The picture of this great catastrophe, however, finishes with the

death of Brutus. Shakspeare desired to interest us in the event

of his drama only as it related to Brutus, just as he has

presented Brutus to us only in relation to the event. The fact

which furnishes the subject of the tragedy, and the character

which accomplishes it, the death of Cæsar and the character of

Brutus--this is the union which constitutes Shakspeare's dramatic

work, just as the union of soul and body constitutes life, both

elements being equally necessary to the existence of the

individual. Before the death of Cæsar was planned, the play does

not begin; after the death of Brutus, it ends.

It is, then, upon the character of Brutus, the soul of his drama,

that Shakspeare has stamped the impress of his genius; and it is

all the more admirable in this picture, because, while remaining

faithful to history, he has made it also a work of creation, and

has presented Plutarch's Brutus to us as truthfully and

completely in the scenes which the poet has imagined, as in those

which the historian had supplied. That dreamy spirit ever busied

in self-examination, that disturbance of a stern conscience at

the first indications of a duty that is still doubtful, that calm

and resolute firmness as soon as the duty becomes certain, that

profound and almost painful sensibility, ever restrained by the

rigor of the most austere principles, that gentleness of soul

which never disappears for a single moment amid the most cruel

offices of virtue--in fine, the character of Brutus, as its idea

is present to us all, proceeds animate and unchanging through the

different scenes of life in which we meet it, and in which we can

not doubt that it appeared under the very aspect with which the

poet has clothed it.

Perhaps this historical fidelity may have occasioned the coldness

of Shakspeare's critics regarding the tragedy of "Julius Cæsar."

They could not discover in it those features of almost wild

originality which strike us in the works which Shakspeare has

composed upon modern subjects, foreign to the actual habits of

our life, as well as to the classical ideas upon which the habits

of our mind nave been formed.

{212}

The manners of Hotspur are certainly more original to us than

those of Brutus, and they are also more original in themselves.

The grandeur of the characters of the Middle Ages is strongly

impressed with originality; the grandeur of the ancients arises

with regularity upon the basis of certain general principles,

which leave no other sensible difference between individuals than

the difference of elevation to which they attain. This was felt

by Shakspeare; he merely thought to enhance Brutus, and not to

make him singular. The other personages, being placed in an

inferior sphere, resume somewhat of the liberty of their

individual character, because they are free from that rule of

perfection which duty imposes upon Brutus. The poet also seems to

play around them with less respect, and to allow himself to

ingraft upon them several forms which belong to himself rather

than to them. Cassius, disdainfully comparing the bodily strength

of Cæsar to his own, and running through the streets of Rome by

night in the midst of the storm, to assuage the fever of dangers

which devours him, bears much greater resemblance to a comrade of

Canute or of Harold than to a Roman of the time of Cæsar; but

this barbarian tint throws over the irregularities of Cassius an

interest which would not, perhaps, arise with such liveliness

from the historical resemblance. M. Schlegel, whose opinions upon

Shakspeare always deserve great consideration, seems to me,

however, to fall into a slight error when he remarks that "the

poet has pointed out with great nicety the superiority of Cassius

over Brutus in independent volition and discernment in judging of

human affairs."

{213}

I think, on the contrary, that Shakspeare's admirable art

consists, in this piece, in preserving to the principal personage

an entire superiority, even when he is mistaken, and in making

this evident by the very fact that he falls into error, and yet

is deferred to, and that the reason of the others yields with

confidence to the mistake of Brutus. Brutus goes so far as to do

himself a wrong; in his quarrel with Cassius, overcome for a

moment by terrible and secret grief, he forgets the moderation

which becomes him; in fine, Brutus is wrong once, and yet Cassius

humbles himself, for Brutus has in fact continued greater than

he.

Cæsar's character may perhaps appear to us rather too much

disfigured by that boastfulness which is common to all barbarous

times in which individual force, incessantly called upon to

engage in the most terrible struggles, can sustain itself only by

a lofty consciousness of its own power, and even has need to be

supported by the idea which others entertain of it. It was

necessary to display in Cæsar the force which had subjugated the

Romans, and the pride which crushed them; Shakspeare had only one

position in which he could manifest this state of the soul of his

hero; and he, consequently, laid the color on too thickly.

Nevertheless, his Cæsar, I confess, does not appear to me more

false than our own. Shakspeare even seems to me to have better

preserved, in the midst of his rhodomontades, those forms of

equality which the despot of a republic ever maintains toward

those whom he oppresses.

The tone of "Julius Cæsar" is more generally sustained than that

of most of the other tragedies of Shakspeare. Scarcely,

throughout the whole of the part of Brutus, do we meet with a

single vulgar image; and the only one at all open to the charge

of vulgarity occurs when he gives way to anger.

{214}

The visible care which the poet has taken to imitate the laconic

language which history attributes to his hero has very rarely led

him into affectation, unless perhaps in the speech of Brutus to

the people, which is a model of the scholastic eloquence of the

age in which the author lived. The language of Cassius, more

figurative because it is more passionate, and distinguished by a

less simple loftiness than that of Brutus, is nevertheless

equally exempt from triviality. Antony's harangue is a model of

adroitness, and of the feigned simplicity of a skillful tactician

who is desirous to gain the minds of a coarse and changeful

multitude. Voltaire blames Shakspeare, at least with severity,

for having presented under a comic form the scene at the feast of

Lupercal, the substance of which, he says, "is so noble and

interesting." Voltaire sees here nothing but a crown demanded of

a free people who refuse it; but Cæsar making himself, in

presence of the people, the actor of a farce prepared for his own

aggrandizement, and in despair at the applause bestowed on the

manner in which he acts his part, was in truth, to the wits of

Rome, something extremely comic, which could not be presented to

them under any other form.

The action of the piece comprises the period from the triumph of

Cæsar, after the victory gained over young Pompey, until the

death of Brutus, which gives it a duration of nearly three years

and a half.

There is in English another tragedy on "Julius Cæsar," composed

by Lord Sterline, and known to the public, as it would appear,

several years before Shakspeare composed his drama, so that he

may have borrowed some ideas from it. This tragedy ends with the

death of Cæsar, which the author has thrown into the narrative

form.

{215}

A Doctor Richard Eedes, celebrated in his time as a tragic poet,

had also written a Latin play on the same subject, which was

printed, it is said, in 1582, but which has been lost, as well as

an English play entitled "The History of Cæsar and Pompey," which

was written before the year 1579. In 1607, a play was printed in

London under the title of "The Tragedie of Cæsar and Pompey, or

Cæsar's Revenge." This drama, which extends from the battle of

Pharsalia to that of Philippi, was performed at a private theatre

by some students of Oxford, and it is supposed that it was

printed in consequence of the successful performance of

Shakspeare's tragedy, which Malone's chronology refers to the

same year, 1607.

"Julius Cæsar" was performed, as corrected by Dryden and

Davenant, under the title of "Julius Cæsar, with the Death of

Brutus," and was printed in London in 1719.

The Duke of Buckingham also remodeled this same tragedy, dividing

it into two parts; the first under the title of "Julius Cæsar,"

with many alterations, a prologue, and a chorus; and the second

under the title of "Marcus Brutus," with a prologue and two

choruses. Both were printed in 1722.

{216}

Othello.

(1611.)

"There was once in Venice a Moor of great merit, who, for his

personal courage, and the proofs he had given of his conduct, as

well as his vigorous genius in the affairs of war, was held in

great esteem by the lords of the republic. It happened that a

virtuous woman, of great beauty, called Desdemona, not drawn by

female appetite, but by the virtue of the Moor, fell in love with

him; and he, subdued by the charms and noble sentiments of the

lady, became equally enamored of her. Their passion was so

successful that they were married, although her relations did all

in their power to make her take another husband. They lived

together in such peace and concord while they were at Venice,

that there never passed between them either word or action that

was not expressive of affection. The Venetians, resolving to

change the garrison which they maintain in Cyprus, selected the

Moor to the command of the troops which they destined for that

island. Although he was extremely pleased with the honor proposed

to him, yet was his joy diminished when he reflected on the

length and inconvenience of the voyage. His wife was very much

vexed at seeing the Moor disturbed; and, not knowing the reason,

said to him one day at dinner, 'How can you be so melancholy,

after having received from the Senate so high and so honorable a

distinction?'

{217}

'My love for you, Desdemona,' replied the Moor, 'disturbs my

enjoyment of the rank conferred upon me, since I am now exposed

to this alternative--I must either endanger your life by sea, or

leave you at Venice. The first will be terrible, as I shall

suffer extremely from every fatigue you undergo, from every

danger that threatens you; the second would render me

insupportable to myself, as parting from you would be parting

from my life.' 'Ah! husband,' returned Desdemona, 'why do you

perplex yourself with such idle imaginations? I will follow you

wherever you go, though it were necessary to pass through fire

instead of only going by water in a safe and well-equipped

vessel.' The Moor then tenderly embraced his wife, saying, 'May

Heaven long preserve us in this degree of reciprocal affection!'

Soon afterward, he went on board the galley with his wife, and

sailed for Cyprus with a favorable wind.

"He had in his company an ensign of a very amiable outward

appearance, but whose character was extremely treacherous and

base. This rascal had also conducted his wife with him to Cyprus,

who was a handsome and discreet woman; and, being an Italian,

Desdemona was so fond of her that they passed the greatest part

of their time together. In the same company was also a

lieutenant, to whom the Moor was much attached. The lieutenant

went often to the Moor's house, and dined frequently with him and

his wife. Desdemona, seeing that the Moor was so fond of him,

showed him every mark of attention and civility, with which the

Moor was much pleased. The detestable ensign, forgetting his duty

to his own wife, and violating all the laws of friendship, honor,

and gratitude with which he was bound to the Moor, fell

passionately in love with Desdemona, and sought by all the

private means in his power to make her conscious of his love.

{218}

But she was so entirely taken up with the Moor that she thought

neither of him nor of any one else; and all that he did to engage

her affections produced not the least effect. He then took it

into his head that this neglect arose from her being pre-engaged

in favor of the lieutenant; and not only determined to get rid of

him, but changed his affection for her into the most bitter

hatred. He studied, besides, how he might prevent in future the

Moor from living happily with Desdemona, should his passion not

be gratified. Revolving in his mind a variety of methods, all

impious and abominable, he at last determined to accuse her to

the Moor of adultery with the lieutenant. But knowing the Moor's

great affection for Desdemona, and his friendship for the

lieutenant, he determined to wait till time and place afforded

him a fit opportunity for entering on his wicked design; and it

was not long before the Moor degraded the lieutenant for having

drawn his sword and wounded a soldier upon guard. This accident

was so painful to Desdemona that she often tried to obtain for

him her husband's pardon. In the mean time, the Moor had observed

to the ensign that his wife teased him so much in favor of the

lieutenant that he feared he should be obliged at last to restore

to him his commission. 'Perhaps,' said the villain, 'Desdemona is

fond of his company.' 'And why?' said the Moor. 'Nay,' replied

he, 'I do not choose to meddle between man and wife; but if you

watch her properly, you will understand me.' Nor would he, to the

earnest entreaties of the Moor, afford any further explanation."

[Footnote 27]

[Footnote 27: See Giraldi Cinthio's "Hecatommithi," printed

in Payne Collier's "Shakspeare's Library," vol. ii.]

{219}

The novelist then goes on to relate all the practices of the

perfidious ensign to convince Othello of Desdemona's infidelity.

There is not a single detail in Shakspeare's tragedy which does

not occur also in Cinthio's novel. The handkerchief of Desdemona,

that precious handkerchief which the Moor had inherited from his

mother, and which he had given to his wife during the early days

of their love; the manner in which the ensign obtains possession

of it, and leads to its discovery in the chamber of the

lieutenant, whom he is desirous to ruin; the Moor's insistence

upon having this handkerchief produced, and the trouble into

which Desdemona is thrown by its loss; the artful conversation of

the ensign with the lieutenant, to which the Moor listens at a

distance, and fancies he hears all that he dreads; the plot of

the duped Moor and the wretch who is deceiving him, to

assassinate the lieutenant; the blow which the ensign strikes him

from behind, and which cuts off his leg; in a word, all the

facts, whether important or not, upon which the various scenes of

the play successively rest, have been supplied to the poet by the

novelist, who had doubtless added a great number of

embellishments to the historical tradition which he had

discovered. The _dénouement_ alone is different; in the

novel, the Moor and the ensign together murder Desdemona during

the night, pull down the ceiling on the bed in which she slept,

and say she has been crushed by this accident. The true cause of

her death long remains unknown. Ere long the Moor conceives a

dislike to the ensign, and dismisses him from his army. Another

adventure leads the ensign, on his return to Venice, to accuse

the Moor of the murder of his wife. The Moor is recalled to

Venice and put to the torture, but he denies the charge; he is

banished, and the relatives of Desdemona have him assassinated in

his exile.

{220}

A new crime leads to the arrest of the ensign, and he dies racked

with tortures. "The ensign's wife, who had been informed of the

whole affair," says Giraldi Cinthio, "after his death, thus

circumstantially related this story."

It is clear that this _dénouement_ could nob be brought on

the stage; and Shakspeare changed it because it was absolutely

necessary to do so. In other respects, he has retained and

reproduced every incident; and not only has he omitted nothing,

but he has added nothing. He seems to have attached almost no

importance to the facts themselves; he took them as he found

them, without giving himself the trouble to invent the slightest

addition, or to alter the slightest incident.

He has, however, created the whole; for, into the facts which he

has thus exactly borrowed from another, he has infused a vitality

which they did not inherently possess. The narrative of Giraldi

Cinthio is complete; it is deficient in nothing that seems

essential to the interest of a recital; situations, incidents,

progressive development of the principal event, external and

material construction, so to speak, of a pathetic and singular

adventure--all these things are contained in it, ready for use;

and some of the conversations even are not wanting in a natural

and touching simplicity. But the genius which supplies the actors

to such a scene, which creates individuals, imparts to each his

peculiar figure and character, and enables us to witness their

actions, to hear their words, to anticipate their thoughts, and

to enter into their feelings; that vivifying power which commands

facts to rise, to go onward, to display themselves and to effect

their accomplishment; that creative breath, which, diffusing

itself over the past, resuscitates it, and fills it in some sort

with a present and imperishable vitality; this is what Shakspeare

alone possessed; and by means of this, from a forgotten novel, he

made "Othello."

{221}

All subsists, in fact, and yet all is changed. We no longer hear

of a Moor, a lieutenant, an ensign, and a woman, the victim of

jealousy and treason. We behold Othello, Cassio, Iago, and

Desdemona real and living beings, who resemble no other, who

present themselves in flesh and bone before the spectator--all

entwined by the bonds of a common position, all carried away by

the same event, yet each having his own personal nature and

distinct physiognomy, and each co-operating to produce the

general effect by ideas, feelings, passions, and acts which are

peculiar to him, and result from his individuality. It was not

the fact, it was not the position which struck the poet, and from

which he sought to obtain all his means of a wakening interest

and emotion. The position appeared to him to possess the

conditions of a great dramatic scene; the fact struck him as a

suitable frame-work into which life might be appropriately

introduced. Suddenly he gave birth to beings complete in

themselves, animated and tragic, independently of every

particular position and every determinate fact; he brought them

forth capable of feeling, and of displaying beneath our eyes all

that the special event in which they were about to take part

could make human nature experience and produce; and he launched

them forth into this event, feeling very sure that, whatever

circumstances might be furnished him by the narrative, he would

find in them, as he had made them, a fruitful source of pathetic

effects and of truth.

{222}

Thus the poet creates, and such is poetical genius. Events, and

even positions, are not what he deems most important, or what he

takes delight in inventing; his power aims at exercising itself

otherwise than in searching after incidents of a more or less

singular character, and adventures of a more or less touching

nature; it manifests itself by the creation of man himself; and

when it creates man, it creates him complete, armed at all points

as he should be, to suffice for all the vicissitudes of life, and

to present the aspect of reality in every sense of the word.

Othello is something far more than a blind and jealous husband,

urged to commit murder by his jealousy; this is only his position

during the play, and his character goes far beyond his position.

The sun-burned Moor, with ardent blood, and a keen and brutal

imagination, credulous by the violence of his temperament as well

as by the excess of his passion; the successful soldier, proud of

his fortune and his glory, respectful and submissive to the power

from which he holds his rank, never forgetting the duties of war

in the blandishments of love, and bitterly regretting the joys of

war when he loses all the happiness of love; the man whose life

has been harsh and agitated, for whom gentle and tender pleasures

are something novel which astonishes while it delights him, and

which does not inspire him with a feeling of security, although

his character is full of generosity and confidence; Othello, in a

word, delineated, not only in those portions of himself which

have a present and direct connection with the accidental position

in which he is placed, but in the whole extent of his nature, and

as he has been made by the entire course of his destiny; this is

what Shakspeare enables us to see. In the same manner, Iago is

not merely an irritated enemy desirous of revenge, or an ordinary

rascal anxious to destroy a happiness which he can not

contemplate with satisfaction; he is a cynical and reasoning

wretch, who has made for himself a philosophy of egotism and a

science of crime; who looks upon men merely as instruments or

obstacles to his personal interests; who despises virtue as an

absurdity, and yet hates it as an injury; who preserves entire

independence of thought, while engaged in the most servile

conduct; and who, at the very moment when his crimes are about to

cost him his life, still enjoys, with ferocious pride, the evil

which he has done, as if it were a proof of his superiority.

{223}

Pass in review all the personages of the tragedy, from its heroes

down to the least important characters--Desdemona, Cassio,

Emilia, Bianca; we behold them appearing, not under vague

aspects, and with those features only which correspond to their

dramatic position, but with precise and complete forms, and all

the elements which constitute personality. Cassio is not

introduced merely to become the object of Othello's jealousy, and

as a necessity of the drama; he has his own character,

inclinations, qualities, and defects; and from what he is

naturally flows the influence which he exercises upon what occurs

to him. Emilia is not merely an attendant employed by the poet as

an instrument either of the entanglement or of the discovery of

the perfidies which lead to the catastrophe; she is the wife of

Iago, whom she does not love, and whom she obeys because she

fears him; but although she distrusts him, she has actually

contracted, in the society of that man, somewhat of the

immorality of his mind; nothing is pure either in her thoughts or

in her words; and yet she is kind-hearted and attached to her

mistress, and detests evil and deeds of darkness. Bianca herself

has her own physiognomy, entirely independent of the little part

which she plays in the action. Forget the events, set aside the

drama, and all these personages will continue real, animated, and

distinct; they possess inherent vitality, and their existence

will not disappear with their position. In them is displayed the

creative power of the poet, and the facts, to him, are only the

stage upon which he bids his characters appear.

{224}

Just as the novel of Giraldi Cinthio, in Shakspeare's hands,

became "Othello," so, in the hands of Voltaire, "Othello" became

"Zaire." I do not wish to compare the two works; such comparisons

are almost always vain _jeux d'esprit_, which prove nothing,

except the personal opinion of the judge himself. Voltaire also

was a man of genius; the best proof of genius is the empire which

it wields over men; wherever the power of interesting, moving,

and charming a whole people is displayed, this fact alone answers

every objection; genius is there, whatever fault may be found

with the dramatic system or the poet. But it is curious to

observe the infinite variety of the means by which genius

manifests itself, and how many different forms the same

ground-work of positions and feelings may receive from it.

Shakspeare and His Times · 第 15 / 25 段