Such a state of society leads to competence and confidence; and

where competence reigns and confidence is felt, the necessity of

common enjoyment soon arises. Men who are accustomed to meet

together for business will meet together for pleasure also; and

when the serious life of the land-owner is spent among his

fields, he does not remain a stranger to the joys of the people

who cultivate or surround them. Continual and general festivals

gave animation to the country life of Old England. What was their

primary origin? What traditions and customs served as their

foundation? How did the progress of rustic prosperity lead

gradually to this joyous movement of meetings, banquets, and

games? It is of little use to know the cause; the fact itself is

most worthy of our observation; and in the sixteenth century,

when civil discord had been brought to a term, we may follow it

in all its brilliant details.

{46}

At Christmas, before the gates of the castles, the herald,

bearing the arms of the family, thrice shouted Largesse!

"Then opened wide the baron's hall

To vassal, tenant, serf, and all;

Power laid his rod of rule aside,

And ceremony doffed his pride.

The heir, with roses in his shoes,

That night might village partner choose;

The lord, underogating, share

The vulgar game of 'post and pair.'" [Footnote 7]

[Footnote 7: Scott's "Marmion," introduction to Canto

sixth.]

Who shall describe the general joy and hospitality, the roaring

fire in the hall, the well-spread table, the beef and pudding,

and the abundance of good cheer which was then to be found in the

house of the farmer as well as in the mansion of the gentleman.

The dance, when the head began to swim with wassail; the songs of

minstrels, and tales of by-gone days, when the party had become

tired of dancing, were the pleasures which then reigned

throughout England, when

"All hail'd, with uncontroll'd delight

And general voice, the happy night,

That to the cottage, as the crown,

Brought tidings of salvation down.

* * * *

'Twas Christmas broach'd the mightiest ale;

'Twas Christmas told the merriest tale;

A Christmas gambol oft could cheer

The poor man's heart through half the year." [Footnote 8]

[Footnote 8: Ibid.]

{47}

These Christmas festivities lasted for twelve days, varied by a

thousand pleasures, kindled by the good wishes and presents of

New Year's Day, and terminated by the Feast of Kings on Twelfth

Day. But soon after came Plow Monday, the day on which work was

resumed, and the first day of labor also was marked by a feast.

"Good housewives, whom God has enriched enough,

Forget not the feasts that belong to the plow,"

says old Tusser, in his quaint rural poems. [Footnote 9]

[Footnote 9: Thomas Tusser, a poet of the sixteenth century,

was born about 1515, and died in 1583. He was the author of

some English Georgies, under the title of "Five hundreth

points of good husbandry, united to as many of good

huswifery."]

The spindle also had its festival. The harvest feast was one of

equality, and an avowal, as it were, of those mutual necessities

which bring men into union. On that day, masters and, servants

collected round the same table, and, mingling in the same

conversation, did not appear to be brought into contact with each

other by the complaisance of a superior desirous of rewarding his

inferior, but by an equal right to the pleasures of the day:

"For all that clear'd the crop or till'd the ground

Are guests by right of custom--old and young;

* * * *

Here once a year distinction low'rs its crest,

The master, servant, and the merry guest,

Are equal all; and round the happy ring

The reaper's eyes exulting glances fling,

And, warm'd with gratitude, he quits his place,

With sun-burn'd hands and ale-enliven'd face,

Refills the jug his honor'd host to tend,

To serve at once the master and the friend;

Proud thus to meet his smiles, to share his tale,

His nuts, his conversation, and his ale.

Such were the days--of days long past I sing." [Footnote 10]

[Footnote 10: Bloomfield's "Farmer's Boy," p. 40, ed 1845.]

{48}

Sowing-time, sheep-shearing, indeed, every epoch of interest in

rural life, was celebrated by similar meetings and banquets, and

by games of all kinds. But what day could equal the first of May,

brilliant with the joys of youth and the hopes of the year?

Scarce had the rising sun announced the arrival of this festive

morn, than the entire youthful population hastened into the woods

and meadows, to the river-bank and hill-side, accompanied by the

sounds of music, to gather their harvest of flowers; and,

returning laden with hawthorn and verdure, adorned the doors and

windows of their houses with their spoils, covered with blossoms

the May-pole which they had cut in the forest, and crowned with

garlands the horns of the oxen which were to drag it in triumph

through the village. Herrick, a contemporary of Shakspeare, thus

invites his mistress to go a Maying:

"Get up, get up for shame, the blooming morn

Upon her wings presents the god unshorn.

See how Aurora throws her fair

Fresh-quilted colors through the air;

Get up, sweet slug-a-bed, and see

The dew bespangling herb and tree.

Each flower has wept, and bow'd toward the east

Above an hour since, yet you are not dress'd,

Nay, not so much as out of bed;

When all the birds have matins said,

And sung their thankful hymns: 'tis sin,

Nay, profanation, to keep in,

When, as a thousand virgins on this day,

Spring sooner than the lark to fetch in May.

Come, my Corinna, come; and, coming, mark

How each field turns a street, each street a park

Made green, and trimm'd with trees; see how

Devotion gives each house a bough

Or branch; each porch, each door, ere this,

An ark, a tabernacle is,

Made up of white thorn neatly interwove,

As if here were those cooler shades of love."

{49}

The elegance of the cottages on May morning was imitated by the

castles; and the young gentlefolks, as well as the lads and

maidens of the village, went forth into the fields in search of

flowers. Joy is sure to introduce equality into pleasures; the

symbols of joy never vary, and are changed as little by

difference of rank as by difference of season. Here enjoyment,

led by abundance, seems to spend the year in continual

festivities. Just as the first of May displays its profusion of

verdure, as sheap-shearing fills the streets with flowers, and

harvest-home is adorned with ears of corn, so Christmas will

decorate the walls with ivy, holly, and evergreen. Just as

dances, races, shows, and rustic sports cause the sky of spring

to resound with their joyous tones, so games in which

"White shirts supplied the masquerade,

And smutted cheeks the visors made,"

will waken the echoes, on the cold December nights, with shouts

of gayety; and the May-pole and Christmas log will alike be borne

in triumph and extolled in song.

Amid these games, festivals, and banquets, at these innumerable

friendly meetings, and in this joyous and habitual conviviality

(to use the national expression), the minstrels took their place

and sang their songs. The subjects of these songs were the

traditions of the country, the adventures of popular heroes as

well as of noble champions, the exploits of Robin Hood against

the sheriff of Nottingham, as well as the conflicts of the

Percies with the Douglas clan. Thus the public manners called for

poetry; thus poetry originated in the manners of the people, and

became connected with all the interests, and with the entire

existence, of a population accustomed to live, to act, to

prosper, and to rejoice in common.

{50}

How could dramatic poetry have remained unknown to a people of

such a character, so frequently assembling together, and so fond

of holidays? We have every reason to believe that it was more

than once introduced into the games of the minstrels. The ancient

writers speak of them under the names of _mimi,

joculatores_, and _histriones._ Women were frequently

connected with their bands; and several of their ballads, among

others that of "The Nut-brown Maid," are evidently in the form of

dialogue. The minstrels, however, rather formed the national

taste, and directed it to the drama, than originated the drama

itself. The first attempts at a true theatrical performance are

difficult and expensive. The co-operation of a public power is

indispensable; and it is only in important and general

solemnities that the effect produced by the play can possibly

correspond to the efforts of imagination and labor which it has

cost. England, like France, Italy, and Spain, was indebted for

her first theatrical performances to the festivals of the clergy;

only they were, it would appear, of earlier origin in that

country than elsewhere. The performance of Mysteries in England

can be traced back as far as the twelfth century, and probably

originated at a still earlier period. But in France, the clergy,

after having erected theatres, were not slow to denounce them.

They had claimed the privilege in the hope of being able, by the

means of such performances, to maintain or stimulate the

conquests of the faith; but ere long they began to dread their

effects, and abandoned their employment. The English clergy were

more intimately associated with the tastes, habits, and

diversions of the people. The Church, also, took advantage of

that universal conviviality which I have just described. Was any

great religious ceremony to be celebrated? or was any parish in

want of funds? A _Church-ale_ [Footnote 11] was announced;

the church-wardens brewed some beer, and sold it to the people at

the door of the church, and to the rich in the interior of the

church itself.

[Footnote 11: Also called Whitsun-ale. Beer was so intimately

connected with the popular festivals that the word ale had

become synonymous with holiday.]

{51}

Every one contributed his money, presence, provisions, and mirth

to the festival; the joy of good works was augmented by the

pleasures of good cheer, and the piety of the rich rejoiced to

exceed, by their gifts, the price demanded. It often happened

that several parishes united to hold the _Church-ale_ by

turns for the profit of each. The ordinary games followed these

meetings; the minstrel, the morris-dance, and the performance of

Robin Hood, with Maid Marian and the Hobby-horse, were never

absent. The seasons of confession, Easter and Whitsuntide, also

furnished the Church and the people with periodical opportunities

for common rejoicings. Thus familiar with the popular manners,

the English clergy, when offering new pleasures to the people,

thought less of modifying them than of turning them to account;

and when they perceived the fondness of the people for dramatic

performances, whatever the subject might be, they had no idea of

renouncing so powerful a means of gaining popularity. In 1378,

the choristers of St. Paul's complained to Richard II. that

certain ignorant fellows had presumed to perform histories from

the Old Testament, "to the great prejudice of the clergy." After

this period, the Mysteries and Moralities never ceased to be,

both in churches and convents, a favorite amusement of the

nation, and a leading occupation of the ecclesiastics. At the

beginning of the sixteenth century, an Earl of Northumberland,

who was a great protector of literature, established, as a rule

of his household, that the sole business of one of his chaplains

should be to compose interludes. Toward the end of his reign,

Henry VIII. forbade the Church to continue these performances,

which, in the wavering state of his belief, were displeasing to

the king, and offended him sometimes as a Catholic and sometimes

as a Protestant.

{52}

But they reappeared after his death, and were sanctioned by such

high authority, that the young king, Edward VI., himself composed

a piece against the Papists, entitled "The Whore of Babylon;" and

Queen Mary, in her turn, commanded the performance; in the

churches, of popular dramas favorable to Popery. Finally, in

1569, we find the choristers of St. Paul's, "clothed in silk and

satin," playing profane pieces in Elizabeth's chapel, in the

different royal houses; and they were so well skilled in their

profession, that, in Shakspeare's time, they constituted one of

the best and most popular troops of actors in London.

Far, therefore, from opposing or seeking to change the taste of

the people for theatrical representations, the English clergy

hastened to gratify it. Their influence, it is true, gave to the

works which they brought on the stage a more serious and moral

character than was possessed in other countries by compositions

dependent upon the whims of the public, and cursed by the

anathemas of the Church. Notwithstanding its coarseness of ideas

and language, the English drama, which became so licentious in

the reign of Charles II., appears chaste and pure in the middle

of the sixteenth century, when compared to the first essays of

dramatic composition in France. But it did not the less continue

to be popular in its character, ignorant of all scientific

regularity, and faithful to the national taste. The clergy would

have lost much by endeavoring to suppress theatrical

performances. They possessed no exclusive privilege; and numerous

competitors vied with them for applause and success. Robin Hood

and Maid Marian, the Lord of Misrule and the Hobby-Horse, had not

yet disappeared.

{53}

Traveling actors, attached to the service of the powerful nobles,

traversed the counties of England under their auspices, and

obtained, by favor of a gratuitous performance before the mayor,

aldermen, and their friends, the right of exercising their

profession in the various towns, the court-yards of inns usually

serving as their theatre. As they were in a position to give

greater pomp to their exhibitions, and thus to attract a larger

number of spectators, the clergy struggled successfully against

their rivals, and even maintained a marked predominance, but

always upon condition of adapting their representations to the

feelings, habits, and imaginative character of the people, who

had been formed to a taste for poetry by their own festivals and

by the songs of the minstrels.

Such were the condition and tendency of dramatic poetry, when, at

the commencement of the reign of Elizabeth, it appeared

threatened by a two-fold danger. As it daily became more popular,

it at last awakened the anxiety of religious severity and fired

the ambition of literary pedantry. The national taste found

itself attacked, almost simultaneously, by the anathemas of the

Reformers and the pretensions of men of letters.

If these two classes of enemies had united in their opposition to

the drama, it would, perhaps, have fallen a victim to their

attacks. But while the Puritans wished to destroy it, men of

letters only desired to get it into their own hands. It was,

therefore, defended by the latter when the former inveighed

against its existence. Some influential citizens of London

obtained from Elizabeth the temporary suppression of stage-plays

within the jurisdiction of the civic authorities; but, beyond

that jurisdiction, the Blackfriars' Theatre and the court of the

Queen still retained their dramatic privileges.

{54}

The Puritans, by their sermons, may have alarmed some few

consciences, and occasioned some few scruples; and perhaps, also,

some sudden conversions may here and there have deprived the

May-day games of the performance of the Hobby-Horse, their

greatest ornament, and the special object of the wrath of the

preachers. But the time of the power of the Puritans had not yet

arrived, and, to obtain decisive success, it was too much to have

to overcome at once the national taste and the taste of the

court.

Elizabeth's court would well have liked to be classical.

Theological discussions had made learning fashionable. At that

time it was an essential part of the education of a noble lady to

be able to read Greek, and to distill strong waters. The known

taste of the queen had added to these the gallantries of ancient

mythology. "When she paid a visit at the house of any of her

nobility," says Warton, "at entering the hall she was saluted by

the Penates, and conducted to her privy-chamber by Mercury. The

pages of the family were converted into wood-nymphs, who peeped

from every bower; and the footmen gamboled over the lawns in the

figure of Satyrs. When she rode through the streets of Norwich,

Cupid, at the command of the mayor and aldermen, advancing from a

group of gods who had left Olympus to grace the procession, gave

her a golden arrow, which, under the influence of such

irresistible charms, was sure to wound the most obdurate heart:

'a gift,' says Holinshed, 'which her majesty, now verging to her

fiftieth year, received very thankfully.'" [Footnote 12]

[Footnote 12: Warton's "History of English Poetry," vol.

iii., p. 492, 493.]

But the court may strive in vain; it is not the purveyor of its

own pleasures; it rarely makes choice of them, invents them even

less frequently, and generally receives them at the hands of men

who make it their business to provide for its amusement.

{55}

The empire of classical literature, which was established in

France before the foundation of the stage, was the work of men of

letters, who derived protection from, and felt justly proud of,

the exclusive possession of a foreign erudition which raised them

above the rest of the nation. The court of France submitted to

the guidance of the men of letters; and the nation at large,

undecided how to act, and destitute of those institutions which

might have given authority to its habits and influence to its

tastes, formed into groups, as it were, around the court. In

England the drama had taken precedence of classic lore; ancient

history and mythology found a popular poetry and creed in

possession of the means of delighting the minds of the people;

and the study of the classics, which became known at a late

period, and at first only by the medium of French translations,

was introduced as one of those foreign fashions by which a few

men may render themselves remarkable, but which take root only

when they fall into harmonious accordance with the national

taste. The court itself sometimes affected, in evidence of its

attainments, exclusive admiration for ancient literature; but as

soon as it stood in need of amusement, it followed the example of

the general public; and, indeed, it was not easy to pass from the

exhibition of a bear-baiting to the pretensions of classical

severity, even according to the ideas then entertained regarding

it.

The stage, therefore, remained under the almost undisputed

government of the general taste; and science attempted only very

timid invasions of the prerogative. In 1561, Thomas Sackville,

Lord Buckhurst, procured the representation, in presence of

Elizabeth, of his tragedy of "Grorboduc," or "Forrex and Porrex,"

which critics have considered as the dramatic glory of the time

preceding Shakspeare.

{56}

This was, in fact, the first play which was properly divided into

acts and scenes, and written throughout in an elevated tone; but

it was far from pretending to a strict observance of the unities,

and the example of a very tiresome work, in which every thing was

done by means of conversation, did not prove very alluring either

to authors or actors. About the same period, other pieces

appeared on the stage, in greater conformity to the natural

instincts of the country, such as "The Pinner of Wakefield," and

"Jeronimo, or the Spanish Tragedy;" and for these the public

openly demonstrated their preference. Lord Buckhurst himself was

able to exercise no influence over the dominant taste, except by

remaining faithful to it. His "Mirrour for Magistrates," a

collection of incidents from the history of England, narrated in

a dramatic form, passed rapidly into the hands of all readers,

and became an inexhaustible mine for poets to draw from. Works of

this kind were best suited to minds educated by the songs of the

minstrels; and this was the erudition most relished by the

majority of the gentlefolks of the country, whose reading seldom

extended beyond a few collections of tales, ballads, and old

chronicles. The drama fearlessly appropriated to itself subjects

so familiar to the multitude; and historical plays, under the

name of "Histories," delighted the English with the narrative of

their own deeds, the pleasant sound of national names, the

exhibition of popular customs, and the delineation of the mode of

life of all classes, which were all comprised in the political

history of a people who have ever taken part in the

administration of their national affairs.

{57}

Beside these national histories, some few incidents from ancient

histories, or the annals of other nations, took their place,

commonly disfigured by the mixture of fabulous events. But

neither authors nor public felt the slightest anxiety with regard

to their origin and nature. They were invariably overloaded with

those fantastic details, and those forms borrowed from the common

habits of life, with which children so often decorate the objects

which they are obliged to picture to themselves by the aid of

their imagination alone. Thus Tamburlaine appeared in his chariot

drawn by the kings whom he had conquered, and complaining

bitterly of the slow pace and miserable appearance of his team.

On the other hand, Vice, the usual buffoon of dramatic

compositions, performed, under the name of Ambidexter, the

principal part in Preston's tragedy of "Cambyses," which was thus

converted into a Morality which would have been intolerably

tedious if the spectators had not had the gratification of seeing

a prevaricating judge flayed alive upon the stage, by means of "a

false skin," as we are duly informed by the author. The

performance, though almost entirely deficient in decorations and

changes of scenery, was animated by material movement, and by the

representation of sensible objects. When tragedies were

performed, the stage was hung with black; and in an inventory of

the properties of a troop of comedies, we find enumerated, "the

Moor's limbs, four Turks' heads, old Mahomet's head, one wheel

and frame in the siege of London, one great horse with his legs,

one dragon, one rock, one cage, one tomb, and one hell's mouth."

[Footnote 13] This is a curious specimen of the means of interest

which it was then thought necessary to employ upon the stage.

[Footnote 13: Malone's Shakspeare, vol. iii., p. 309-313 ed.

1821.]

{58}

And yet, at this period, Shakspeare had already appeared! and,

before Shakspeare's advent, the stage had constituted, not only

the chief gratification of the multitude, but the favorite

amusement of the most distinguished men! Lord Southampton went to

the theatre every day. As early as 1570, one, and probably two,

regular theatres existed in London. In 1583, a short time after

the temporary victory gained by the Puritans over the performance

of stage-plays in that city, there were eight troops of actors in

London, each of whom performed three times a week. In 1592, that

is, eight years before the time when Hardy at length obtained

permission to open a theatre in Paris, which had previously been

impossible on account of the useless privilege possessed by the

"Brethren of the Passion," an English pamphleteer complained most

indignantly of "some shallow-brained censurers," who had dared

"mightily to oppugn" the performance of plays, which, he says,

are frequented by all "men that are their own masters--as

gentlemen of the Court, the Inns of Court, and the number of

captains and soldiers about London." [Footnote 14] Finally, in

1596, so vast a multitude of persons went by water to the

theatres, which were nearly all situated on the banks of the

Thames, that it became necessary considerably to augment the

number of boatmen.

[Footnote 14: See Nash, "Pierce Penniless's Supplication to

the Devil," p. 59, reprinted by the Shakspeare Society in

1842.]

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