Externally, however, his existence seems to have pursued a

tranquil course. His name is mixed up in no literary quarrel;

and, but for the malicious allusions of the envious Ben Jonson,

scarcely would a single criticism be associated with the

panegyrics which bear witness to his superiority. All the

documents which we possess exhibit Shakspeare to us placed at

last in the position which he was rightfully entitled to occupy,

and valued as much for the charm of his character as for the

brilliancy of his talents, and the admiration due to his genius.

A glance, too, at the affairs of the poet will prove that he was

beginning to introduce into the details of his existence that

order and regularity which are essential to respectability. We

find him successively purchasing, in his native town, a house and

various portions of land, which soon formed a sufficient estate

to insure him a competent income. The profits which he derived

from the theatre, in his double capacity of author and actor,

have been estimated at two hundred pounds a year, a very

considerable sum at that time; and if the liberalities of Lord

Southampton were added to the economy of the poet, we may

conclude that, at least, they were not unwisely employed.

{112}

Rowe, in his Life of Shakspeare, seems to think that the gifts of

Queen Elizabeth also had some share in building up the fortune of

her favorite poet. The grant of an escutcheon which was made, or

rather confirmed to his father in 1599, proves a desire to bestow

honor on his family. But there is nothing to indicate that

Shakspeare obtained from Elizabeth and her court any marks of

distinction superior, or even equal to those conferred by Louis

XIV. upon Molière, like himself an actor and a poet. If we except

his intimacy with Lord Southampton, Shakspeare, like Molière,

chose his habitual acquaintance chiefly among men of letters,

whose social condition he had probably contributed to elevate.

The Mermaid Club, founded by Sir Walter Raleigh, and of which

Shakspeare, Ben Jonson, Beaumont, Fletcher, and many others were

members, was long celebrated for the brilliant "wit-combats,"

which took place there between Shakspeare and Ben Jonson, and in

which the vivacity of the former gave him an immense advantage

over the laborious slowness of his opponent. The anecdotes which

are quoted on this point are not worthy of being collected at the

present day. Few _bons-mots_ are sufficiently good to

survive for two centuries.

{113}

Who would not suppose that a life which had become so honorable

and pleasant would long have retained Shakspeare in the midst of

society conformable to the necessities of his mind, and upon the

theatre of his glory? Nevertheless, in 1613, or 1614 at the

latest, three or four years after having obtained from James I.

the direction of the Blackfriars Theatre, without having

apparently incurred the displeasure of the king to whom he was

indebted for this new mark of favor, or of the public for whom he

had just produced "Othello" and "The Tempest," Shakspeare left

London and the stage to take up his residence at Stratford, in

his house at New Place, in the midst of his fields. Had he become

anxious to taste the joys of family life? He might have brought

his wife and children to London. Nothing seems to indicate that

he was greatly grieved at separation from them. During his

residence in London, he used, it is said, to make frequent

journeys to Stratford; but he has been accused of having found,

on the road, pleasures of a kind which may have consoled him, at

least, for the absence of his wife; and Sir William Davenant used

loudly to boast of the poet's intimacy with his mother, the

pretty and witty hostess of the Crown, at Oxford, where

Shakspeare always stopped on his way to Stratford. If

Shakspeare's sonnets were to be regarded as the expression of his

dearest and most habitual feelings, we might reasonably be

astonished at not finding in them a single allusion to his native

place, to his children, or even to the son whom he lost at twelve

years of age. And yet Shakspeare could not have been ignorant of

the power of paternal love. He who, in "Macbeth," has described

pity as "a naked, new-born babe;" he who has put these words into

the mouth of Coriolanus,

"Not of a woman's tenderness to be,

Requires nor child nor woman's face to see;"

he who has so well depicted the tender puerilities of maternal

affection, could not have looked upon his own children without

experiencing the fond emotions of a father's heart.

{114}

But Shakspeare, as his character presents itself to our mind, had

long been able to find, in the distractions of the world, enough

to occupy the place, in his soul and life, which he was capable

of giving up to family affections. However this may be, it is

more difficult to discern the causes which led to his departure

from London, than to perceive those which might have tended to

prolong his residence in that city. Perhaps the arrival of

infirmities may have warned him of the necessity of repose; and

perhaps, also, the very natural desire of showing himself in his

native place, under circumstances so different from those in

which he had left it, made him hasten the moment of renouncing

labors which no longer had the pleasures of youth for their

compensation.

New pleasures could not fail to spring up for Shakspeare in his

retirement. A natural disposition to enjoy every thing heartily

rendered him equally adapted to delight in the calm happiness of

a tranquil life, and to find enjoyment in the vicissitudes of an

agitated existence. The first mulberry-tree introduced into the

neighborhood of Stratford was planted by Shakspeare's hands, in a

corner of his garden at New Place, and attested for more than a

century the gentle simplicity of the occupations in which his

days were spent. A competent fortune seemed to unite with the

esteem and friendship of his neighbors to promise him that best

crown of a brilliant life, a tranquil and honored old age, when,

on the 23d of April, 1616, the very day on which he attained his

fifty-second year, death carried him off from that calm and

pleasant position, the happy leisure of which he would doubtless

not have consecrated to repose alone.

{115}

We have no information regarding the nature of the disease to

which he fell a victim. His will is dated on the 25th of March,

1616; but the date of February, effaced to make way for that of

March, gives us reason to believe that he had commenced it a

month previously. He declares that he had written it in perfect

health; but the precaution taken thus opportunely, at an age

still so distant from senility, leads to the presumption that

some unpleasant symptom had awakened within him the idea of

danger. There is no evidence either to confirm or to set aside

this supposition; and Shakspeare's last days are surrounded by an

obscurity even deeper, if possible, than that which enshrouds his

life.

His will contains nothing very remarkable, with the exception of

a new proof of the little estimation in which he held the wife

whom he had so hastily married. After having appointed his

daughter Susannah, who had married Mr. Hall, a physician at

Stratford, his chief legatee, he bequeaths tokens of friendship

to various persons, among whom he does not include his wife, but

mentions her afterward, in an interlineation, merely to leave to

her his "second best bed." A similar piece of forgetfulness,

repaired in the same manner, is remarkable in reference to

Burbage, Heminge, and Condell, the only ones of his theatrical

friends of whom he makes mention; to each of these he bequeaths,

also in an interlineation, thirty-six shillings, "to buy them

rings." Burbage, the best actor of his time, had contributed

greatly to the success of Shakspeare's plays; Heminge and

Condell, seven years after his death, published the first

complete edition of his dramatic works.

This singular omission of the name of Shakspeare's wife, repaired

in so slight a manner, probably indicates something more than

forgetfulness; and we are tempted to regard it as the sign of an

aversion or dislike, the manifestation of which the poet was

induced to modify, in a slight degree, by the approach of death

alone.

{116}

Shakspeare's second daughter, Judith, had married a vintner, and

received a much smaller share of her father's inheritance than

her sister, Mrs. Hall. Was it in her quality of eldest daughter,

or in consequence of some special predilection, that Shakspeare

thus distinguished Susannah? An epitaph engraved upon her tomb,

at her death in 1649, represents her as "witty above her sex," in

which she had "something of Shakspeare," hut more because she was

"wise to salvation," and "wept for all." About Judith we know

nothing, except that she could not write; which fact is

established by a deed still existing, to which she has affixed a

cross, or some analogous sign, indicated by a marginal note as

"Judith Shakspeare, her mark." Judith left three sons, who died

childless. Susannah had one daughter, who married, first, Thomas

Nash, and afterward Sir John Barnard, of Abington. No child was

born of either of these marriages, and thus Shakspeare's

posterity became extinct in the second generation.

It is somewhat remarkable that Shakspeare died on the same day as

his great contemporary, Cervantes.

Shakspeare was buried in Stratford church, in which his tomb

still exists. It represents the poet of the size of life, sitting

under an arch, with a cushion before him, and a pen in his right

hand. Like many other monuments of the time, the figure was

originally colored after the life; the eyes being painted light

brown, with hair and beard of a deeper tinge. The doublet was

scarlet, and the gown black. The colors having become faded by

time, were restored, in 1748, by Mr. John Ward, the grandfather

of Mrs. Siddons and of Kemble, out of the profits of a

performance of "Othello." But in 1793, Mr. Malone, one of the

principal commentators upon Shakspeare, covered the statue with a

thick coat of white paint; being doubtless led to do this by that

exclusive prejudice in favor of modern customs which has so

frequently led him into error in his commentaries.

{117}

An indignant traveler, in some lines written in the Album of

Stratford church, has called down the malediction of the poet

upon Malone,

"Whose meddling zeal his barb'rous taste displays,

And smears his tombstone, as he marred his plays."

Without giving an absolute assent to these harsh expressions of

legitimate anger, we can not refrain from a smile at observing,

in Mr. Malone's coat of white paint, a symbol of the spirit which

dictated his commentaries, as well as a type of the general

character of the eighteenth century, held in servitude by its own

tastes, and incapable of comprehending any thing that did not

enter into the sphere of its ordinary habits and ideas.

Although this injudicious reparation effected a great change in

the physiognomy of the portrait of Shakspeare, it was not able

altogether to efface that expression of gentle serenity which

appears to have characterized the countenance as well as the soul

of the poet. On the sepulchral stone below the monument, the

following inscription is engraved:

"Good friend, for Jesus sake forbear

To dig the dust inclosed here.

Bless'd be the man that spares these stones,

And cursed be he that moves my bones."

These lines are said to have been composed by Shakspeare himself,

and were the cause which prevented the transference of his tomb

to Westminster, as had once been intended. Some years ago, an

excavation by the wall of Stratford church exposed to view the

grave in which his body had been laid; and the sexton, who, in

order to prevent the sacrilegious depredations of curiosity or

admiration, kept guard by the opening until the vault had been

repaired, having attempted to look inside the tomb, saw neither

bones nor coffin, but only dust. "It seems to me," says the

traveler who relates this circumstance, "that it was something to

have seen the dust of Shakspeare."

{118}

This tomb now remains in sole possession of the honors which it

once shared with Shakspeare's mulberry-tree. About the middle of

last century, the Rev. Mr. Gastrell, a man of large fortune,

became the proprietor of New Place. This house, which had

remained for some time in the possession of the Nash family, had

afterward passed through several hands, and undergone many

alterations; but the mulberry-tree remained standing, the object

of the veneration of the curious. Mr. Gastrell, annoyed at the

number of visitors which it attracted, had it cut down, with a

savage brutality in which indifference would probably not have

indulged, but which frequently characterizes that furious pride

of liberty and property which would deem itself compromised if it

yielded in the slightest degree to public opinion. A few years

afterward, this same Mr. Gastrell, in consequence of a dispute

which he had had with the town of Stratford regarding a slight

tax which he was required to pay on his house, swore that

_that_ house should never be taxed again, and he therefore

had it pulled down, and sold the materials. As for the

mulberry-tree, part of it was saved from the fire to which it had

been consigned by Mr. Gastrell, by a clock-maker of Stratford, a

man of sense, who gained a great deal of money by making it into

snuff-boxes, toys, and other articles. The house in which

Shakspeare was born still exists at Stratford, and is still shown

as an object of interest to travelers, who may always see, and,

it is said, are constantly able to purchase, either the chair or

the sword of the poet, the lantern which he used in performing

the part of Friar Lawrence in "Romeo and Juliet," or pieces of

the arquebuse with which he killed the deer in Sir Thomas Lucy's

park.

{119}

It is not from the death of Shakspeare that we must date, in

England, that worship, the devotedness of which, after having

been maintained with such fervor for sixty years, seems now to

have diffused a reflection of its heat over several countries of

Europe. Though Shakspeare was dead, Ben Jonson still lived; and

though Beaumont had lost his friend Fletcher, he still possessed

his talent, the effects of which had been weakened, rather than

fortified, by Fletcher. The necessities of curiosity too often

overcome those of taste; and the pleasure of going again to

admire Shakspeare could not fail to yield to the keener interest

of going to judge the newest productions of his competitors. It

was not to his dramatic pedantry that Ben Jonson was then

indebted for the empire which, in Shakspeare's lifetime, he did

not venture to aspire to share. The triumphs of classical taste

were confined, in his case, to the unanimous eulogies of the

literary men of his time, who were easily satisfied on the score

of regularity, and were always glad of an opportunity to avenge

science upon the disdain of the vulgar; but the tragedies and

comedies of Ben Jonson were not the less coolly received by the

public, and were sometimes even rejected with an irreverence for

which he afterward took his revenge in his prefaces. But his

masques, a kind of opera, obtained general success; and the more

Ben Jonson and the erudite strove to render tragedy and comedy

tiresome, the more strongly did the public fall back upon masques

for their amusement. Several poets of Shakspeare's school also

endeavored to satisfy the taste of the public for the kind of

pleasure to which he had accustomed them.

{120}

Their efforts, attended with varying success, but maintained with

untiring activity, kept up that taste for the drama which

survives the epoch of its master-pieces. About five hundred and

fifty dramas, without reckoning those of Shakspeare, Ben Jonson,

Beaumont and Fletcher, were printed before the Restoration of

Charles II. Of these only thirty-eight can date from times

anterior to Shakspeare; and it has been seen that, during his

life, the custom was not to print those plays which were intended

for representation on the stage. From 1640 to 1660, the Puritans

closed nearly all the theatres; and most of these productions,

therefore, belong to the twenty-five years which elapsed between

the death of Shakspeare and the commencement of the civil wars.

This was the weight beneath which the popularity of England's

first dramatic poet succumbed for a time.

His memory, however, did not perish. In 1623, Heminge and Condell

published the first complete edition of his dramas, thirteen of

which only had been printed during his lifetime. His name was

still held in respect; but for a finished reputation to inspire

something beside respect, time must come to its aid, and must at

first efface and suppress it, to give it at some future time the

attraction of a neglected glory, and to stimulate the self-love

and curiosity of inquiring minds to give it new life by a new

examination, and to find in it the charm of a new discovery. A

great writer rarely obtains, in the generation succeeding his

own, the homage which posterity will lavish upon him. Sometimes

even long spaces of time are necessary for the revolution

commenced by a superior man to accomplish its course, and to

bring the world to perceive its merits. Several causes combined

to prolong the interval during which Shakspeare's works were

regarded with coldness, and almost utterly forgotten.

{121}

The civil wars and the triumph of Puritanism occurred first, not

only to interrupt all dramatic performances, but to destroy, as

far as possible, every trace of amusement of this kind. The

Restoration afterward introduced into England a foreign taste,

which did not, perhaps, pervade the nation, but which held sway

over the court. English literature then assumed a character which

was not effaced by the new revolution of 1688; and French ideas,

made honorable by the literary glory of the seventeenth century,

and sustained by that of the eighteenth, retained in England a

youthful and vigorous influence which had been lost by the old

glories of Shakspeare. Fifty years after his death, Dryden

declared that his idiom was a little "out of use." At the

beginning of the eighteenth century, Lord Shaftesbury complained

of his "natural rudeness, his unpolished style, and his

antiquated phrase and wit;" and Shakspeare was then, for these

reasons, excluded from several collections of the modern poets.

In fact, Dryden did not understand Shakspeare, grammatically

speaking; of this fact we have several proofs, and Dryden himself

has proved, by recasting his pieces, that poetically he

comprehended him as little. But not only was Shakspeare not

understood, he soon became no longer known. In 1707, a poet named

Tate produced a work entitled "King Lear," the subject of which,

he said, he had borrowed from an obscure piece of the same name,

recommended to his notice by a friend. This obscure piece was

Shakspeare's "King Lear."

Distinguished writers, however, had not altogether ceased to

allow Shakspeare a share in the literary glory of their country;

but it was timidly and by degrees that they shook off the yoke of

the prejudices of their time. If, in concert with Davenant,

Dryden had recast the works of Shakspeare, Pope, in the edition

which he published in 1725, contented himself with omitting all

that he could not bring himself to regard as the work of the

genius to whom he paid at least this homage.

{122}

With regard to that which he was obliged to leave, Shakspeare,

says Pope, "having at his first appearance no other aim in his

writings than to procure a subsistence," wrote "for the people,"

without seeking to obtain "patronage from the better sort." In

1765, Johnson, waxing bolder, and gaining encouragement from the

dawn of a return to the national taste, vigorously defended the

romantic liberties of Shakspeare against the pretensions of

classical authority; and though he made some concessions to the

contempt of a more polished age for the vulgarity and ignorance

of the old poet, he at least had the courage to remark that, when

a country is "unenlightened by learning, the whole people is the

vulgar."

Shakspeare's works, then, were reprinted and commentated; but the

mutilations alone obtained the honors of the stage. The

Shakspeare amended by Dryden, Davenant, and others, was the only

one which actors ventured to perform; and the "Tattler," having

to quote some lines from "Macbeth," copied them from Davenant's

amended edition. It was Garrick who, finding nowhere so fully as

in Shakspeare means to supply the requirements of his own talent,

delivered him from this disgraceful protection, lent to his

ancient glory the freshness of his own young renown, and restored

the poet to possession of the stage as well as of the patriotic

admiration of the English.

Since that period, national pride has daily extended and

redoubled this admiration. It nevertheless remained barren of

results, and Shakspeare, to use the language of Sir Walter Scott,

"reigned a Grecian prince over Persian slaves, and they who

adored him did not dare attempt to use his language."

{123}

A new impulse can not be entirely due to old recollections; and

an old epoch, that it may bear new fruit, needs to be again

fertilized by a movement analogous to that which gave it its

first fertility.

This movement has made itself felt in Europe, and England also is

beginning to feel its impulse, as Sir Walter Scott's novels

sufficiently demonstrate. But England will not be the only

country indebted to Shakspeare for the new direction which is

manifesting itself in her drama, as well as in other branches of

her literature. In the literary movement by which it is now

agitated, Continental Europe turns its eyes toward Shakspeare.

Germany has long adopted him as a model rather than as a guide;

and thereby it has, perhaps, suspended in their course those

vivifying juices which impart their vigor and freshness only to

fruits of native growth. Nevertheless, the path on which Germany

has entered is leading to the discovery of true wealth; and if

she will but work her own mines, a rich and fertile vein will not

be wanting. The literature of Spain, a natural fruit of her

civilization, already possesses its own original and distinct

character. Italy alone and France, the fatherlands of modern

classicism, are not yet recovered from their astonishment at the

first shock given to those opinions which they have established

with the rigor of necessity, and maintained with the pride of

faith. Doubt presents itself to us as yet only as an enemy whose

attacks we are beginning to fear; it seems as though discussion

bears a threatening aspect, and that examination can not probe

without undermining and overturning. In this position we

hesitate, as if about to destroy that which will never be

replaced; we are afraid of finding ourselves without law, and of

discovering nothing but the insufficiency or illegitimacy of

those principles upon which we were formerly wont to rely without

disquietude.

{124}

This disturbance of mind can not cease so long as the question

remains undecided between science and barbarism, the beauties of

order and the effects of disorder; so long as men persist in

seeing, in that system of which the first outlines were traced by

Shakspeare, nothing but an allowance of unrestrained liberty and

undefined latitude to the flights of the imagination, as well as

to the course of genius. If the romantic system has beauties, it

necessarily has its art and rules. Nothing is beautiful, in the

eyes of man, which does not derive its effects from certain

combinations, the secret of which can always be supplied by our

judgment when our emotions have attested its power. The knowledge

or employment of these combinations constitutes art. Shakspeare

had his own art. We must seek it out in his works, examine into

the means which he employs, and the results to which he aspires.

Then only shall we possess a true knowledge of his system; then

we shall know how far it is capable of increased development,

according to the nature of dramatic art, considered in its

application to modern society.

Shakspeare and His Times · 第 8 / 25 段