procured so much refreshment, most of our men
recovered.
In consequence of the death of the general, one Hudcopee, a young man,
who knew nothing, and had served the former, was made general in his
stead; and the master of our ship, Jacob Quaternack, of Rotterdam, was
made captain of our ship, in the place of him who had been slain. So the
new general and vice-admiral called me and the other pilot, an
Englishman, named Timothy Shorten, who had been with Mr Thomas Candish
in his voyage round the world, and desired our advice how to prosecute
the voyage for the best profits of our merchants. It was at last
resolved to go for Japan, as, by the report of one Dirrick Gerritson,
who had been there with the Portuguese, woollen cloth was in great
estimation in that island; and we concluded that the Moluccas, and most
other parts of the East Indies, being hot countries, our woollen cloth
would not be there in much request: wherefore we all agreed to go for
Japan. Leaving, therefore, the coast of Chili, in lat. 36° S. on the 27th
November, 1599, we shaped our course direct for Japan, and passed the
equinoctial line with a fair wind, which lasted several months. In our
way we fell in with certain islands in lat. 16° N. of which the
inhabitants are canibals.[63] Coming near these islands, our pinnace,
with eight men, ran from us, and were eaten, as we supposed, by the
savages, of whom we took one man.
[Footnote 63: These islands seem to be the Ladrones.--_Purchas_.]
In the latitude of 27 or 28 degrees north, we had variable winds and
stormy weather; and on the 24th February, 1600, we lost sight of our
admiral, and never saw his ship more; yet we still continued our course
for Japan. The 24th March we saw an island called _Una Colona_, at which
time many of our men were again sick, and several dead. We were in the
utmost misery, not above nine or ten of our men being able to creep
about on their hands and knees; while our captain and all the rest were
expecting every hour to die. The 11th April, 1600, we had sight of
Japan, near to _Bungo_, at which time there were not more than five of
us able to stand. The 12th we came close to Bungo, and let go our
anchor, many barks coming aboard of us, the people whereof we willingly
allowed to come into our ship, having indeed no power to resist them.
These people did us no personal injury; but they stole every thing they
could lay their hands upon, for which some paid very dear afterwards.
Next day the king of that land sent a party of soldiers on board, to
prevent the merchant goods from being stolen. Two or three days after,
our ship was brought into a good harbour, there to remain till the
emperor of the whole island was informed of our arrival, and should give
his orders as to what was to be done with us. In the meantime we
petitioned the King of Bungo for leave to land our captain and the other
sick men, which was granted, having a house appointed for them, in which
they were all laid, and had all manner of refreshments given them.
After we had been five or six days here, there came a Portuguese jesuit,
with other Portuguese, who falsely reported of us that we were pirates,
and not at all in the way of trade; which scandalous reports caused the
governors and people to think very ill of us, so that we even looked for
being set upon crosses, which is the punishment in this land for
thievery and some other crimes. Thus daily did the Portuguese incense
the rulers and the people against us. At this time two of our men became
traitors, giving themselves up to the service of the emperor, and
becoming all in all with the Portuguese, who warranted them their lives.
One was named Gilbert de Conning, whose mother dwelt in Middleburg, who
gave himself out as the merchant over all the goods in the ship; the
name of the other was John Abelson van Oudwater. These traitors tried
every means to get the goods into their hands; and made known to the
Portuguese every thing that had happened during our voyage.
Nine days after our arrival, the emperor, or great king of the land,
sent for me to come to him. So, taking one man with me, I went to him,
taking leave of our captain and the sick men, and commending myself into
HIS hands who had hitherto preserved me from the perils of the sea. I
was carried in one of the emperor's gallies to the court of Osaka, where
the emperor then resided, being about eighty leagues from where our ship
lay. On the 12th May, 1600, I came to the city of Osaka, and was brought
immediately into the presence of the emperor, his palace being a
wonderfully costly house, gilded with gold in great profusion. On coming
before him, he viewed me well, and seemed favourably disposed towards
me, making many signs to me, some of which I comprehended, and others
not. After some time there came one who could speak Portuguese, who
acted as interpreter. Through this person the king demanded to know from
what country I was, and what had induced us to come to his land, at so
great a distance from our own country. I then told him whence we were,
that our country had long sought out the East Indies, desiring to live
in peace and friendship with all kings and potentates in the way of
trade; having in our country various commodities which these lands had
not, and wishing to purchase such commodities in this land as our
country did not possess. He then asked me if our country had any wars;
to which I answered, that we were at war with the Spaniards and
Portuguese, but at peace with all other nations. He farther asked me,
what was my religious belief; to which I made answer, that I believed in
God, who created the heavens and the earth. After many questions about
religion and many other things, he asked me by what way we came to his
country. Having with me a chart of the world, I showed him the way in
which we had come, through the straits of Magellan; at which he
wondered, and seemed as if he did not believe I spoke truth. Asking me
what merchandise we had in our ship, I gave him an account of the whole.
Thus, from one thing to another, I remained with him till midnight. In
the end, when he was ready to depart, I desired that we might be allowed
the same freedom of trade which the Spaniards and Portuguese enjoyed. He
made me some answer, but what it was I did not understand, and then
commanded me to be carried to prison.
Two days afterwards he sent for me again, and made many inquiries about
the qualities and conditions of our countries; about wars and peace, of
beasts and cattle of all sorts, of the heavens, and many other things;
and he seemed well pleased with my answers. Yet was I again remanded to
prison; but my lodging was bettered in another place.
* * * * *
"The rest of this letter, by the malice of the bearers, was suppressed,
but was probably the same in substance with the former; yet I have added
this also, because it contains several things not mentioned in the
other. This William Adams _lately_[64] died at Firando, in Japan, as by
the last ship, the James, returning home in the year 1621, we have
received intelligence."--_Purchas_.
[Footnote 64: This is in reference to the year 1625, when the Pilgrims
of Purchas was published.--E.]
SECTION XI.
_Voyage of Sir Edward Michelburne to India, in_ 1604.[65]
INTRODUCTION
This voyage is given by Purchas under the title of "The Second Voyage of
John Davis, with Sir Edward Michelburne, into the East Indies, in the
Tiger, a ship of 240 tons, with a pinnace, called the Tiger's Whelp."
Purchas adds, that, though later in time than the first voyage set forth
by the English East India Company, he had chosen to insert it in his
work previous to their voyages, because not performed in their
employment; and we have here followed his example, because not one of
the voyages equipped by the Company. It is called the _second_ voyage of
John Davis, because he had been to the East Indies before, as related in
the ninth section of this chapter, and went upon this voyage with Sir
Edward Michelburne. But it ought to have been called his _third_, and
indeed it is actually so named in the table of contents of the Pilgrims;
as, besides his _first_ voyage along with the Dutch in 1594, he appears
to have sailed in the first voyage instituted by the Company for India,
in 1601, under Lancaster. The editor of Astley's Collection supposes
this journal to have been written by the captain or master of one of the
ships, from some expressions in the narrative; at all events, it was
written by some person actually engaged in the voyage. It is very
singular that Sir Edward Michelburne, though a member of the first East
India Company, and the fourth of the list in the original patent, should
have set forth this voyage on private account.
[Footnote 65: Purchas his Pilgrims, I. 192. Astley, I. 306.]
We learn from the annals, of the India Company, that the lord-treasurer
of England, in 1600, when the company was first instituted, proposed
that Sir Edward Michelburne should be appointed to command the first
fleet dispatched to India; but this was firmly declined, as will
afterwards appear. Sir Edward now commanded what may be called an
interloping trading voyage to India, under a licence granted by James I.
in absolute contravention of the exclusive privilege granted to the
Company.--E.
* * * * *
The 5th of December, 1604, we sailed from Cowes, in the Isle of Wight,
and arrived in the road of Aratana, in the island of Teneriffe, on the
23d of that month. During the whole night of the 14th January, 1605, we
were troubled with excessive heat, thunder, lightning, and rain. The 6th
we passed the line, shaping our course for the isle of _Noronha_, with
the wind at S.S.E., our course being S.S.W. About three degrees south of
the line, we met with incredible multitudes of fish; so that, with hooks
and harping irons, we took so many dolphins, bonitos, and other fishes,
that our men were quite weary with eating them. There were likewise many
fowls, called _parharaboves_ and _alcatrarzes_. We took many of the
former, as it delights to come to a ship in the night-time, insomuch,
that if you hold up your hand, they will light upon it. The alcatrarze
is a kind of hawk that lives on fish; for, when the bonitos and dolphins
chase the flying fishes in the water till they are forced to take wing
for safety, the alcatrarzes fly after them like hawks after partridges.
I have seen often so many of these flying fishes at one time in the air,
that they appeared at a distance like a large flock of birds. They are
small fishes, hardly so large as a herring.
The 22d of January we came to anchor at the island of Fernando Noronba,
in lat. 4° S. where our skiff was overset going ashore, by the violence
of the surf, and Richard Michelburne, a kinsman of our general, was
drowned, all the rest being saved. The 25th, our long-boat, while going
to fill some empty casks with water, fell in with the same unfortunate
surf, and was overset, when two more of our men were drowned. We were so
much put about in getting wood and water on board, by the danger of the
surf, that we had to pull our casks on shore by means of ropes, and so
back again when filled. Not six days before our arrival, there was a
Holland ship here, whose boat, in going for water, was stove on the
rocks, and all the men dashed to pieces, having their legs and arms cut
from their bodies.
The 26th, the general went on shore to view the island, which was found
entirely waste, being only inhabited by six negro slaves. There were
formerly in this island many goats, and some wild cattle; but as the
Portuguese caraks sometimes water here in their way to the East Indies,
and these poor slaves are left here purposely to kill goats and dry
their flesh for these ships, we could find very few of them. There are,
however, great quantities of turtle-doves, alcatrarzes, and other fowls,
of which we killed many with our fire-arms, and found them excellent
eating. There is likewise here plenty of maize or Guinea wheat, and
abundance of cotton trees, on which grows fine _bombast_; with great
numbers of wild gourds and water melons. Having completed our supply of
wood and water, we came on board, and continued our voyage.
The 12th February, when in lat. 7° 5' S. we saw at night the most
extraordinary sight, in my opinion, that ever was seen. The sea seemed
all night, though the moon was down, all over, as it were, burning and
shining with flames of fire, so that we could have seen to read any book
by its light. The 15th, in the morning, we descried the island, or rock
rather, of Ascension, in lat. 8° 30' S. Towards night, on the 1st April,
we descried land from the maintop, bearing S.S.E. when, according to our
reckoning, we were still 40 leagues off. The 2d, in the morning, we were
close to the land, being ten or twelve leagues north of Saldanha bay.
The 3d we sailed by a small island, which Captain John Davis took to be
one that is some five or six leagues from Saldanha bay, called _Dassen_
island, which our general was desirous to see; wherefore he went on
shore in the skiff, with only the master's mate, the purser, and myself,
with four rowers. While we were on shore, a storm arose, which drove the
ship out of sight of the island, so that we were forced to remain on
shore two days and nights. This island has great numbers of seals and
conies, or rabbits, on which account we called it Conie island.
The 8th, we came to anchor in the road or bay of Saldanha,[66] and went
ashore on the 9th, finding a goodly country, inhabited by the most
savage and beastly people that ever were created. In this place we had
most excellent refreshments, the like of which is not to be found among
any other savage people; for we wanted neither for beef nor mutton, nor
wild-fowl, all the time we lay there. This country is very full of
cattle and sheep, which they keep in great flocks and herds, as we do in
England; and it abounds likewise in wild beasts and birds, as wild deer,
in great abundance, antelopes, baboons, foxes, hares, ostriches, cranes,
pelicans, herons, geese, ducks, pheasants, partridges, and various other
excellent kinds, of which we killed as many as we pleased, with our
fire-arms. The country is most pleasantly watered with many wholesome
springs and brooks, which have their origin in the tops of exceeding
high mountains, and which, pervading the vallies, render them very
fertile. It has many trees growing close-to the sea-shore, not much
unlike our bay trees, but of a much harder consistence. The natives
brought us more cattle and sheep than we could use during all the time
we remained there, so that we carried fresh beef and mutton to sea with
us. For a piece of an old iron hoop, not worth two-pence, we could
purchase a large bullock; and a sheep for a small piece of iron not
worth two or three good hob-nails. These natives go quite naked, having
only a sheep skin on their shoulders, and a small flap of skin before
them, which covers them just as much as if it were not there. While we
were there, they lived on the guts and offal of the meat which we threw
away, feeding in a most beastly manner, as they neither washed nor
cleaned the guts, but covered them merely with hot ashes, and, before
they were heated through, pulled them out, shook them a little, and eat
guts, excrements, ashes and all. They live on raw flesh, and a kind of
roots, which they have in great abundance.
[Footnote 66: This Bay was probably that now called Table bay, which all
the early navigators seem to have denominated Saldanha, or Saldania
bay.--E.]
We continued here from the 9th April, till the 3d May, by which good
recreation on shore and excellent refreshment, we were all in as good
health as when we first put to sea. The 7th May we were off the Cape of
Good Hope, ten leagues south by estimation, and that night we passed
over the shoals of _cabo das Aguilhas_. The 9th there arose a great
storm, when we lost sight of our pinnace, being driven from her by the
violence of the gale. This storm continued in a most tremendous manner
for two days and two nights, with much rain, thunder, and lightning, and
we often shipped a great deal of water. By reason of the extreme fury of
the tempests, and the danger they find in passing the southern
promontory of Africa, the Portuguese call this place the _Lion of the
Sea_. At night, during the extremity of the storm, there appeared a
flame on our top-mast head, as big as a great candle, which the
Portuguese call _corpo sancto_, holding it as a divine token that the
worst is past when it appears; as, thanks be to God, we had better
weather after. It appeared to us two successive nights, after which we
had a fair wind and good weather. Some think this to be a spirit, while
others say that it is an exhalation of moist vapours. Some affirm that
the ship is fortunate on which it appears, and that she shall not
perish.
The 24th, the island of Diego Roiz, in 1st. 19° 40' S. and long. 98° 30'
E. bore north of us, eight leagues distant, about five o'clock[67] We
bore down, intending to have landed there, but the wind freshened so
much in the night that we changed our purpose. We saw many white birds
about this island, having two long feathers in their tails. These birds,
and various other kinds, accompanied us along with, such contrary winds
and gusts that we often split our sails, and being obliged to lie to, or
tack to and again, we rather went to leeward than gained way, having the
wind strong at E.S.E.
[Footnote 67: The latitude and the name agree with Diego Rodriguez; but
the longitude is inexplicable, as Diego Rodriguez is in long. 63° 10' E.
from Greenwich, or 80° 56' from Ferro; making an error of excess in the
text at the least of 17° 51'.--E.]
The 3d June, while standing for the isle _de Cisne_[68] we came again in
sight of Diego Roiz, and bore down for it, intending to wait there for a
fair wind; but finding it a dangerous place, we durst not come thereto
anchor, for fear of the rocks and shoals that lie about it, so that we
changed our purpose, and stood for the East Indies. The 15th of June, we
had sight of the isle _dos Banhos_, in lat. 6° 37' S. and long. 109°
E.[69] These islands are laid down far too much to the west in most
charts. We sent our boats to try if they could here find any good
anchoring ground, but they could find none either on the south or west
shore. There are five of these islands, which abound in fowls, fish, and
cocoa-nuts; and our boats going on shore, brought us off a great store
of all these, which proved a great refreshment to us. Seeing we could
find no good anchorage, as in some places close to the shore we could
find no bottom, while in other places the ground was full of shoals and
sharp rocks, we stood our course as near as we could for India, the
winds being bad and contrary.
[Footnote 68: By some thought to be Diego Rodriguez, by others the
Mauritius, or isle of France.--Astl. 1. 507. a.]
[Footnote 69: A group of islands, one of which is called _Peros Banhos_,
is found about the indicated latitude, and between the longitude of 70°
and 74° E. having a similar excess with what was mentioned before in
regard to Diego Roiz or Rodriguez.--E.]
The 19th of June, we fell in with the island of _Diego Grasiosa_, in
lat. 7° 30' S. and in long. 110° 40' S. by our reckoning.[70] This
seemed a pleasant island, and a good place for refreshment, if any
proper place could be found for anchoring. We sought but little for
anchoring there, as the wind was bad, and the tide set towards the
shore, so that we durst not stay to search any farther. The island
seemed to be some ten or twelve leagues long, abounding in fish and
birds, and appeared an entire forest of cocoa-trees. What else it
yielded we knew not. The 11th July, we again passed the equator, where
we were becalmed, with excessive heat, and much thunder and lightning.
The 19th we descried land, which seemed many islands, locked as it were
into one, in lat. 2° N. under the high coast of the great island of
Sumatra.[71] We here sent off our boat to get some fresh water; but the
sea went with so violent a _breach_ [surf] upon the shore, that the
people durst not land. The natives of the island, or islands, made great
fires along the shore, as if inviting us to land.
[Footnote 70: Diego Garcia, in the indicated latitude nearly, and in
long. 72° E. from Greenwich.--E.]
[Footnote 71: There is no such cluster of islands in the indicated
latitude and situation; but off the S.W. coast of Sumatra, between the
line and lat. 2° N. are several islands of some size, considerably
distant from each other and from Sumatra.--E.]
The 28th we anchored near a small island, where we sent our boat ashore
for fresh water; but finding none, the people brought off some
cocoa-nuts, saying that the island was quite full of cocoa palms, which
had very few nuts upon them. We saw three or four persons on this
island, but they went away and would not come near us: It was supposed
these people were left here to gather cocoa-nuts, to have them ready
when others should come to carry them away. The 26th of the same month,
July 1605, we came to anchor within a league of a large island called
_Bata_,[72] in lat. 20' S. We here set up a shallop or bark, and named
her the _Bat_. This island has no inhabitants, but abounds in woods and
streams of water, as also with fish, monkies, and a kind of bird, said
to be the _bat_ of the country, of which I killed one as large as a
hare. In shape it resembled a squirrel; only that from its sides there
hung down great flaps of skin; which, when he leapt from tree to tree,
he could spread out like a pair of wings, as though to fly with
them.[73] They are very nimble, and leap from bough to bough, often
holding only by their tails. As our shallop was built in _the kingdom of
these beasts_, we called her therefore _the Bat_.
[Footnote 72: _Pulo Botoa_ is about as much north of the line as _Bata_
is said in the text to be south. But the island at which they stopt may
have been _Pulo Mintaon_, about 40 minutes in length from S. to N. and
the north end of which reaches to the equator.--E.]
[Footnote 73: There are a considerable number of animals of this
description, known to naturalists by the general name of flying
squirrels, sciuri volantes, or _Petauri_. The species mentioned in the
text may have been the sciurus petaurista of Linnaeus, the taguan,
flying-cat, flying-hare, or Indian flying-squirrel of various authors.
It is much larger than any others of this genus, being eighteen inches
long from nose to rump. Two varieties are mentioned in authors; one of a
bright chesnut colour; and the other black on the upper parts of the
body, and hoary underneath.--E.]
While walking along the shore on the 29th, I noticed a _roader_, or
small vessel, riding at anchor under a small island about four leagues
off, which made me very glad, hoping it might be our pinnace which we
lost sight of in a great storm near the Cape of Good Hope, and made
haste on board with the news to our general, who sent me with Captain
John Davis next morning to endeavour to find her. On coming to the
place, we found three barks riding under the small isle, the people of
which made signs for us to come to them, informing us they had hens for
sale. Some of them understood Portuguese, so we told them we would go
back to our ship for money, not being then provided; but in reality we
durst not go on board them, not being strong enough in case of
treachery. We went back next morning better furnished, thinking to have
made some purchases; but they had weighed anchor and gone away, seeming
to have been afraid of us.
The 4th August we weighed anchor and stood for Priaman, and on the 9th
the general manned the shallop, and sent us along the coast to see if we
could find any _roaders_, [coasters.] Spying a sail we gave chase, and
finding they could not get away, the people came to anchor and forsook
their bark, going all ashore to an island in a small boat, where we
could not follow them. Going on board the bark, in which not a man
remained, we found it loaded with cocoanuts, cocoa-oil, and fine mats.
Seeing it was such mean stuff, and knowing our general would not have
liked us to take her, we came away, not taking any thing worth speaking
of. The 10th and 11th we stood close along the shore of Sumatra, where
we espied eight _praws_ riding at anchor over against a place called
_Ticoo_. Being in great hope of finding our pinnace, the Tiger's Whelp,
among them, we stood on; and although she was not there, they put us in
good hope, by telling us there was an English ship at Priaman, not above
six leagues from this town of Ticoo. Then standing out to sea to rejoin
our admiral, we got soon on board, and told the news to our general. We
had not sailed a league farther, when our ship grounded on a rock of
white coral: But, God be praised, having a strong breeze, we got her
soon off again without any hurt. On approaching the road of Priaman, we
had the great satisfaction to see our pinnace there, which we had lost
sight of so long before in the storm at the Cape of Good Hope. The
captain and master of the pinnace came to meet us in their skiff, half a
league from the road, and on coming aboard, our general welcomed them,
with a peal of cannon. After many discourses, recounting what had
happened to each during our separation, we came to anchor in the road of
Priaman in good ground and five fathoms water.
The 14th August, the general sent me on shore with a present to the
governor and others, to enquire the price of pepper, to buy fresh
provisions, and to know if our people might land in safety. But on
coming on shore, the governor durst not speak with us in private, on
account of wars then subsisting among them, owing to which they were
jealous of each other. The cause of these wars was this: The old King of
Acheen had two sons, the elder of whom he kept with himself intending
him as his successor, and made the younger King of Pedier; upon which
the elder made his father a prisoner, pretending that he was too old to
govern any longer, and afterwards made war on his younger brother.
Seeing that little good could be done here, and having refreshed with
fresh provisions, we weighed anchor on the 21st, and stood for Bantam.
That same day we took two praws, in which there was nothing but a little
rice. In one of these praws two of our men were sore wounded. Thinking
that all the people had leapt overboard, they boarded the praw; but two
of the natives had hidden themselves behind the sail, and as soon as
the two foremost of our men had entered, they came suddenly from their
concealment, wounded our men very severely, and then leapt into the
water, where they swam like water spaniels. Taking such things as we
liked from the praws, we left them without any farther harm.
We took a fishing boat on the 23d, and let her go again, as she had
nothing of value; only that one of her men was shot through the thigh,
as they resisted us at the first. The 25th we descried a sail, and sent
our shallop, long-boat, and skiff to see what she was, as neither our
ship nor pinnace was able to fetch her, being becalmed. On coming up
with her we desired her to strike, but she would not, so we fought with
her from three in the afternoon till ten at night, by which time our
pinnace came up, when she struck her sails and yielded. We made her fast
to our pinnace, and towed her with us all night. In the morning our
general sent for them to know what they were, and sent three of us on
board to see what she was loaden with. They told our general they were
of Bantam; for which reason, as not knowing what injury he might do to
the English merchants who had a factory at Bantam, and learning from us
that their loading was salt, rice, and china dishes, he sent them again
on board their bark, not suffering the value of a penny to be taken from
them. They stood on for Priaman, and we for Bantam. This bark was of the
burden of about forty tons.
We met a small ship of Guzerat or Cambaya, on the 2d September, of about
eighty tons, which we took and carried into the road of Sillibar, in lat.
4° S. into which road many praws continually come for refreshments, as
they may here have wood, water, rice, buffaloes, goats, hens, plantains,
and fresh fish, but all very dear. Having dispatched our business, we
weighed anchor on the 28th September, and stood for Bantam. The 23d
October, we came to anchor in the road of Marrah in the strait of Sunda,
where we took in fresh water. In this place there is great plenty of
buffaloes, goats, hens, ducks, and many other good things for
refreshment; and the people do not esteem money so much in payment, as
white and painted calicoes, and such like stuffs. If well used, these
people will use you well; but they must be sharply looked after for
stealing, as they think all well got that is stolen from a stranger.
We weighed anchor on the 28th of October from before Marrah, and stood
for Bantam; which is in lat. 6' 40' S. We came this day within three
leagues of Bantam, and anchored for the night. Here we expected to have
met the English fleet, but it had sailed for England three weeks before
our arrival. Yet those who had been left as factors of our nation came
on board us, being glad to see any of their countrymen in so distant a
foreign land. They told our general, that the Hollanders belonging to
the ships in the road, had made very slanderous reports of us to the
King of Bantam, to the following purport: "That we were all thieves and
lawless persons, who came there only to deceive and cheat them, or to
use violence, as time and opportunity might serve; adding, that we durst
not come into the road among them, but kept two or three leagues from
thence for fear of them." When our general heard this report, he was so
much moved to anger, that he immediately weighed anchor, sending word to
the Hollanders that he was coming to ride close by them, and bade the
proudest of them all that durst be so bold as to put out a piece of
ordnance against him: Adding, if they dared either to brave or disgrace
him or his countrymen, he would either sink them or sink by their sides.
There were five ships of these Hollanders, one of which was seven or
eight hundred tons, but all the rest much smaller. We went and anchored
close beside them, but no notice was taken of our general's message; and
though the Hollanders were wont to swagger and make a great stir on
shore, they were so quiet all the time we lay there, that we hardly ever
saw one of them on land.
We took leave of our countrymen, and departed from Bantam on the 2d of
November, shaping our course for Patane. While on our way between the
Chersonesus of Malacca and _Piedra branca_, we met with three praws,
which being afraid of us, anchored so close to the shore that we could
not come near them, either in our ship or pinnace. Our general therefore
manned the shallop with eighteen of us, and sent us to request that he
might have a pilot for money, to carry his ship to Pulo Timaon, which is
about five days sail from where we met them. But, as they saw that our
ship and pinnace were at anchor a mile from them, and could not come
near, they told us flatly that none of them would go with us, and
immediately weighed anchor to go away. We therefore began to fight them
all three, and took one of them in less than, half an hour, all her
men, to the number of seventy-three, getting ashore. Another fought with
us all night, but yielded about break of day next morning, our general
having joined us in his skiff a little while before she yielded. They
were laden with benzoin, storax, pepper, china dishes, and pitch. The
third praw got away while we were fighting the other. Our general would
not allow any thing to be taken out of them, because they belonged to
Java, except two of their men to pilot us to Pulo Timaon. The people of
Java are very resolute in a desperate case. Their principal weapons are
javelins, darts, daggers, and a kind of poisoned arrows which they blow
from trunks or tubes. They have likewise some arquebusses, but are by no
means expert in using these; they use also targets, and most of them are
Mahometans. They had been at _Palimbangan_, and were on their way back
to _Grist_, a port town on the north-east coast of Java, to which place
they belonged.
The 12th November we dismissed them, pursuing our course for Patane. The
26th we saw certain islands to the N.W. of us, which neither we nor our
pilots knew; but, having a contrary wind for Patane, we thought it
necessary to search these islands for wood and water, hoping to have a
better wind by the time we had watered. The 27th we came to anchor
within a mile of the shore, in sixteen fathoms, on good ground, on the
south side of these islands. Sending our boat on shore, we found some of
them sunken islands, having nothing above water but the trees or their
roots. All these islands were a mere wilderness of woods, but in one of
them we found a tolerably good watering place; otherwise it was a very
uncomfortable place, having neither fruits, fowls, or any other
refreshment for our men. We took these islands to be some of the broken
lands which are laid down to the south-east of the island of Bantam.
Having taken in wood and water, we weighed anchor and stood for Patane,
as well as a bad wind would permit; for we found the winds in these
months very contrary, keeping always at N. or N.W. or N.E.
While near Pulo Laor, on the 12th December, we descried three sail, and
sent our pinnace and shallop after one of them which was nearest, while
we staid with the ship, thinking to intercept the other two; but they
stood another course in the night, so that we saw them no more. In the
morning we descried our pinnace and shallop about four leagues to
leeward, with the other ship which they had taken; and as both wind and
current were against them, they were unable to come up to us, so that we
had to go down to them. On coming up with them, we found the prize was a
junk of _Pan-Hange_,[74] of about 100 tons, laden with rice, pepper, and
tin, going for Bantam in Java. Not caring for such mean luggage, our
general took as much rice as was necessary for provisioning our ship,
and two small brass guns, paying them liberally for all; and took
nothing else, except one man to pilot us to Patane, who came willingly
along with us, when he saw our general used them well. The other two
pilots, we had taken before from the three praws, were very unskilful,
wherefore our general rewarded them for the time they had been with us,
and sent them back to their own country in this junk.
[Footnote 74: This should rather be, perhaps, _Pau-hang_, being the same
place called by other writers Pahaung, Pahang, or Pahan, often called
_Pam_ in the Portuguese accounts, and pronounced by them Pang.--Astl. I.
310. c.]
We parted from her on the 13th, steering for Pulo Timaon, adjoining to
the country of the King of Pan-Hange, [Pahan,] and were much vexed with
contrary winds and adverse currents: For, from the beginning of November
to the beginning of April, the sea runs always to the southwards, and
from April to November back again towards the north. The wind also in
these first five months is most commonly northerly, and in the other
seven months southerly. All the ships, therefore, of China, Patane,
Johor, Pahan, and other places, going to the northward, come to Bantam,
or Palimbangan, when the northern monsoon is set in, and return back
again when the southern monsoon begins, as before stated, by observing
which rule they have the wind and current along with them; but by
following the opposite course, we found such violent contrary winds and
currents, that in three weeks we did not get one league forwards. The
country of Pahan is very plentiful, being full of gentry according to
the fashion of that country, having great store of victuals, which are
very cheap, and many ships. It lies between Johor and Patane, stretching
along the eastern coast of Malacca, and reaches to Cape _Tingeron_,
which is a very high cape, and the first land made by the caraks of
Macao, junks of China, or praws of Cambodia, on coming from China for
Malacca, Java, Jumbe, Johor Palimbangan, Grisi, or any other parts to
the southwards.
Here, as I stood for Patane, about the 27th December, I met with a
Japanese junk, which had been pirating along the coasts of China and
Cambodia. Their pilot dying, what with ignorance and foul weather, they
had lost their own ship on certain shoals of the great island of Borneo;
and not daring to land there, as the Japanese are not allowed to come
a-shore in any part of India with their weapons, being a desperate
people, and so daring that they are feared in all places; wherefore, by
means of their boats, they had entered this junk, which belonged to
Patane, and slew all the people except one old pilot. This junk was
laden with rice; and having furnished her with such weapons and other
things as they had saved from their sunken ship, they shaped their
course for Japan; but owing to the badness of their junk, contrary
winds, and the unseasonable time of the year, they were forced to
leeward, which was the cause of my unfortunately meeting them.
Having haled them and made them come to leeward, and sending my boat on
board, I found their men and equipment very disproportionate for so
small a junk, being only about seventy tons, yet they were ninety men,
most of them in too gallant habits for sailors, and had so much equality
of behaviour among them that they seemed all comrades. One among them
indeed was called captain, but he seemed to be held in very little
respect. I made them come to anchor, and on examining their lading,
found nothing but rice, and that mostly spoilt with wet, for their
vessel was leaky both in her bottom and upper works. Questioning them, I
understood they were pirates, who had been making pillage on the coast
of China and Cambodia, and had lost their own ship on the shoals of
Borneo, as already related. We rode by them at anchor under a small
island near the isle of Bintang for two days, giving them good usage,
and not taking any thing out of them, thinking to have gathered from
them the place and passage of certain ships from the coast of China, so
as to have made something of our voyage: But these rogues, being
desperate in minds and fortunes, and hopeless of ever being able to
return to their own country in that paltry junk, had resolved among
themselves either to gain my ship or lose their own lives.
During mutual courtesy and feastings, sometimes five or six and twenty
of the principal persons among them came aboard my ship, of whom I would
never allow more than six to have weapons; but there never was so many
of our men on board their junk at one time. I wished Captain John Davis,
in the morning, to possess himself of their weapons, putting the company
before the mast, and to leave a guard over their weapons, while they
searched among the rice; doubting that by searching, and perhaps finding
something that might displease them, they might suddenly set upon my men
and put them to the sword, as actually happened in the sequel. But,
beguiled by their pretended humility, Captain Davis would not take
possession of their weapons, though I sent two messages to him from my
ship, expressly to desire him. During the whole day my men were
searching among the rice, and the Japanese looking on. After a long
search, nothing was found except a little storax and benzoin. At
sun-set, seeking opportunity, and talking to their comrades who were in
my ship, which was very near, they agreed to set upon us in both ships
at once, on a concerted signal. This being given, they suddenly killed
and drove overboard all of my men that were in their ship. At the same
time, those who were on board my ship sallied out of my cabin, with such
weapons as they could find, meeting with some targets there, and other
things which they used as weapons. Being then aloft on the deck, and
seeing what was likely to follow, I leapt into the waste, where, with
the boatswains, carpenter, and some few more, we kept them under the
half-deck. At first coming from the cabin, they met Captain Davis coming
out of the gun-room, whom they pulled into the cabin, and giving him six
or seven mortal wounds, they pushed him before them out of the cabin. He
was so sore wounded, that he died immediately on getting to the waste.
They now pressed so fiercely upon us, while we received them on our
levelled pikes, that they attempted to gather them with one hand that
they might reach us with their swords, so that it was near half an hour
before we could force them back into the cabin, after having killed
three or four of their leaders. When we had driven them into the cabin,
they continued to fight us for at least four hours, before we could
finally suppress them, in which time they several times set the cabin on
fire, and burnt the bedding and other furniture; and if we had not
beaten down the bulkhead and poop, by means of two demi-culverines from
under the half-deck, we had never been able to prevent them from
burning the ship. Having loaded these pieces of ordnance with bar-shot,
case-shot, and musket-bullets, and discharged them close to the
bulk-head, they were so annoyed and torn with shot and splinters, that
at last only one was left out of two and twenty. Their legs, arms, and
bodies were so lacerated as was quite wonderful to behold. Such was the
desperate valour of these Japanese, that they never once asked quarter
during the whole of this sanguinary contest, though quite hopeless of
escape. One only leapt overboard, who afterwards swam back to our ship
and asked for quarter. On coming on board, we asked him what was their
purpose? To which he answered, that they meant to take our ship and put
us all to death. He would say no more, and desired to be cut in pieces.
Next day, being the 28th December, we went to a small island to leeward;
and when about five miles from the land, the general ordered the
Japanese who had swum back to our ship to be hanged; but the rope broke,
and he fell into the sea, but whether he perished or swam to the island
I know not. Continuing our course to that island, we came to anchor
there on the 30th December, and remained three days to repair our boat
and to take in wood and water. At this island we found a ship belonging
to Patane, out of which we took the captain, whom we asked whether the
China ships were yet come to Patane? He said they were not yet come, but
were expected in two or three days. As he knew well the course of the
China ships, we detained him to pilot us, as we determined to wait for
them. The 12th January, 1606, one of our mates from the top of the mast
descried two ships coming towards us, but which, on account of the wind,
fell to leeward of the island. As soon as we had sight of them, we
weighed anchor and made sail towards them, and came up with the larger
that night. After a short engagement, we boarded and took her, and
brought her to anchor.
Next morning we unladed some of her cargo, being raw silk and silk
goods. They had fifty tons of their country silver, but we took little
or none of it, being in good hope of meeting with the other China ships.
So we allowed them to depart on the 15th January, and gave them to the
value of twice as much as we had taken from them. Leaving this ship, we
endeavoured to go back to China Bata, but could not fetch it on account
of contrary wind, so that we had to go to leeward to two small islands,
called Palo Sumatra by the people of Java, where we anchored on the 22d
January. On the 24th there arose a heavy storm, during which we parted
our cable, so that we were under the necessity of taking shelter in the
nearest creek.
The 5th February, five homeward-bound ships belonging to Holland put
into the same road where we lay. Captain Warwick, who was general of
these ships, invited our general to dine with him, which he accepted. He
told us, that our English merchants at Bantam were in great peril, and
looked for nothing else but that the King of Java would assault them,
because we had taken the China ship, by which he was deprived of his
customs. For which reason Captain Warwick requested our general to
desist from his courses, and to go home along with him. But our general
answered, that he had not yet made out his voyage, and would not return
till it should please God to send him somewhat to make up his charges.
Seeing that he could not persuade our general to give up his purpose,
Captain Warwick and the Hollanders departed from us on the 3d February.
Our general now considered, if he were to continue his voyage, that it
might bring the English merchants who were resident in those parts into
danger; and besides, as he had only two anchors and two cables
remaining, he thought it best to repair his ships and return home with
the poor voyage he had made. Our ships being ready, and having taken in
a supply of wood and water, we set sail on the 5th February, on our
return to England. The 7th April, after encountering a violent storm, we
had sight of the Cape of Good Hope. The 17th of the same month we came
to the island of St Helena, where we watered and found refreshments, as
swine and goats, which we ourselves killed, as there are many of these
animals wild in that island. There are also abundance of partridges,
turkies, and guinea fowls, though the island is not inhabited. Leaving
St Helena on the 3d May, we crossed the line on the 14th of that month,
and came to Milford Haven in Wales on the 27th June. The 9th of July,
1606, we came to anchor in the roads of Portsmouth, where all our
company was dismissed, and here ended our voyage, having occupied us for
full nineteen months.
CHAPTER X.
EARLY VOYAGES OF THE ENGLISH TO INDIA, AFTER THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE
EAST INDIA COMPANY.
INTRODUCTION.
We have now to record the early voyages, fitted out from England, for
trading to file East Indies, by THE GOVERNOR AND COMPANY OF MERCHANTS OF
LONDON, TRADING INTO THE EAST INDIES.[75] By which stile, or legal
denomination, George Earl of Cumberland, Sir John Hart, Sir John
Spencer, and Sir Edward Mitchelburne, knights, with 212 others, whose
names are all inserted in the patent, were erected into a body corporate
and politic, for trading to and from all parts of the East Indies, with
all Asia, Africa, and America, and all the islands, ports, havens,
cities, creeks, towns, and places of the same, or any of them, beyond
the Cape of Good Hope to the Straits of Magellan, for fifteen years,
from and after Christmas 1600; prohibiting all other subjects of
England, not free of this company, from trading to these parts without
licence from the company, under forfeiture of their goods and ships,
half to the crown and half to the company, together with imprisonment
during the loyal pleasure, and until they respectively grant bond in the
sum of £1000 at the least, not again to sail or traffic into any part of
the said East Indies, &c. during the continuance of this grant. With
this proviso, "That, if the exclusive privilege thus granted be found
unprofitable for the realm, it may be voided on two years notice: But,
if found beneficial, the privilege was then to be renewed, with such
alterations and modifications as might be found expedient" This
exclusive grant, in the nature of a patent, was dated at Westminster on
the 31st December, 1600, being the 43d year of the reign of Queen
Elizabeth, signed by herself, and sealed with her privy seal.
[Footnote 75: So denominated in the copy of the charter in the Pilgrims
of Purchas, vol. I. p. 139--147, which we have not deemed it necessary
to insert.--E.]
It is by no means intended to attempt giving in this place any history
of our East India Company, the early Annals of which, from its
establishment in 1600, to the union of the London and English Companies
in 1708, have been lately given to the public, in three quarto volumes,
by John Bruce, Esq. M.P. and F.R.S. Historiographer to the Honourable
East India Company, &c. &c. &c. to which we must refer such of our
readers as are desirous of investigating that vast portion of the
history of our commerce. All that we propose on the present occasion, is
to give a short introduction to the series of voyages contained in this
chapter, all of which have been preserved by _Samuel Purchas_, in his
curious work, which he quaintly denominated PURCHAS HIS PILGRIMS,
published in five volumes folio at London in 1625.
In the first extension of English commerce, in the sixteenth century,
consequent upon the discoveries of Western Africa, America, and the
maritime route to India, it seems to have been conceived that exclusive
chartered companies were best fitted for its effectual prosecution. "The
spirit of enterprise in distant trade, which had for a century brought
large resources to Spain and Portugal, began to diffuse itself as a new
principle, in the rising commerce of England, during the long and able
administration of Queen Elizabeth. Hence associations were beginning to
be formed, the joint credit of which was to support experiments for
extending the trade of the realm."[76]
[Footnote 76: Ann. of the Honb. East India Co, I. 206.]
In the reign of Edward VI. a company was projected with this view; which
obtained a charter in 1553, from Philip and Mary, under the name of
_Merchant Adventurers for the Discovery of Lands, Countries, Isles, &c.
not before known to the English_. This company, of which Sebastian Cabot
was governor, in the last year of Queen Mary, had extended its trade
through Russia into Persia, to obtain raw silks, &c. In the course of
their proceedings, the agents of this company met with merchants from
India and China, from whom they acquired a knowledge of the productions
of these countries, and of the profits which might be derived from
extending the trade of England to these distant regions.[77] In 1581,
Queen Elizabeth gave an exclusive charter to the Levant or Turkey
Company, for trading to the dominions of the Grand Signior or Emperor
of Turkey. In the prosecution of this trade, of which some account has
been given in our preceding chapter, the factors, or travelling
merchants, having penetrated from Aleppo to Bagdat and Basora, attempted
to open an overland trade to the East Indies, and even penetrated to
Agra, Lahore, Bengal, Malacca, and other parts of the East, whence they
brought information to England of the riches that might be acquired by a
direct trade by sea to the East Indies.[78] The circumnavigations of Sir
Francis Drake in 1577-1580, and of Mr Thomas Cavendish, or Candish, in
1586, of which voyages accounts will be found in a future division of
this work, who brought back great wealth to England, obtained by making
prizes of the Spanish vessels, contributed to spread the idea among the
merchants of England, that great profits and national advantages might
be derived from a direct trade to India by sea.[79]
[Footnote 77: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 107.]
[Footnote 78: Ann. of the Hon. E. India Co. I. 108.]
[Footnote 79: Id. ib.]
In consequence of these views, a memorial was presented to the lords of
council in 1589, requesting a royal licence for three ships and three
pinnaces to proceed for India, which gave rise to the expedition of
Captain Raymond, in 1591, already related. In 1599, an association of
London Adventurers entered into a contract for embarking, what was then
considered as a _large joint stock_, for the equipment of a voyage to
the East Indies. The fund subscribed amounted to £30,133: 6: 8, divided
into 101 shares or adventures, the subscriptions of individuals varying
from £100 to £3000.[80] This project, however, seems to have merged into
the East India Company, at the close of the next year 1600, as already
mentioned.
[Footnote 80: Id. III.--From the peculiar amount of this capital sum,
the subscriptions were most probably in marks, of 13s 4d. each.--E.]
On the 30th September, 1600, a draft of the patent, already said to have
been subsequently sealed on the last day of that year, was read before
the _seventeen committees_, such being then the denomination of what are
now called _directors_; and being approved of, was ordered to be
submitted to the consideration of the Queen and Privy Council. "In this
early stage of the business, the lord-treasurer applied to the _Court of
Committees_ or Directors, recommending Sir Edward Mitchelburne to be
employed in the voyage; and thus, before the Society of Adventurers had
been constituted an East India Company, that influence had its
commencement, which will be found, in the sequel, to have been equally
adverse to the prosperity of their trade and to the probity of the
directors."[81] Yet, though still petitioners for their charter, the
directors had the firmness to resist this influence, and resolved _Not
to employ any gentleman in any place of charge_, requesting to be
permitted to _sort_ their business with men of _their own quality_, lest
the suspicion of employing _gentlemen_ might drive a great number of the
adventurers to withdraw their contributions.[82]
[Footnote 81: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I.128.]
[Footnote 82: Id. ib.]
In the commencement of its operations, the East India Company proceeded
upon rather an anomalous plan for a great commercial company. Instead of
an extensive joint stock for a consecutive series of operations, a new
voluntary subscription was entered into among its members for each
successive adventure. That of the _first_ voyage was about £70,000. The
_second_ voyage was fitted out by a new subscription of £60,450. The
_third_ was £53,500. The _fourth_ £33,000. The _fifth_ was a branch or
extension of the third, by the same subscribers, on an additional call
or subscription of £13,700. The subscription for the _sixth_ was
£82,000. The _seventh_ £71,581. The _eighth_ £76,375. The _ninth_ only
£7,200.
In 1612, the trade began to be carried on upon a broader basis by a
joint stock, when £429,000 was subscribed, which was apportioned to the
_tenth, eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages. In 1618, a new
_joint stock_ was formed by subscription, amounting to £1,600,000.[83]
[Footnote 83: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. Vol. I. passim.]
In the year 1617, King James I. of England and VI. of Scotland, granted
letters patent under the great seal of Scotland, dated at Kinnard, 24th
May, 1617, to Sir James Cunningham of Glengarnock, appointing him, his
heirs and assigns, to be governors, rulers, and directors of a _Scottish
East India Company_, and authorizing him "to trade to and from the East
Indies, and the countries or parts of Asia, Africa, and America, beyond
the Cape of _Bona Sperantia_, to the straits of Magellan, and to the
Levant Sea and territories under the government of the Great Turk, and
to and from the countries of Greenland, and all other countries and
islands in the north, north-west, and north-east seas, and other parts
of America and Muscovy." Which patent, and all the rights and
privileges annexed to it, was subsequently, for a valuable
consideration, assigned by Sir James Cunningham to the London East India
Company.[84]
[Footnote 84: Ann. &c. I. 192.--_Note_.]
It is quite unnecessary to extend this introductory view of the rise of
the India Company any farther, as our limits could not possibly admit
any satisfactory deduction of its history, any farther than is contained
in the following series of the _Early Voyages_, for which we are almost
entirely indebted to the Collection of Purchas. By this _first_ English
East India Company, with a capital or joint stock of about 70,000l. at
least for the _first_ voyage, were laid the stable foundations of that
immense superstructure of trade and dominion now held by the present
company. Their first joint stock did not exceed the average of 325l. or
330l. for each individual of 216 members, whose names are recorded in
the copy of the charter in _Purchas his Pilgrims_, already referred to.
Yet _one_ of these was disfranchised on the 6th July, 1661, not six
months after the establishment of the company, probably for not paying
up his subscription, as the charter grants power to disfranchise any one
who does not bring in his promised adventure.
The East India Company of Holland, the elder sister of that of England,
now a nonentity, though once the most extensive and most flourishing
commercial establishment that ever existed, long ago published, or
permitted to be published, a very extensive series of voyages of
commerce and discovery, called _Voyages which contributed to establish
the East India Company of the United Netherlands_. It were, perhaps,
worthy of the _Royal Merchants_ who constitute the _English East India
Company_, now the unrivalled possessors of the entire trade and
sovereignty of all India and its innumerable islands, to publish or
patronize a similar monument of its early exertions, difficulties, and
ultimate success.--E.
SECTION I.
_First Voyage of the English East India Company, in 1601, under the
Command of Captain James Lancaster_.[85]
INTRODUCTION.
From the historiographer of the company[86] we learn, that the period of
this voyage being estimated for twenty months, the charges of provisions
were calculated at £6,600 4:10: and the investment, exclusive of
bullion, at £4,545; consisting of iron and tin, wrought and unwrought,
lead, 80 pieces of broad cloth of all colours, 80 pieces of Devonshire
kersies, and 100 pieces of Norwich stuffs, with smaller articles,
intended as presents for the officers at the ports where it was meant to
open their trade. Captain John Davis, who appears to have gone as chief
pilot, was to have £100 as wages for the voyage, with £200 on credit for
an adventure; and, as an incitement to activity and zeal, if the profit
of the voyage yielded _two for one_, he was to receive a gratuity of
£500; if _three for one_, £1000; if _four for one_, £1500; and if _five
for one_, £2000.[87] Thirty-six factors or supercargoes were directed to
be employed for the voyage: _Three_ of the _first_ class, who seem to
have been denominated _cape merchants_, were to have each £100 for
equipment, and £200 for an adventure; _four_ factors of the _second_
class at £50 each for equipment, and £100 for an adventure; _four_ of
the _third_ class, with £30 each for equipment, and £50 for adventure;
and _four_ of the _fourth_ class, with £20 each for equipment, and £40
for adventure.[88] They were to give security for their fidelity, and to
abstain from _private trade_; the _first_ class under penalties of £500
the second of 500 marks, the _third_ at £200 and the _fourth_ of £100
each.[89] These only exhaust fifteen of the thirty-six, and we are
unable to account for the remaining twenty-one ordered to be nominated.
[Footnote 85: Purch. Pilgr. I. 147. Astl. I. 262.]
[Footnote 86: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 129.]
[Footnote 87: Id. I. 130.]
[Footnote 88: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 131.]
[Footnote 89: Id. I. 133.]
In the Annals of the Company,[90] we are told that the funds provided
for this first voyage amounted to £68,373, of which £39,771 were
expended in the purchase and equipment of the ships, £28,742 being
embarked in bullion, and £6,860 in goods. But the aggregate of these
sums amounts to £77,373; so that the historiographer appears to have
fallen into some error, either in the particulars or the sum total. We
are not informed of the particular success of this first voyage; only
that the conjunct profits of it and of the second amounted to £95 per
cent. upon the capitals employed in both, clear of all charges.[91]
[Footnote 90: Id. I.146.]
[Footnote 91: Ann. of the H.E.I. Co. I. 153.]
We may state here from the Annals of the Company, that the profits of
the _third_ and _fifth_ voyage combined amounted to £234 per cent. Of
the _fourth_ voyage to a total loss, as one of the vessels was wrecked
in India on the outward-bound voyage, and the other on the coast of
France in her return. The profits of the _sixth_ voyage were £121 13:4:
per cent. Of the _seventh_ £218 per cent. Of the _eighth_ £211 per cent.
Of the _ninth_ £160 per cent. The average profits of the _tenth,
eleventh, twelfth_, and _thirteenth_ voyages were reduced to £87-1/2 per
cent.
Captain James Lancaster, afterwards Sir James, who was general in this
voyage, was a member of the company; and is the same person who went to
India in 1591, along with Captain Raymond. Captain John Davis, who had
been in India with the Dutch, was pilot-major and second in command of
the Dragon, or admiral ship. It does not appear who was the author of
the following narrative; but, from several passages, he seems to have
sailed in the Dragon.[92]--E.
[Footnote 92: Astl. I. 262., a and b.]
§ 1. _Preparation for the Voyage, and its Incidents till the Departure
of the Fleet from Saldanha Bay_.
Having collected a joint stock of _seventy thousand pounds_, to be
employed in ships and merchandize in the prosecution of their privileged
trade to the East Indies, by means of which they were to bring spices
and other commodities into this realm, the company bought and fitted out
four large ships for their first adventure. These were the Dragon[93] of
600 tons, and 202 men, admiral, in which Mr James Lancaster was placed
as general;[94] the Hector of 300 tons, and 108 men, commanded by Mr
John Middleton, vice-admiral; the Ascension of 260 tons, and 82 men,
Captain William Brand;[95] and the Susan,[96] commanded by Mr John
Hayward, with 84 men:[97] Besides these commanders, each ship carried
three merchants or factors, to succeed each other in rotation in case of
any of them dying. These ships were furnished with victuals and stores
for twenty months, and were provided with merchandize and Spanish money
to the value of _twenty-seven thousand pounds_; all the rest of the
stock being expended in the purchase of the ships, with their necessary
stores and equipment, and in money advanced to the mariners[98] and
sailors who went upon the voyage. To these was added, as a victualler,
the _Guest_ of 130 tons.[99]
[Footnote 93: This ship, originally called the Malice Scourge, was
purchased from the Earl of Cumberland for 3,700l.--Ann. of the H.E.I.
Co. I. 128.]
[Footnote 94: In these early voyages the chief commander is usually
styled _general_, and the ship in which he sailed the _admiral_.--E.]
[Footnote 95: This person is called by Purchas _chief governor_. Perhaps
the conduct of commercial affairs was confided to his care.--E.]
[Footnote 96: The burden of this ship was 240 tons.--Ann. I. 129.]
[Footnote 97: Besides there was a pinnace of 100 tons and 40 men.--Ann.
I. 129.]
[Footnote 98: In many of the old voyages, this distinction is made
between mariners and sailors: Unless a mere pleonasm, it may indicate
able and ordinary seamen; or the former may designate the officers of
all kinds, and the latter the common men.--E.]
[Footnote 99: Perhaps the pinnace already mentioned.--E.]
On application to the queen, her majesty furnished the merchants with
friendly letters of recommendation to several of the sovereigns in
India, offering to enter into treaties of peace and amity with them,
which shall be noticed in their proper places. And, as no great
enterprize can be well conducted and accomplished without an absolute
authority for dispensing justice, the queen granted a commission of
martial law to Captain Lancaster, the general of the fleet, for the
better security of his command.
Every thing being in readiness, the fleet departed from Woolwich, in the
river Thames, on the 13th of February, 1600, after the English mode of
reckoning,[100] or more properly 1601. They were so long delayed in the
Thames and the Downs, for want of wind, that it was Easter before they
arrived at Dartmouth, where they spent five or six days, taking in
bread and other provisions, appointed to be procured there. Departing
thence on the 18th of April, they came to anchor in Torbay, at which
place the general sent on board all the ships instructions for their
better keeping company when at sea, and directions as to what places
they were to repair to for meeting again, in case of being separated by
storms or other casualties. These were the _calms of Canary_; Saldanha
bay,[101] in case they could not double the Cape of Good Hope; Cape St
Roman, in Madagascar; the island of Cisne, Cerne, or Diego Rodriguez;
and finally, Sumatra, their first intended place of trade.
[Footnote 100: At this time, and for long after, there was a strangely
confused way of dating the years, which were considered as beginning at
Lady-day, the 25th of March. Hence, what we would now reckon the year
1601, from the 1st January to the 24th March inclusive, retained the
former date of 1600. The voyage actually commenced on the 13th February,
1601, according to our present mode of reckoning.--E.]
[Footnote 101: It will appear distinctly in the sequel of these voyages,
that the place then named Saldanha, or Saldania bay, was what is now
termed Table bay at the Cape of Good Hope.--E.]
* * * * *
The wind came fair on the 22d of April, when we weighed and stood out of
Torbay, directing our course for the Canaries. As the wind continued
fair, we had sight of _Alegranza_, or Great Island, the northermost of
the Canaries, on the 5th of May, and we directed our course to pass
between Fuertaventura and Gran Canaria; and coming to the south of Gran
Canaria, thinking to have watered there, we fell into _the calms_, which
are occasioned by the high lands being so near the sea. About three in
the afternoon of the 7th of May, having the wind at N.E. we departed
from Gran Canaria, shaping our course S.W. by S. and S.S.W. till we came
into the lat. of 21° 30' N. From the 11th to the 20th, our course was
mostly S till we came to lat. 8° N. the wind being always northerly and
N.E. In this latitude we found calms and contrary winds, which, at this
season of the year, prevail much off this part of the coast of Guinea,
alternating with many sudden gusts of wind, storms, and thunder and
lightning very fearful to behold, and very dangerous to the ships,
unless the utmost care be taken suddenly to strike all the sails, on
perceiving the wind to change even never so little. Yet such was the
suddenness many times, although the masters of the ships were very
careful and diligent, that it could hardly be done in time.
From the 20th of May till the 21st of June, we lay mostly becalmed, or
with contrary winds at south; and, standing to and again to bear up
against this contrary wind, we got with much ado to 2° N. where we
espied a ship, to which the general gave chace, commanding all the
ships to follow him. By two in the afternoon we got up with and took
her. She was of Viana, in Portugal, and came from Lisbon, in company of
two caraks and three galleons, bound for the East Indies, but had parted
from them at sea. The three galleons were ships of war, intended to keep
the coast of India from being traded with by other nations. From this
ship we took 146 butts of wine, 176 jars and 12 casks of oil, and 55
hogsheads and vats of meal,[102] which were of great service to us
afterwards during our voyage. The general divided these victuals
impartially among all the ships, giving a due proportion to each.
[Footnote 102: Probably wheaten meal or flour.--E.]
The 31st June about midnight we crossed the line, having the wind at
S.E. and lost sight of the north star; and continuing our course S.S.W.
we passed Cape St Augustine about 26 leagues to the eastward. The 20th
July, we reached the latitude of 19° 40' S. the wind getting daily more
and more towards the east. We here unloaded the _Guest_, which went
along with us to carry such provisions as we could not stow in the other
four ships; after which we took out her masts, sails, yards, and all
other tackle; broke up her upper works for fire-wood, and left her hull
floating in the sea, following our own course southwards. We passed the
tropic of Capricorn on the 24th July, the wind N.E. by N. our course
E.S.E. On account of our having been so long near the line, by reason of
leaving England too late in the season by six or seven weeks, many of
our men fell sick; for which reason the general sent written orders to
the captain of each ship, either to make Saldanha bay or St Helena for
refreshment.
The 1st August we were in 30° S. at which time we got the wind at S.W.
to our great comfort, for by this time many of our men were sick of the
scurvy; insomuch, that in all our ships, except the admiral, they were
hardly able to manage the sails. This wind held fair till we were within
250 leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, and then came clean contrary at E.
continuing so for fifteen or sixteen days, to the great discomfort of
our men; for now the few that had continued sound began also to fall
sick, so that in some of the ships the merchants had to take their turn
at the helm, and to go into the tops to hand the top-sails along with
the common mariners. But God, shewing us mercy in our distress, sent us
again a fair wind, so that we got to Saldanha bay on the 9th September,
when the general, before the other ships bore in and came to anchor,
sent his boats to help the other ships. The state of the other three
ships was such that they were hardly able to let go their anchors. The
general went on board them all with a number of men, and hoisted out
their boats for them, which they were not able to do of themselves.
The reason of the men in the admiral being in such better health than in
the other three ships was this: He brought with him to sea several
bottles of lemon juice, of which he gave to each man, as long as it
would last, three spoonfuls every morning fasting, not suffering them to
eat any thing afterwards till noon. This juice worketh much the better
if the person keeps a spare diet, wholly refraining from salt meat;
which salt meat, and being long at sea, are the only causes of breeding
this disease. By this means the general cured many of his men and
preserved the rest; so that, though his ship had double the number of
men of any of the rest, he had not so many sick, nor did he lose so many
men, as any of the rest.
After getting all the ships to anchor, and hoisting out their boats, the
general went immediately aland, to seek refreshments for our sick and
weak men. He presently met with some of the natives, to whom he gave
various trifles, as knives, pieces of old iron, and the like; making
signs for them to bring him down sheep and oxen. For he spoke to them in
the cattle's language, which was not changed at the confusion of Babel;
using _mouth_ for oxen, and _baa_ for sheep, imitating their cries;
which language the people understood very well without any interpreter.
Having sent the natives away, well contented with the kind usage and
presents he had given them, orders were given for so many men from every
ship to bring sails ashore, to make tents for the sick; and also to
throw up fortifications for defence, lest by any chance the natives
might take offence and offer violence. He at the same time prescribed
regulations for buying and selling with the natives; directing, when
they should come down with cattle, that only five or six men selected
for the purpose should go to deal with them, and that the rest, which
should never be under thirty muskets and pikes, should keep at the
distance of at least eight or ten score yards, always drawn up in order
and readiness, with their muskets in the rests, whatever might befal.
This order was so strictly enforced, that no man was permitted to go
forward to speak with the natives, except with special leave. I
attribute our continuing in such amity and friendship with the natives
to these precautions, for the Hollanders had lately five or six of their
men slain by the treachery of these natives.
The third day after our arrival in Saldanha bay, the natives brought
down beeves and sheep, which we bought for pieces of old iron hoops; as
two pieces of eight inches each for an ox, and one piece for a sheep,
with which the natives seemed perfectly satisfied. In ten or twelve
days, we bought 1000 sheep and 42 oxen, and might have had more if we
would. After this they discontinued bringing any more cattle, but the
people often came down to us afterwards; and when we made signs for more
sheep, they would point to those we had already, which the general kept
grazing on the hills near our tents; which, as we judged, was the reason
why they did not bring us more, as they thought we meant to inhabit
there. But, God be thanked, we were now well provided, and could very
well pass without farther purchases. The oxen were as large as ours in
England, and very fat; and the sheep were many of them bigger than ours,
of excellent flesh, sweet and fat, and to our liking much better than
our English mutton, but having coarse hairy wool.
The people of this place are all of a tawny colour, of reasonable
stature, swift of foot, and much given to pick and steal. Their language
is entirely uttered through their throats, and they _cluck_ with their
tongues in so strange a manner, that, in seven weeks which we remained
here, the sharpest wit among us could not learn one word of their
language, yet the natives soon understood every sigh we made them. While
we staid at this bay, we had such royal refreshing that all our men
recovered their health and strength, except four or five. Including
these, and before we came in, we lost out of all our ships 105 men; yet,
on leaving this bay,[103] we reckoned ourselves stronger manned than
when we left England, our men were now so well inured to the southern
climates and to the sea.
[Footnote 103: In a marginal note, Purchas gives the lat. of Saldanha
bay as 34° S. The place then called Saldanha bay was certainly Table
bay, the entrance to which is in 33° 50' S. So that Purchas is here
sufficiently, accurate.--E.]
§ 2. _Continuation of the Voyage, from Saldanha Bay to the Nicobar and
Sombrero Islands._
The general ordered all our tents to be taken down on the 24th of
October, and all our men to repair on board their respective ships,
having laid in an ample supply of wood and water. We put to sea the 29th
of that month, passing a small island in the mouth of the bay, which is
so full of seals and penguins, that if no better refreshment could have
been procured, we might very well have refreshed here. Over the bay of
Saldanha there stands a very high and flat hill, called the Table; no
other harbour on all this coast having so plain a mark to find it by, as
it can be easily seen seventeen or eighteen leagues out at sea. In the
morning of Sunday the 1st November, we doubled the Cape of Good Hope in
a heavy gale at W.N.W.
On the 26th November we fell in with the head-land of the island of St
Lawrence or Madagascar, somewhat to the eastward of cape St Sebastian,
and at five mile from the shore we had 20 fathoms; the variation of the
compass being 16°, a little more or less. In an east and west course,
the variation of the compass serves materially, and especially in this
voyage.[104] From the 26th November till the 15th December we plied to
the eastwards, as nearly as we could, always striving to get to the
island of Cisne, called Diego Rodriguez in some charts; but ever from
our leaving Madagascar, we found the wind at E. or E.S.E. or E.N.E. so
that we could not accomplish it, and we could not continue to strive
long in hopes of the wind changing, as our men began again to fall sick
of the scurvy. The captain of our vice-admiral, John Middleton of the
Hector, now proposed to our general to bear away for the bay of
_Antongit_, on the east coast of Madagascar, where we might refresh our
men with oranges and lemons, so as to get rid again of this cruel
disease; which counsel was approved by him and the whole company.
[Footnote 104: At this period, and for long afterwards, mariners
estimated their longitudes by dead reckonings, or by the observed
variations of the compass; both very uncertain guides.--E.]
We had sight of the southernmost part of the island of St Mary [in lat.
16° 48' S. long. 50° 17' E.] and anchored next day between that island
and the main of Madagascar. We immediately sent our boats to St Mary,
where we procured some store of lemons and oranges, being very precious
for our sick men to purge them of the scurvy. While riding here, a great
storm arose, which drove three of our ships from their anchors; but
within sixteen hours the storm ceased, and our ships returned and
recovered their anchors. The general thought it improper to remain here
any longer, on account of the uncertainty of the weather, the danger of
riding here, and because we were able to procure so little refreshment
at this island; having got, besides a few lemons and oranges, a very
little goats milk, and a small quantity of rice: But as our men were
sick, and the easterly winds still prevailed, he gave orders to sail for
Antongil.
The isle of St Mary is high land and full of wood. The natives are tall
handsome men, of black colour and frizzled hair, which they stroke up at
their foreheads as our women do in England, so that it stands three
inches upright. They go entirely naked, except covering their parts; and
are very tractable and of familiar manners, yet seemed valiant. Most of
their food is rice, with some fish; yet while we were there we could get
very little rice to purchase, as their store was far spent, and their
harvest near at hand. There are two or three watering places on the
north part of this island, none of them very commodious, yet there is
water enough to be had with some trouble.
Departing from this island of St Mary on the 23d December, we came into
the bay of Antongil on Christmas-day, and anchored in eight fathoms
water, at the bottom of the bay, between a small island and the
main.[105] The best riding is nearest under the lee of that small
island, which serves as a defence from the wind blowing into the bay;
for while we were there it blew a very heavy storm, and those ships
which were nearest the island fared best Two of our ships drove with
three anchors a-head, the ground being oosy and not firm. Going a-land
on the small island, we perceived by a writing on the rocks, that five
Holland ships had been there, and had departed about two months before
our arrival, having had sickness among them; for, as we could perceive,
they had lost between 150 and 200 men at this place.
[Footnote 105: This island of _Maroise_ is in lat. 15° 10' S. and almost
in the same longitude with the isle of St Mary, being 62 English miles
from its northern extremity.--E.]
The day after we anchored, we landed on the main, where the people
presently came to us, making signs that five Dutch ships had been there,
and had bought most of their provisions. Yet they entered into trade
with us for rice, hens, oranges, lemons, and another kind of fruit
called plantains; but held every thing very high, and brought only small
quantities. Our market was beside a considerable river, into which we
went in our boats, such of our men as were appointed to make the
purchases going ashore; the rest always remaining in the boats with
their arms in readiness, and the boats about twenty or thirty yards from
the land, where the natives could not wade to them, and were ready at
all times, if needful, to take our marketers from the land. In this
manner we trifled off some days before we could get the natives to
commence a real trade; for all these people of the south and east parts
of the world are subtle and crafty in bartering, buying, and selling, so
that, without sticking close to them, it is difficult to bring them to
trade in any reasonable sort, as they will shift continually to get a
little more, and then no one will sell below that price. Upon this, the
general ordered measures to be made of about a quart, and appointed how
many glass beads were to be given for its fill of rice, and how many
oranges, lemons, and plantains were to be given for every bead, with
positive orders not to deal at all with any who would not submit to that
rule. After a little holding off, the natives consented to this rule,
and our dealing became frank and brisk; so that during our stay we
purchased 15-1/4 tons of rice, 40 or 50 bushels of their peas and beans,
great store of oranges, lemons, and plantains, eight beeves, and great
numbers of hens.
While at anchor in this bay, we set up a pinnace which we had brought in
pieces from England; and cutting down trees, which were large and in
plenty, we sawed them into boards, with which we sheathed her. This
pinnace was about 18 tons burden, and was very fit and necessary for
going before our ships at our getting to India. While we remained here,
there died out of the Admiral, the master's mate, chaplain, and surgeon,
with about ten of the common men; and out of the Vice-Admiral, the
master and some two more. By very great mischance, the captain and
boatswain's mate of the Ascension were slain: For, when the master's
mate of the Admiral was to be buried, the captain of the Ascension took
his boat to go on shore to his funeral; and as it is the rule of the sea
to fire certain pieces of ordnance at the burial of an officer, the
gunner fired three pieces that happened to be shotted, when the ball of
one of them struck the Ascension's boat, and slew the captain and
boatswain's mate stark dead; so that, on going ashore to witness the
funeral of another, they were both buried themselves. Those who died
here were mostly carried off by the flux, owing, as I think, to the
water which we drank; for it was now in the season of winter, when it
rained very much, causing great floods all over the country, so that the
waters were unwholesome, as they mostly are in these hot countries in
the rainy season. The flux is likewise often caught by going open, and
catching cold at the stomach, which our men were very apt to do when
hot.
We sailed from this bay on the 6th March, 1602, steering our course for
India, and on the 16th fell in with an island called _Rogue Pize_, [in
lat. 10° 30' S. and long. 64° 20' E.] The general sent his boat to see
if there were any safe anchorage, but the water was found almost every
where too deep. As we sailed along, it seemed every where pleasant, and
full of cocoa-nut trees and fowls, and there came from the land a most
delightful smell, as if it had been a vast flower garden. Had there been
any good anchorage, it must surely have been an excellent place of
refreshment; for, as our boats went near the land, they saw vast
quantities of fish, and the fowls came wondering about them in such
flocks, that the men killed many of them with their oars, which were the
best and fattest we had tasted in all the voyage. These fowls were in
such vast multitudes, that many more ships than we had might have been
amply supplied.
The 30th March, 1602, being in lat. 6° S[106] we happened upon a ledge
of rocks, and looking overboard, saw them under the ship about five
fathoms below the surface of the water, which amazed us exceedingly by
their sudden and unexpected appearance. On casting the ship about, we
had eight fathoms, and so held on our course to the east. Not long
after, one of our men in the top saw an island S.E. of us, some five or
six leagues off, being low land, which we judged to be the island of
_Candu_,[107] though our course by computation did not reach so far
east. Continuing our course some thirteen or fourteen leagues, we fell
upon another flat of sunken rocks, when we cast about southwards, and in
sailing about twelve leagues more found other rocks, and in trying
different ways we found rocks all round about, having twenty, thirty,
forty, and even fifty fathoms among the flats. We were here two days and
a half in exceeding great danger, and could find no way to get out. At
last we determined to try to the northward and in 6° 40' S. thank God,
we found six fathoms water. The pinnace went always before, continually
sounding, with orders to indicate by signals what depth she had, that we
might know how to follow.
[Footnote 106: The Speaker bank, in long. 78° E. is nearly in the
indicated latitude.--E.]
[Footnote 107:4 There are two islands called Candu, very small, and
direct N. and S. of each other, in lat. 50° 40' S. long. 78° E. and less
than half a degree N.N.E. is a small group called the Adu islands,
surrounded by a reef--E.]
Being delivered out of this _pound_, we followed our course till the 9th
May about four in the afternoon, when we got sight of the islands of
Nicobar, on which we bore in and anchored on the north side of the
channel. But as the wind changed to S.W. we had to weigh again, and go
over to the south side of the channel, where we came to an anchor under
a small island on that shore. We here got fresh water and cocoa-nuts,
but very little other refreshments; yet the natives came off to us in
long canoes that could have carried twenty men in each. They brought
gums to sell instead of amber, with which they deceived several of our
men; for these eastern people are wholly given to deceit. They brought
also hens and cocoa-nuts for sale; but held them at so dear a rate that
we bought very few. We staid here ten days, putting our ordnance in
order and trimming our ships, that we might be in readiness at our first
port, which we were not now far from.
In the morning of the 20th April, we set sail for Sumatra, but the wind
blew hard at S.S.W. and the current set against us, so that we could not
proceed. While beating up and down, two of our ships sprung leaks, on
which we were forced to go to the island of Sombrero,[108] ten or
twelve leagues north of Nicobar. Here we in the Admiral lost an anchor,
for the ground is foul, and grown full of false coral and some rocks,
which cut our cable asunder, so that we could not recover our anchor.
The people of these islands go entirely naked, except that their parts
are bound up in a piece of cloth, which goes round the waist like a
girdle, and thence between their legs. They are all of a tawny hue, and
paint their faces of divers colours. They are stout and well-made, but
very fearful, so that none of them would come on board our ships, or
even enter our boats. The general reported that he had seen some of
their priests all over cloathed, but quite close to their bodies, as if
sewed on; having their faces painted green, black, and yellow, and horns
on their heads turned backwards, painted of the same colours, together
with a tail hanging down behind from their buttocks, altogether as we
see the devil sometimes painted in Europe. Demanding why they went in
that strange attire, he was told that the devil sometimes appeared to
them in such form in their sacrifices, and therefore his servants the
priests were so cloathed. There grew many trees in this island,
sufficiently tall, thick, and straight to make main-masts for the
largest ship in all our fleet, and this island is full of such.
[Footnote 108: So called, because on the north end of the largest island
of the cluster there is a hill resembling the top of an umbrella--ASTL.
I. 267. a.]
Upon the sands of this island of Sombrero we found a small twig growing
up like a young tree, and on offering to pluck it up, it shrinks down to
the ground, and sinks, unless held very hard. On being plucked up, a
great worm is found to be its root, and as the tree groweth in
greatness, so doth the worm diminish; and as soon as the worm is
entirely turned into tree, it rooteth in the earth, and so becomes
great. This transformation is one of the strangest wonders that I saw in
all my travels: For, if this tree is plucked up while young, and the
leaves and bark stripped off, it becomes a hard stone when dry, much
like white coral: Thus is this worm twice transformed into different
natures. Of these we gathered and brought home many.
* * * * *
The editor of Astley's Collection supposes this a mere fiction, or that
it might take its rise from coral growing accidentally on shell fish.
The _first_ part of the story probably arose from some of the animals
called _animal flowers_, the body of which, buried in the sand, and
resembling a worm, extends some member having the appearance of a young
tree, which retracts when touched rudely. The second part may have been
some corraline or madrepore growing in shallow water, the coriaccous
part of which, and the animals residing in the cells, may have resembled
the bark and leaves of a plant. Considering both of these erroneously as
the same plant in different states, might easily give occasion to the
wonders in the text, without the smallest intention of fiction.--E.
§ 3. _Their Reception and Trade at Acheen._
We set sail from the island of Sombrero on the 29th May, and got sight
of Sumatra on the 2d June, coming to anchor in the road of Acheen on the
5th, about two miles from the city. We here found sixteen or eighteen
sail of different countries, Guzerat, Bengal, Calicut, Malabar, Pegu,
and Patane, which had come for trade. There came on board two Dutch
merchants or factors, who had been left behind by their ships, to learn
the language and the customs of the country; who told us we should be
made welcome by the king, who was desirous to entertain strangers; and
that the Queen of England was already famous in those parts, on account
of the wars and great victories she had gained over the King of Spain.
That same day, the general sent Captain John Middleton, with four or
five gentlemen in his train, to wait upon the king, and to inform him,
that the general of our ships had a message and letter from the most
famous Queen of England to the most worthy King of Acheen and Sumatra,
to request the king would vouchsafe to give audience to the said
ambassador, to deliver his message and letter, giving sufficient
warranty for the safety of him and his people, according to the law of
nations. Captain Middleton was very kindly entertained by the king, who,
on hearing the message, readily granted the request, and communed with
him on many topics; after which a royal banquet was served up to him;
and, at his departure, he was presented with a robe, and a _tuke_ or
turban of calico wrought with gold, as is the manner of the kings of
this place to those whom they are pleased to favour. The king sent his
commendations to the general, desiring him to remain yet another day on
board, to rest from the fatigues of his voyage, and to come the day
following on shore, when he might be sure of a kind reception and free
audience, in as much safety as if in the dominions of the queen his
mistress: but, if he doubted the royal word, such honourable pledges
should be sent for his farther assurance as might give him entire
satisfaction.
The general went ashore on the third day after our arrival with thirty
attendants or more. He was met on landing by the Holland merchants, who
conducted him to their house, as had been appointed; as the general did
not think fit to have a house of his own till he had been introduced to
the king. He remained at the Holland factory, where a nobleman from the
king came and saluted him kindly, saying that he came from the king,
whose person he represented, and demanded the queen's letter. The
general answered, that he must himself deliver the letter to the king,
such being the custom of ambassadors in Europe. The nobleman then asked
to see the superscription of the letter, which was shewn him. He read
the same, looked very earnestly at the seal, took a note of the
superscription and of the queen's name, and then courteously took his
leave, returning to tell the king what had passed. Soon afterwards six
great elephants were sent, with many drums, trumpets and streamers, and
much people, to accompany the general to court. The largest elephant was
about thirteen or fourteen feet high, having a small castle like a coach
on his back, covered with crimson velvet. In the middle of the castle
was a large basin of gold, with an exceedingly rich wrought cover of
silk, under which the queen's letter was deposited. The general was
mounted upon another of the elephants, some of his attendants riding,
while others went a-foot. On arriving at the gate of the palace, the
procession was stopped by a nobleman, till he went in to learn the
king's farther pleasure; but he presently returned, and requested the
general to come in.
On coming into the presence of the king, the general made his obeisance
according to the manner of the country, saying, that he was sent by the
most mighty Queen of England, to compliment his majesty, and to treat
with him concerning peace and amity with the queen his mistress, if it
pleased him to do so. He then began to enter upon farther discourse;
but the king stopt him short, by desiring him to sit down and refresh
himself, saying, that he was most welcome, and that he would readily
listen to any reasonable conditions, for the queen's sake, who was
worthy of all kindness and frank conditions, being a princess of great
nobleness, of whom fame reported much. The general now delivered the
queen's letter, which the king graciously received, delivering it to a
nobleman who waited on him. The general then delivered his present,
consisting of a basin of silver, having a fountain in the middle of it,
weighing 205 ounces; a large standing cup of silver; a rich mirror; a
head-piece with a plume of feathers; a _case of very fair dagges_[109];
a richly embroidered sword-belt; and a fan made of leathers. All these
were received in the king's presence by a nobleman of the court, the
king only taking into his own hand the fan of feathers, with which he
made one of his women fan him, as if this had pleased him more than all
the rest.
[Footnote 109: A case of handsomely mounted pistols.--E.]
The general was then commanded to sit down in the presence, on the
ground, after the manner of the country, and a great banquet was served,
all the dishes being either of pure gold, or of _tomback_, a metal
between gold and brass, which is held in much estimation. During this
banquet, the king, who sat aloft in a gallery about six feet from the
ground, drank often to the general in the wine of the country, called
arrack, which is made from rice, and is as strong as our brandy, a
little of it being sufficient to set one to sleep. After the first
draught of this liquor, the general either drank it mixed with water, or
pure water, craving the king's pardon, as not able to take such strong
drink; and the king gave him leave.
After the feast was done, the king caused his damsels to come forth and
dance, and his women played to them on several instruments of music.
These women were richly attired, and adorned with bracelets and jewels;
and this was accounted a great favour, as the women are not usually seen
of any but such as the king will greatly honour. The king gave also to
the general a fine robe of white calico, richly wrought with gold: a
very fine girdle of Turkey work; and two _crisses_, which are a kind of
daggers all of which were put on him by a nobleman in the king's
presence. He was then courteously dismissed, and a person was sent
along with him, to make choice of a house in the city, wherever the
general might think most suitable. But at that time he refused the
proffered kindness, chusing rather to go on board the ships, till the
king had considered the queen's letter.
The letter from the queen was superscribed, To the great and mighty King
of Achem, &c. in the island of Sumatra, our loving brother,
greeting.[110] After a long complimentary preamble, and complaining
against the Portuguese and Spaniards for pretending to be absolute lords
of the East Indies, and endeavouring to exclude all other nations from
trading thither, it recommended the English to his royal favour and
protection, that they might be allowed to transact their business freely
then and afterwards in his dominions, and to permit their factors to
remain with a factoryhouse in his capital, to learn the language and
customs of the country, till the arrival of another fleet. It likewise
proposed that reasonable capitulations, or terms of commercial
intercourse, should be entered into by the king with the bearer of the
letter, who was authorised to conclude the same in her name; and
requested an answer accepting the proffered league of amity.
[Footnote 110: In the Pilgrims this letter is given at full length; but,
being merely complimentary, is here only abridged.--E.]
At his next audience, the general had a long conference with the king
respecting the queen's letter, with which he seemed well satisfied;
saying, if the contents came from the heart he had reason to think of it
highly, and was well pleased to conclude the proposed treaty of amity
and commerce. As for the particular demands made in the queen's name by
the general, respecting trade, the king referred him to two noblemen,
who were authorised to confer with him, promising that all which was
requested by the queen should be granted. With this satisfactory answer,
and after another banquet, the general departed. He sent next day to the
two noblemen appointed to treat with him, to know when they proposed to
meet, and confer with him. One of these was chief bishop or high-priest
of the realm,[111] a person in high estimation with the king and people,
as he well deserved, being a very wise and prudent person. The other
was one of the ancient nobility of the country, a man of much gravity,
but not so fit for conferring on the business in hand as the former.
[Footnote 111: As the grand Turk has his Mufti, so other Mahomedan
princes have their chief priests in all countries of that
profession.--Purch.]
After a long conference,[112] the general demanded that proclamation
might be instantly made, that none of the natives should abuse the
English, but that they might be permitted to follow their business in
peace and quietness. This was so well performed, that though there was a
strict order for none of their people to walk by night, yet ours were
allowed to go about by day or night without molestation; only, when any
of our people were found abroad at unlawful hours, the justice brought
them home to the general's house, and delivered them there.
[Footnote 112: A long train of formal particulars are here omitted, as
tedious and uninteresting.--E.]
At the close of the conference, the chief-priest required from the
general notes of his demands of privileges for the merchants in writing,
with the reasons of the same, that they might be laid before the king;
promising that he should have answers within a few days. With these
conferences, and much courtesy, and after some conversation on the
affairs of Christendom, they broke up for that time. The general was not
negligent in sending his demands in writing to the noblemen, as they
were mostly drawn up before coming ashore, being not unready for such a
business.
On his next going to court, and sitting before the king, beholding a
cock-fight, which is one of the sports in which the king takes great
delight, the general sent his interpreter with his obeisance to the
king, requesting him to be mindful of the business on which he had
conferred with the two noblemen. The king then made him draw near,
telling him he was careful of his dispatch, and would willingly enter
into a league of peace and amity with the Queen of England, which he
would truly perform: and that the demands and articles he had set down
in writing should all be extended in proper form by one of his
secretaries, which he should then authorise and confirm. Within five or
six days these were delivered to the general, from the king's own hands,
with many gracious words. It were too long to insert the entire articles
of this treaty; but the whole demands of the English were granted.
_First_, free trade and entry. _Second_, freedom from customs on import
and export. _Third_, assistance of their vessels to save our goods and
men from wreck, and other dangers. _Fourth_, liberty of testament, to
bequeath their goods to whom they pleased. _Fifth_, stability of
bargains and payments by the subjects of Acheen, &c. _Sixth_, authority
to execute justice on their own people offending. _Seventh_, justice
against injuries from the natives. _Eighth_, not to arrest or stay our
goods, or to fix prices upon them. _Lastly_, freedom of conscience.
This important treaty being settled, the merchants were incessantly
occupied in providing pepper for loading the ships; but it came in
slowly and in small quantities, as the last year had been very sterile.
Hearing of a port called Priaman, about 150 leagues from Acheen, in the
south part of Sumatra, where one of the smaller ships might be loaded,
the general prepared to send the Susan thither, placing in her Mr Henry
Middleton as captain and chief merchant. The general was not a little
grieved, that Mr John Davis, his chief pilot, had told the merchants
before leaving London, that pepper was to be had at Acheen for four
Spanish, ryals of eight the hundred, whereas it cost us almost twenty.
Owing to this, the general became very thoughtful, considering how to
load his ships, and save his credit in the estimation of his employers;
as it would be a disgrace to all concerned, in the eyes of all the
neighbouring nations of Europe, seeing there were merchandise enough to
be bought in the East Indies, while his ships were likely to return
empty.
§ 4. _Portuguese Wiles discovered, and a Prize taken near Malacca_.
A Portuguese ambassador was at this time in Acheen, who looked with an
evil eye on every step we took, but was by no means in favour with the
king: for, on the last day of his being at court, on demanding leave to
settle a factory in the country, and to build a fort at the entrance of
the harbour, for the protection of the merchants goods, because the city
was subject to fire, the king, perceiving what he meant, gave him this
sharp answer: "Has your master a daughter to give my son, that he is so
careful for the security of my country? He shall not need to be at the
charge of building a fort; for I have a fit house about two leagues
inland from the city, which I can give him for a factory, where you
need neither fear enemies nor fire, for I will protect you." The king
was much displeased with this insolent demand, and the ambassador left
the court much discontented.
Shortly after this, an Indian, who belonged to a Portuguese captain, who
came to the port with a ship-load of rice from Bengal, came to our house
to sell hens. The Portuguese captain lodged at the ambassador's house,
and our general suspected he came only as a spy to see what we were
about; yet he gave them orders to treat the Indian well, and always to
give him a reasonable price for his hens. At last he took occasion to
commune with this Indian, asking whence he came and what he was, saying
to him pleasantly, that a young man of his appearance deserved a better
employment than buying and selling hens. To this he answered, "I serve
this Portuguese captain, yet am neither bound nor free; for, though
free-born, I have been with him so long that he considers me as his
property, and he is so great a man that I cannot strive with him." Then,
said the general, "If thy liberty be precious to thee, thy person, seems
to merit it; but what wouldst thou do for him who should give thee thy
liberty, without pleading to thy master for it?" "Sir," said the Indian,
"freedom is as precious as life, and I would venture my life for him
that would procure it for me: Try me, therefore, in any service that I
can perform for you, and my willingness shall make good my words."
"Then," said the general, "thou desirest me to try thee? What says the
ambassador of me and my shipping, and what are his purposes?" The Indian
told him, that the Portuguese had a spy employed over his ships, being a
Chinese who was intimate with the men, so that he has procured drawings
of the ships, and of every piece of ordnance in them, and how they are
placed, with a list of all the men in each: That he thought the ships
strong and well equipped, but being weak in men, believed they might
easily be taken, if any force could be had to attack them suddenly; and
intended in a few days to send his draughts to Malacca, to induce the
Portuguese to send a force from thence to attack them as they lay at
anchor. The general laughed heartily at this account, but said the
ambassador was not so idle as the Indian thought, for he well knew the
English ships were too strong for all the forces in those parts. He then
desired the Indian to go his way, and return in a day or two to inform
him if the ambassador continued his project, and when he was to send his
messenger to Malacca. Saying, that although it would serve him little to
know these things, yet he would give the Indian his liberty for the
good-will he shewed to serve him.
The Indian went away well pleased, as might easily be seen by his
countenance and the lightness of his steps. When he was gone, the
general said to me, that we had now met with a fit person to betray his
master, if we could derive any benefit from his treachery; and in this
he was not deceived, for by his means, whatever was done or said by the
ambassador during the day, was regularly reported to our general that
night or next morning; yet did this fellow conduct himself so prudently,
that neither was he suspected by any one in the Portuguese ambassador's
house, nor was it known to any one in ours, what business he was engaged
in. He had the right character for a spy, being crafty, careful, and
subtle, never trusting any one to hear his conversation with our
general, but always spoke to him when alone, and that in a careless
manner, as if he had answered idly; for he was in fear that our people
should discover that the selling of hens was a mere pretence for coming
continually to our house.
The general was sent for to court next day, when the king had a
conference with him about an embassy from the King of Siam respecting
the conquest of Malacca, having sent to know what force he would employ
for that service by sea, if the King of Siam undertook to besiege it by
land. This King of Acheen is able to send a great force of gallies to
sea, if he may have four or five months warning to make them ready. The
general endeavoured to further this proposal with many reasons; and took
occasion to talk about the Portuguese ambassador, who conducted himself
with much proud insolence, and who, he said, had come to Acheen for no
other reason but to spy out the strength of his kingdom. "I know it
well," said the king, "for they are my enemies, as I have been to them;
but what makes you see this?" The general then said, that he could take
nothing in hand but that they employed spies to mark his conduct, and
that the ambassador intended to send drawings of all his ships to
Malacca, to procure a force from thence to fall upon him suddenly. The
king smiled at this, saying that he need fear no strength that could
come from Malacca, as all the force they had there was quite
insufficient to do the English any harm. Then said the general, that he
did not fear their strength or what they could do against him; but as
they would know when he was to go to sea, the ambassador would send them
notice to keep in port, so that he would be unable to do them harm;
wherefore he entreated the king to arrest two of the ambassador's
servants that were to go for Malacca in a few days, not meaning to sail
from Acheen, but to go thence to another port of the king's, and there
to hire a bark for Malacca. "Well," said the king, "let me know when
they depart from hence, and thou shall see what I will do for thee." The
general now took leave of the king, well pleased with his friendly
intentions, and continued his daily conferences with his hen-merchant,
so that he became privy to everything that was either done or said in
the ambassador's house.
When the time was come, the ambassador's servants went away to a port
about twenty-five leagues from Acheen; upon which the general went
immediately to inform the king, who had already given proper orders, so
that, on their arrival at the port, when they had hired a vessel in
which they embarked with their letters, and were even going over the bar
a mile from the town, a galley went after them, and caused the bark to
strike sail, that the justice might see what was their lading. On the
justice coming on board, and seeing the two Portuguese, he asked whence
they came and whither they were going? They answered, that they came
from Acheen, being in the service of the Portuguese ambassador. "Nay,"
said the justice, "but you have robbed your master and run away with his
goods; wherefore I shall return you again to him, that you may answer
for your conduct." In this confusion they lost their plots and letters,
their trunks having been broke open; and they were sent back to Acheen
to the king, to be delivered to the ambassador, if they belonged to him.
The general was immediately sent for to court, and asked by the king if
he were satisfied; on which he gave the king humble and hearty thanks
for his friendship in the business. The merchant of hens continued to
come daily to our house with his goods; and the general suspected, not
without his master's knowledge, as indeed he afterwards confessed, to
carry news from us as well as bringing us intelligence.
It was now September, and summer being past, and the general intending
to go to sea to seek for means to supply his necessities, was like to
have been crossed worse than ever. The Portuguese ambassador had got his
dispatches of leave from the king, and was about to go from Acheen;
which coming to the knowledge of our general, he went immediately to
court, where the king sat looking at certain sports which were made for
his amusement. The general sent his interpreter to request permission to
speak with the king, who immediately called him, desiring to know what
he wished. "It has pleased your majesty," said the general, "to shew me
many courtesies, by which I am emboldened to entreat one more favour."
"What is that?" said the king, smiling: "Are there any more Portuguese
going to Malacca to hinder your proceedings?" "The ambassador himself,"
said the general, "as I am given to understand, has received your
majesty's dispatches, with licence to go when he pleases, and is
determined to go in five days." Then, said the king, "What would you
have me do?" To this the general replied, "Only stay him for ten days
after I have sailed." "Well," said the king, laughing, "you must bring
me a fair Portuguese maiden at your return."
With this answer the general took his leave, and made all the haste he
could to be gone, having recommended the factors during his absence to
the protection and favour of the king, and to purchase pepper, to help
out the loading of the Ascension, which was now more than three parts
laden; yet he did not chuse to leave her behind, as the road was open.
When all the three ships were nearly ready, the captain of a Holland
ship, called the Sheilberge, then in the roads, requested permission of
the general to join company with him, and take part in the adventure
upon which he was going. This ship was above 200 tons burden; but her
captain was as short of money in proportion as we were, and was
therefore desirous of a chance of making some addition to his stock; and
as our general was content to have his aid, he agreed to let him have an
eighth part of what might be taken. The general then went to take leave
of the king, to whom he presented two of the chief merchants, Messrs
Starkie and Styles, whom the king graciously took under his protection,
as they and some others were to remain behind to provide pepper against
the return of the ships.
We sailed on the 11th September, 1602, steering our course for the
straits of Malacca; but, before giving an account of this adventure, I
shall relate how the king dealt with the Portuguese ambassador after our
departure. Every day the ambassador urgently pressed for permission to
depart; but still, on one pretence or another, the king delayed his
voyage; till at last, twenty-four days after our departure, the king
said to him, "I wonder at your haste to be gone, considering that the
English ambassador is at sea with his ships, for if he meet you he will
do you some wrong or violence." "I care little for him," said the
ambassador, "for my _frigate_[113] is small and nimble, with sails and
oars; and if I were only her length from the Englishman, I could easily
escape all his force." The king then gave him his dispatch, and allowed
him to depart. This delay served well for us, for had he got away in
time, such advices would have been sent from Malacca into the straits by
_frigates_, that all ships would have had warning to avoid us: But by
detaining the ambassador, we lay within 25 leagues of Malacca, and were
never descried.
[Footnote 113: Frigates, in the present day, are single-decked ships of
war, of not less than 20 guns: The term seems then to have been applied
to a swift-sailing vessel of small size and force; and is frequently
applied to armed or even unarmed barks or grabs, small Malabar vessels
employed by the Portuguese for trade and war.--E.]
While we lay in the straits of Malacca, on the 3d October, the Hector
espied a sail, and calling to us, we all saw her likewise. Being towards
night, the general directed us to spread out in a line, a mile and a
half from each other, that she might not pass us in the night. During
the night the strange sail fell in with the Hector, which first espied
her. The captain immediately hailed her to surrender, firing two or
three shots to bring her to; so that the rest of our ships were apprized
of where she was, and all gathered about her, firing at her with their
cannon, which she returned. On the coming up of the admiral, which shot
off six pieces at once out of her prow, the main-yard of the chase fell
down, so that she could not escape. The admiral now ordered all our
ships to discontinue firing, lest some unfortunate shot might strike
between wind and water, and sink our expected prize; so we lay by her
till morning without any more fighting. At break of day, the captain of
the chase, and some of his men, went into his boat; on which the Hector,
being nearest, called to them to come to his ship. Mr John Middleton,
the captain of the Hector, being vice-admiral, brought the boat and
captain immediately aboard the general, to whom they surrendered their
ship and goods.
The general gave immediate orders to remove all the principal men of the
prize on board our ships, and only placed four of our men in the prize,
for fear of rifling and pillaging the valuable commodities she
contained, and gave these men strict warning, if any thing were
amissing, that they should answer for the value out of their wages and
shares, ordering them on no account to allow any one to come on board
the prize, unless with his permission. When the prize was unloaded, her
own boatswain and mariners did the whole work, none of our men being
allowed to go on board even to assist. They only received the goods into
our boats, carrying them to such ships as they were directed by the
general; by which orderly proceeding there was neither rifling,
pillaging, nor spoil, which could hardly have been otherwise avoided in
such a business. Within five or six days we had unladen her of 950 packs
of calicoes and pintados, or chintzes, besides many packages of other
merchandise. She had likewise much rice and other goods, of which we
made small account: And as a storm now began to blow, all their men were
put on board, and we left her riding at anchor. She came from San Thome,
[or Meliapour near Madras,] in the bay of Bengal, and was going to
Malacca, being of the burden of about 900 tons. When we intercepted her,
there were on board 600 persons, including men, women, and children.
The general would never go on board to see her, that there might be no
suspicion, either among our mariners, or the merchants in London, of any
dishonest dealing on his part, by helping himself to any part of her
goods. He was exceeding glad and thankful to God for this good fortune,
which had eased him of a heavy care, as it not only supplied his
necessities, to enable him to load his ships, but gave him sufficient
funds for loading as many more; so that now his care was not about
money, but how he should leave these goods, having so much more than
enough, till the arrival of other ships from England.
The 21st October, we began our voyage from the straits of Malacca to
return to Acheen; and by the way there came a great spout of water,
pouring from the heavens, and fell not far from our ship, to our extreme
terror. These spouts come pouring down like a river of water; so that,
if they were to fall upon a ship, she would be in imminent danger of
sinking downright; as the water falls all at once like one vast drop, or
as a prodigious stream poured from a vessel, and with extreme violence,
sometimes enduring for an hour together, so that the sea boils and foams
to a great height.
§ 5. _Presents to and from the King of Acheen, and his Letters to Queen
Elizabeth. Their Departure to Priaman and Bantam, and Settlement of
Trade at these Places._
We again cast anchor in the road of Acheen, on the 24th of October, when
the general went immediately on shore, and found all our merchants well
and in safety, giving great commendations of the kind entertainment they
had from the king in the absence of the general. On this account, the
general, willing to gratify the king with some of the most valuable
articles taken in the prize, selected a present of such things as he
thought might be most to his liking, and presented them to him on his
first going to court. The king received the present very graciously, and
welcomed the general on his return, seeming to be much pleased with his
success against the Portuguese; but jestingly added, that the general
had forgotten his most important commission, which was to bring back
with him a fair Portuguese maid. To this the general replied, that there
were none worthy of being offered. The king smiled, and said, if there
were any thing in his dominions that could gratify the general, he
should be most welcome to have it.
The merchants were now directed to ship in the Ascension, all the
pepper, cinnamon, and cloves they had bought in the absence of the
ships, which was scarcely enough to complete her loading; but there was
no more to be had at the time, nor could any more be expected that year.
The general, therefore, ordered every thing to be conveyed on board the
ships, as he was resolved to depart from Acheen, and to sail for Bantam
in _Java Major_, where he understood good sale might be procured for his
commodities, and a great return of pepper at a much more reasonable
price than at Acheen. Upon this order being promulgated, every person
made haste to get their things embarked.
The general went to court, and communicated to the king his intentions
of departing, and had a long conference with his majesty, who delivered
to him a complimentary letter for the Queen of England.[114] A present
was likewise delivered to him for the queen, consisting of three fine
vestments, richly woven and embroidered with gold of exquisite
workmanship, and a fine ruby set in a gold ring, the whole enclosed in a
_red box of Tzin_.[115] He likewise presented the general with another
ruby set in a ring, and when about to take leave, he asked the general
if we had the Psalms of David extant among us. On being told that we
had, and sang them daily, he said, that he and his nobles would sing a
psalm to God for our prosperous voyage, which they did very reverently.
He then desired that we might sing another psalm in our own language;
and being about twelve of us present, we sang a psalm. That being ended,
the general took leave of the king, who shewed him much kindness at his
departure, desiring God to bless us during our voyage, and to guide us
safely to our country; adding, that if any of our ships should come
hereafter to his ports, they might depend on receiving as kind treatment
as we had got.
[Footnote 114: Purchas gives a copy of this letter, as translated from
the Arabic by William Bedwell. It is long, tedious, and merely composed
of hyperbolical compliment; and therefore omitted.--E.]
[Footnote 115: This was probably a casket of red Chinese lacker or
varnish, usually denominated Japanned.--E.]
All our goods and men being shipped, we departed from Acheen on the 9th
November, 1602, with three ships, the Dragon, Hector, and Ascension, the
Susan having been long before sent to Priaman. We kept company for two
days, in which time the general prepared his letters for England,
sending them away in the Ascension, which now directed her course by the
Cape of Good Hope for England; while we steered along the south-western
coast of Sumatra, in our way to Bantam, meaning to look for the Susan,
which had been sent formerly to endeavour to procure a loading on that
coast. While in this course we suddenly fell in among a number of
islands in the night, and when the morning dawned were astonished how we
had got in among them, without seeing or running upon any of them. They
were all low land, environed with rocks and shoals, so that we were in
great danger; but thanks be to God, who had delivered us from many
dangers, and enabled us to extricate ourselves from the present
difficulty. Continuing our course, we passed the equinoctial line for
the third time, and coming to Priaman, the 26th November, we rejoined
the Susan, which the general had sent there from Acheen to load with
pepper.
The people of the Susan were rejoiced at our arrival, having already
provided 600 bahars of pepper, and sixty-six bahars of cloves. Pepper
was cheaper here than at Acheen, though none grows in the neighbourhood
of this port, being all brought from a place called _Manangcabo_, eight
or ten leagues within the country; which place has no other merchandise,
except a considerable store of gold in dust and small grains, which is
washed out of the sands of rivers after the great floods of the rainy
season, by which it is brought down from the mountains. Priaman is a
good place of refreshment, and is very pleasant and healthy, though it
lies within 15' of the line. Having refreshed ourselves here with good
air, fresh victuals, and water, the general left orders for the Susan to
complete her loading in all speed, which wanted only a few hundred
bahars of pepper, and then to proceed direct for England.
Leaving the Susan at Priaman, we left that place with the Dragon and
Hector on the 4th December, directing our course for Bantam in Java.
Entering the straits of Sunda, the 15th December, we came to anchor
under an island three leagues from Bantam, called _Pulo Pansa_. Next
morning we got into the road of Bantam, and fired a great peal of
ordnance from our two ships, the like of which had never been heard in
that place before. Next morning, the general sent Captain John Middleton
on shore with a message for the king, to say that he, the general, was
sent by the Queen of England with a letter and message for his majesty,
and required his majesty's licence and safe conduct to come on shore to
deliver them. The king sent back word that he was glad of his arrival,
sending a nobleman along with Captain Middleton to welcome the general,
and accompany him on shore. Taking about sixteen attendants, the
general went on shore with this nobleman to the court, where he found
the king, being a boy of ten or eleven years of age, sitting in _a round
house_, surrounded in some decent state by sixteen or eighteen of his
nobles. The general made his obeisance after the custom of the country,
and was welcomed very kindly by the young king. After some conference
about his message, he delivered the queen's letter into the king's
hands, and made him a present of plate and some other things, which the
king received with a smiling countenance, and referred the general for
farther conference to one of his nobles, who was protector or regent of
the kingdom in his minority.
After a conference of an hour and a half; the regent in the king's name
received the general and all his company under the king's protection,
with perfect freedom to come on land, to buy and sell without
molestation, assuring him of as great security as in his own country, to
all which the other nobles gave their consent and assurance. There
passed many discourses upon other topics at this conference, which I
omit troubling the reader with for the sake of brevity; my purpose being
to shew the effect of this first settlement of trade in the East Indies,
rather than to be tediously particular. After this kind welcome and
satisfactory conference, the general took his leave of the king and
nobles, and immediately gave orders for providing houses, of which he
had the king's authority to make choice to his liking. Within two days,
the merchants brought their goods ashore, and began to make sales; but
one of the nobles came to the general, saying, that it was the custom of
the place, for the king to buy and provide himself before the subjects
could purchase any thing. The general readily consented to this
arrangement, being informed that the king would give a reasonable price
and make punctual payment.
When the king was served, the merchants went on with their sales, and in
a few weeks sold more goods than would have sufficed to purchase loading
for both ships, yet we only brought away from thence 276 bags of pepper,
each containing sixty-two pounds. Each bag cost at first rate 5-1/2
ryals of eight, of 4s. 6d. being £1:4:9 per bag, or something less than
5d. a pound. This was, however, besides duty of anchorage and custom to
the king. By agreement with the _Sabander_ or governor of the
city,[116] the general paid as anchorage duty for the two ships, 1500
ryals of eight; and one ryal of eight as custom for each bag of pepper.
We traded here very peaceably, though the Javans are reckoned the
greatest thieves in the world: But; after having received one or two
abuses, the general had authority from the king to put to death whoever
was found about his house in the night, and after four or five were thus
slain, we lived in reasonable peace and quiet, yet had continually to
keep strict watch all night.
[Footnote 116: This officer, as his title implies, which ought to be
written Shah-bander, is lord of the port or harbour.--E.]
We went on with our trade, so that by the 10th February, 1603, our ships
were fully laden and ready to depart. In the mean time, Mr John
Middleton, captain of the Hector, fell sick on board his ship in the
road. For, from the very first of our voyage, the general made it an
invariable rule, if he were ashore, that the vice-admiral must be on
board, and _vice versa_, that both might not be at one time from their
charge. Hearing of his sickness, the general went aboard to visit him,
and found him much weaker than he himself felt or suspected, which
experience in these hot climates had taught our general to know; for,
although Captain Middleton was then walking about the deck, he died
about two o'clock next morning.
The general now proceeded to put every thing in order for our speedy
departure, and appointed a pinnace of about 40 tons, which we had, to be
laden with commodities, putting into her twelve mariners with certain
merchants, whom he sent to the Moluccas, to trade there and settle a
factory, against the arrival of the next ships from England. He likewise
left eight men and three factors in Bantam, Mr William Starkie being
head factor; whom he appointed to sell such commodities as were left,
and to provide loading for the next ships. Every thing being arranged,
the general went to court to take his leave of the king, from whom he
received a letter for Queen Elizabeth, with a present of some fine
bezoar stones. To the general he gave a handsome Java dagger, which is
much esteemed there, a good bezoar stone, and some other things. After
this the general took leave of the king, with many courteous expressions
on both sides.
§ 6. _Departure for England, and Occurrences in the Voyage_.
We all embarked on the 20th February, 1603, shot off our ordnance, and
set sail for England, giving thanks to God with joyful hearts for his
merciful protection. We were in the straits of Sunda on the 22d and 23d
of that month, and on the 26th we got clear of all the islands in these
straits and of the land, shaping our course S.W. so that on the 28th we
were in lat. 8° 40' S. On Sunday the 13th March, we were past the tropic
of Capricorn, holding our course mostly S.W. with a stiff gale at S.E.
The 14th April we were in lat. 34° S. judging the great island of
Madagascar to be north of us. We had a great and furious storm on the
28th, which forced us to take in all our sails. This storm continued a
day and night, during which the sea so raged that none of us expected
our ships to live; but God, in his infinite mercy, calmed the violence
of the storm, and gave us opportunity to repair the losses and injuries
we had received; but our ships were so shaken by the violence of the
wind and waves, that they continued leaky all the rest of the voyage.
We had another great storm on the 3d May, which continued all night, and
did so beat on the quarter of our ship that it shook all the iron work
of our rudder, which broke clean off next morning from our stern, and
instantly sunk. This misfortune filled all our hearts with fear, so that
the best and most experienced among us knew not what to do, especially
seeing ourselves in so tempestuous a sea, and a so stormy place, so that
I think there be few worse in the world. Our ship now drove about at the
mercy of the winds and waves like a wreck, so that we were sometimes
within a few leagues of the Cape of Good Hope, when a contrary wind came
and drove us almost into 40° S. among hail, snow, and sleety cold
weather. This was a great misery to us, and pinched us sore with cold,
having been long used to hot weather. All this while the Hector
carefully kept by us, which was some comfort, and many times the master
of the Hector came aboard our ship to consult upon what could be done.
At length it was concluded to put our mizen-mast out at a stern port, to
endeavour to steer our ship into some place where we might make and hang
a new rudder to carry us home. This device, was however to little
purpose; for, when we had fitted it and put it out into the sea, it did
so lift up with the strength of the waves, and so shook the stem of our
ship, as to put us in great danger, so that we were glad to use all
convenient haste to get the mast again into the ship.
We were now apparently without hope or remedy, unless we made a new
rudder, and could contrive to hang it at sea, which may easily be judged
was no easy matter, in so dangerous a sea, and our ship being of seven
or eight hundred tons.[117] But necessity compelled us to try all
possible means. The general ordered our carpenters to make a new rudder
of the mizen-mast; but there was this great obstacle, that we had lost
all our rudder-irons along with the old rudder: Yet we proceeded with
all expedition; One of our men dived, to search what might remain of our
rudder-irons on the stern port, who found but two, and another that was
broken. Yet, with God's help, finding a fair day, we made fast our new
rudder, and were able to make sail homewards. Within three or four
hours, the sea took it off again, and we had great difficulty to save
it, losing another of our irons, so that only two now remained to hang
it by, and our men began to propose quitting the ship and going on board
the Hector to save themselves. "Nay," said the general, "we will abide
God's leisure, and see what mercy he will shew us; for I do not yet
despair to save ourselves, the ship, and the goods, by some means which
God will appoint." With that, he went into his cabin, and wrote a letter
for England, proposing to send it by the Hector, commanding her to
continue her voyage and leave us; but not one of our ship's company knew
of this command. The tenor of the letter was as follows, little more or
less, addressed to the Governor and Company:
RIGHT WORSHIPFUL,
_What hath passed in this voyage, and what trades I have settled for the
company, and what other events have befallen us, you shall understand by
the bearers hereof, to whom (as occasion has fallen) I must refer you, I
shall strive with all diligence to save my ship and her goods, as you
may _perceive by the course I take in venturing my own life, and those
that are with me. I cannot tell where you should look for me, if you
send any pinnace to seek me; because I live at the devotion of the winds
and seas. And that, fare you well, praying God to send us a merry
meeting in this world, if it be his good will and pleasure.
The passage to the_ East India _lieth in 62 1/2 degrees, by the
north-west on the America side_.[118]
_Your very loving friend,
JAMES LANCASTER_.
[Footnote 117: At the commencement of this article, the burden of the
Dragon is only stated at 600 tons.--E.]
[Footnote 118: This latter paragraph obviously refers to the _ignis
fatuus_ of a northwest passage by sea to India, to be noticed in an
after part of this work.--E.]
When this letter was delivered to the Hector, together with his orders
for her departure, the general expected she would have gone off from us
in the night, according to instructions; but when he espied her in the
morning, he said to me that they regarded no orders. But the Hector kept
some two or three leagues from us, not coming any nearer; for the master
was an honest and good man, who loved our general, and was loth to leave
him in such great distress. It was now incumbent upon us to try every
means to save ourselves and the ship. Our carpenter mended our new
rudder, and in a few days the weather became somewhat fair and the sea
smooth. So we made a signal for the Hector to come near, out of which
came the master, Mr Sander Cole, bringing the best swimmers and divers
belonging to his ship, who helped us materially in our work. By the
blessing of God, we hung our rudder again on the two remaining hooks,
and then had some hope of being able to fetch some port for our relief.
We were sore beaten to and fro in these raging seas, and had many more
storms than are here expressed, sometimes for a whole month together, so
that our men began to fall sick, and the wind was so scant that we could
fetch no port on the coast of Africa, which was the nearest land.
Committing ourselves therefore into the hands of God, we made sail for
the island of St Helena, knowing that we were to the westwards of the
Cape of Good Hope, especially by the height we were now in to the
northward. While in this course our main-yard fell down, and drove one
of our men into the sea, where he was drowned; this being the last of
our misfortunes. The 5th June, we passed the tropic of Capricorn, and in
the morning of the 16th we got sight of St Helena to our great joy. We
bore close along shore, to get to the best part of the road, where we
came to anchor in twelve fathoms water, right over against a chapel
which the Portuguese had built there long since.
When we went ashore, we found by many writings, that the Portuguese
caraks had departed from thence only eight days before our arrival. In
this island there are excellent refreshments to be had, especially water
and wild goats; but the latter are hard to be got at, unless good means
are followed. For this purpose the general selected four stout active
men, the best marksmen among our people, who were directed to go into
the middle of the island, each of these, having four men to attend him,
and to carry the goats he killed to an appointed place, whence every day
twenty men went to bring them to the ships. By this plan there was no
hooting or hallooing about the island to scare the goats, and the ships
were plentifully supplied to the satisfaction of all. While we remained
here, we refitted our ships as well as we could, and overhauled our
temporary rudder, securing it so effectually that we had good hope it
might last us home. All our sick men recovered their health, through the
abundance of goats and hogs we procured for their refreshment. Indeed
all of us stood in great need of fresh provisions, having seen no laud
in three months, but being continually beaten about at sea.
We departed from St Helena on the 5th July, steering N.W. and passed the
island of Ascension, in lat. 8° S. on the 13th. No ships touch at this
island, for it is altogether barren and without water; only that it
abounds with fish all around in deep water, where there is ill riding
for ships. Holding our course still N.W. with the wind at E. and S.E.
till the 19th of that month, we then passed the equator, and on the 24th
were in lat. 6° N. at which time we judged ourselves to be 150 leagues
from the coast of Guinea. We then steered N. by W. and N. till the 29th,
when we got sight of the island of _Fuego_, one of the Cape Verds, where
we were becalmed five days, striving to pass to the eastwards of this
island but could not, for the wind changed to the N.E. so that we had to
steer W.N.W. We were in lat. 16° N. on the 7th August, and on the 12th
we passed the tropic of Cancer, in lat. 23° 30' N. holding our course to
the north. The 23d the wind came westerly; and on the 29th we passed St
Mary, the southeastermost of the Azores, with a fair wind. We had
soundings on the 7th September, 1603, the coast of England being then 40
leagues from us by our reckoning; and we arrived in the Downs on the
11th of that month, where we came safe to anchor: For which we thanked
the Almighty God, who hath delivered us from infinite perils and
dangers, in this long and tedious navigation; having been, from the 2d
April, 1601, when we sailed from Torbay, two years five months and nine
days absent from England.