"As they streamed down into the Middletown meadow," says Headley,

"Sheridan saw that the time for the cavalry had come, and ordered a

charge. The bugles pealed forth their stirring notes, and the

dashing squadrons of Custer and Merritt came down like a clattering

tempest on the right and left, doubling up the rebel flanks, and

cleaving a terrible path through the broken ranks. Back to, and

through our camp, which they had swept like a whirlwind in the

morning, the panic-stricken rebels went, pellmell, leaving all the

artillery they had captured, and much of their own, and strewing

the way with muskets, clothing, knapsacks, and everything that

could impede their flight. The infantry were too tired to continue

the pursuit, but the cavalry kept it up, driving them through

Strasburg to Fisher's Hill, and beyond, to Woodstock, sixteen miles

distant."

After the battle of Cedar Creek and during the winter of 1864--5,

Sheridan's army, including Custer's division, remained inactive,

occupying cantonments around Winchester.

On the 27th of Feb., Sheridan started out on his last great raid, taking

with him Gen. Merritt as chief of cavalry, the First and Third divisions

of cavalry under Generals Devin and Custer, artillery, wagons, and

pack-mules. The raiding column, including artillerymen and teamsters,

numbered 10,000 men.

Moving rapidly up the Shenandoah Valley over the turnpike road, they

passed many villages without halting or opposition, and on the 29th,

approached Mount Crawford, where Rosser with 400 men disputed the

passage over a stream and attempted to burn the bridge; but Col.

Capehart of Custer's command, which was in advance, by a bold dash drove

Rosser away and saved the bridge.

Custer now pushed on to Waynesboro' and finding Early intrenched there,

immediately attacked him. The result, as told by Sheridan, was as

follows:--

"Gen. Custer found Gen. Early in a well chosen position, with two

brigades of infantry, and some cavalry under Rosser, the infantry

occupying breastworks. Custer, without waiting for the enemy to get

up courage over the delay of a careful reconnaissance, made his

dispositions for attack at once. Sending three regiments around the

left flank of the enemy, Custer with the other two brigades, partly

mounted and partly dismounted, at a given signal attacked and

impetuously carried the enemy's works; while the Eight New York and

the First Connecticut cavalry, who were formed in columns of fours,

charged over the breastworks, and continued the charge through the

streets of Waynesboro', sabring a few men as they went along, and

did not stop until they had crossed the South Fork of the

Shenandoah, (which was immediately in Early's rear) where they

formed as foragers, and with drawn sabres held the east bank of the

stream. The enemy threw down their arms and surrendered, with

cheers at the suddenness with which they had been captured."

Sixteen hundred prisoners, 11 pieces of artillery, 200 loaded wagons,

and 17 battle-flags were captured single-handed by Custer at

Waynesboro', while his own loss was less than a dozen men. Vast amounts

of public property were subsequently destroyed. The prisoners were sent

to Winchester under guard.

Pushing on across the Blue Ridge in a heavy rain during the night after

Early's defeat, Custer, still in the van, approached Charlottesville the

next afternoon, and was met by the authorities, who surrendered to him

the keys of the public buildings as a token of submission. The balance

of the column soon came up, and two days were spent in destroying

bridges, mills, and the railroad leading to Lynchburg.

Sheridan now divided his command, and sent Merritt and Devin to destroy

the canal from Scottsville to New Market, while he and Custer tore up

the railroads as far west as Amherst C.H. The columns united again at

New Market on the James River; and as the enemy had burned the bridges

so they could not cross to the south side, they moved eastward behind

Lee's army, destroying bridges, canals, railroads and supplies, thus

inflicting a more serious blow to the confederate cause than any

victories by land or sea gained during the last campaign. Then they

swept around by the Pamunkey River and White House, and joined Grant's

besieging army in front of Petersburg, March 27th. They encamped on the

extreme left of the lines, close to their old comrades of the Second

Division of cavalry, (now under Gen. Crook) who here again came under

Sheridan's command.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XV.

A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAJOR-GENERAL CUSTER.

(CONTINUED.)

The final struggle for the possession of Richmond and Petersburg was now

commenced by an extension of the Union lines westward, Grant's object

being to attack the right flank of the Confederates.

On the 29th of March, Sheridan, with his cavalry, moved southwest to

Dinwiddie C.H., where Devin's and Crook's divisions halted for the

night. Custer was some distance in the rear protecting the train. In the

morning, Devin pushed the enemy back northerly to their intrenchments at

Five Forks; but being unable to advance further, he returned to

Dinwiddie C.H. Gen. Warren, with the 5th Infantry Corps, had meantime

been put under Sheridan's command as a support to the cavalry, but had

not yet come up.

The next day, 31st, Lee's troops attacked Warren unexpectedly, and drove

two of his divisions back upon a third, where their advance was stopped;

and with the assistance of Humphrey's 2nd Corps, the enemy were driven

back into their entrenched position along the White Oak road. Then the

rebel infantry moved westward along the road to Five Forks, and attacked

Devin, who, earlier in the day, had advanced to Five Forks and carried

that position. Devin was driven out in disorder and forced back, and

after some difficulty rejoined Crook's division at Dinwiddie C. H. The

confederates now assailed Sheridan with a superior force, but could make

no headway, and during the night they withdrew.

Meantime Custer, and Gen. McKenzie with 1,000 additional cavalry, had

joined Sheridan, and Warren was within supporting distance. At daybreak

the cavalry advanced steadily on the enemy, and by noon had driven them

behind their works at Five Forks, and were menacing their front. Warren

was now ordered forward, and after more delay than Sheridan deemed

necessary, he reached his assigned position and charged furiously

westward on the enemy's left flank. Custer and Devin at the same time

charged their right flank and front. Thus assailed by double their

numbers the rebel infantry fought on with great gallantry and fortitude;

but at length their flank defenses were carried by Warren's troops, and

simultaneously the cavalry swept over their works. A large portion of

the enemy surrendered, and the balance fled westward, pursued by Custer

and McKenzie; 5,000 prisoners were taken.

The next morning, Sunday, April 2nd, at daybreak, a general assault was

made by Grant's army upon the defences of Petersburg, and some of them

were carried. Lee telegraphed to Davis that Richmond must be evacuated;

and by night the Confederate rule in that city was ended, and Davis and

his Government on the way by railroad to Danville. Lee's troops withdrew

from Richmond and Petersburg the same night, and marched rapidly

westward to Amelia C.H. on the Danville railroad, where they halted,

April 4th and 5th, to gather supplies of food from the country.

Meantime, the Union army was pursuing the retreating Confederates and

making every effort to prevent their escape. Custer and Devin moved

southwesterly toward Burkesville destroying the railroad, and then

joined Crook, McKenzie, and the 5th Corps at Jetersville five miles west

of Amelia C.H. Sheridan intrenched his infantry across the railroad,

supported them by his cavalry, and felt prepared to stop the passage of

Lee's whole army. Lee, however, finding his way to Danville thus

blocked, moved northerly around Sheridan's left, and thence westerly

toward Farmville on the Appomattox River. Gen. Davies, of Crook's

division, made a reconnoisance and struck Lee's train moving ahead of

his troops, destroying wagons, and taking prisoners. A fight followed,

and Davies fell back to Jetersville where nearly the whole army was then

concentrated.

On the morning of the 6th, Crook, Custer, and Devin started out in

pursuit. Crook, who was in advance, was ordered to attack the trains,

and if the enemy was too strong, another division was to pass him, while

he held fast and pressed the enemy, and attack at a point further

on--thus alternating until some vulnerable point was found. Crook came

upon Lee's columns near Deatonsville, and charged upon them, determined

to detain them at any cost. Crook was finally repulsed, but his action

gave Custer time to push ahead, and strike further on at Sailor's Creek.

Crook and Devin came promptly to Custer's support, and he pierced the

line of march, destroyed 400 wagons, and took many prisoners. Elwell's

division was separated from Lee, who was further ahead, and being

enclosed between the cavalry in front and the infantry on their rear,

the troops threw down their arms and surrendered.

That evening Lee crossed the Appomattox at Farmville, and tried to burn

the bridges behind him, but troops arrived in season to save one of

them. Lee halted five miles beyond Farmville, intrenched himself, and

repulsed an attack from the infantry. At night he silently resumed his

retreat.

On the morning of the 7th, Custer and Devin, under Merritt, were sent on

a detour to the left, to cut off retreat toward Danville should it be

attempted; while Crook forded the Appomattox and attacked a train. On

the 8th, Sheridan concentrated the cavalry at Prospect Station, and sent

Merritt, Custer, and Devin swiftly ahead 28 miles to Appomattox Station,

where, he had learned from scouts, were four trains loaded with supplies

for Lee, just arrived from Lynchburg.

Gen. Custer took the lead, and on reaching the railroad station he

skillfully surrounded and captured the trains. Then, followed by Devin,

he hurried on five miles further to Appomattox C.H., where he confronted

the van of Lee's army, immediately attacked it, and by night had turned

it back on the main column, and captured prisoners, wagons, guns, and a

hospital train. The balance of the cavalry hurried up, and a position

was taken directly across the road, in front of Lee's army.

By a forced march the infantry under Griffin and Ord, supporting the

cavalry, reached the rear of Sheridan's position by daybreak the next

morning. Grant and Mead were pressing closely on Lee's rear, and Lee saw

there was no escape for him unless he could break through the cavalry

force which he supposed alone disputed his passage. He therefore ordered

his infantry to advance. The result of this charge, the last one made

by the Army of Virginia, is thus described in Greeley's "_American

Conflict_":--

"By Sheridan's orders, his troopers, who were in line of battle

dismounted, gave ground gradually, while showing a steady front, so

as to allow our weary infantry time to form and take position. This

effected, the horsemen moved swiftly to the right, and mounted,

revealing lines of solid infantry in battle array, before whose

wall of gleaming bayonets the astonished enemy recoiled in blank

despair, as Sheridan and his troopers, passing briskly around the

rebel left, prepared to charge the confused, reeling masses. A

white flag was now waved by the enemy before Gen. Custer, who held

our cavalry advance, with the information that they had concluded

to surrender."

The next day, April 9th, Gen. Custer, who had been brevetted

Major-General after the battle of Cedar Creek, issued the following

complimentary order to his troops:--

HEAD-QUARTERS THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION.}

APPOMATTOX COURT HOUSE, VA., April 9, 1865.}

SOLDIERS OF THE THIRD CAVALRY DIVISION:--

With profound gratitude toward the God of battles, by whose

blessings our enemies have been humbled and our arms rendered

triumphant, your Commanding General avails himself of this his

first opportunity to express to you his admiration of the heroic

manner in which you have passed through the series of battles which

to-day resulted in the surrender of the enemy's entire army.

The record established by your indomitable courage is unparalleled

in the annals of war. Your prowess has won for you even the respect

and admiration of your enemies. During the past six months,

although in most instances confronted by superior numbers, you have

captured from the enemy, in open battle, 111 pieces of field

artillery, 65 battle-flags, and upward of 10,000 prisoners of war

including seven general officers. Within the last ten days, and

included in the above, you have captured 46 field-pieces of

artillery and 37 battle-flags. You have never lost a gun, never

lost a color, and have never been defeated; and notwithstanding the

numerous engagements in which you have borne a prominent part,

including those memorable battles of the Shenandoah, you have

captured every piece of artillery which the enemy has dared to

open upon you. The near approach of peace renders it improbable

that you will again be called upon to undergo the fatigues of the

toilsome march, or the exposure of the battle-field; but should the

assistance of keen blades wielded by your sturdy arms be required

to hasten the coming of that glorious peace for which we have been

so long contending, the General Commanding is firmly confident

that, in the future as in the past, every demand will meet a hearty

and willing response.

Let us hope that our work is done, and that blessed with the

comforts of peace, we may be permitted to enjoy the pleasures of

home and friends. For our comrades who have fallen, let us ever

cherish a grateful remembrance. To the wounded and to those who

languish in Southern prisons, let our heartfelt sympathy be

tendered.

And now, speaking for myself alone, when the war is ended and the

task of the historian begins; when those deeds of daring which have

rendered the name and fame of the Third Cavalry Division

imperishable are inscribed upon the bright pages of our country's

history, I only ask that my name may be written as that of the

Commander of the Third Cavalry Division.

Lee's flag of truce at Appomattox--a white towel--and also the table on

which Grant and Lee signed the capitulation agreement, were presented to

Mrs. Custer by Gen. Sheridan, and are now in her possession. In a letter

accompanying them Sheridan wrote, that he "knew of no person more

instrumental in bringing about this most desired event than her own most

gallant husband."

In the great parade of the Army of the Potomac at Washington in May

1865, Sheridan's cavalry were at the head of the column; and the Third

Division, first in peace as it had been first in war, led the advance.

Custer, now a Major-General of volunteers, at the age of 26 years, rode

proudly at the head of his troopers, a prominent figure in the stirring

pageant, and the observed of all beholders. He had put off for the

occasion his careless dashing style of dress, and wore, with becoming

dignity, the full regulation uniform of a Major-General.

Shortly after the parade, Custer was sent to Texas, where he had command

of a cavalry division at Austin, but no active service became necessary.

In March, 1866, he was mustered out of service as a Major-General, and

took rank as a Captain, assigned to the 5th Cavalry, U.S.A. Soon

afterward, he applied to Senor Romero, Minister from Mexico, for a

position as chief of President Juarez's cavalry, in his struggle with

Maximilian. He presented a letter of introduction from General Grant in

which he was spoken of in the most complimentary terms. Romero was

anxious to secure his services, and made him liberal offers; but as

Custer could not obtain leave of absence from his Government, the

contemplated arrangement was not completed.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XVI.

A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAJOR-GENERAL CUSTER.

(CONTINUED.)

In July, 1866, Custer received from Andrew Johnson, a commission as

Lieut. Col. of the 7th Cavalry--a new regiment; and after accompanying

the President on his famous tour through the country, he proceeded to

Fort Riley, Kansas.

In the spring of 1867, an expedition under Gen. Hancock marched from

Fort Riley to Fort Larned near the Arkansas River, and the 7th Cavalry,

under Lieut. Col. Custer, accompanied it. The dissatisfied Indians had

been invited by the Indian agent to meet Hancock in council at Fort

Larned, and had agreed to do so; but as they failed to appear at the

appointed time, Hancock started for a village of Sioux and Cheyenne

Indians, distant some 30 miles from the fort. On the way he met several

of the chiefs, and they agreed to hold a council at Hancock's camp on

the next day, April 14th. As none of the chiefs came, as promised,

Hancock again started for their village, and soon came upon several

hundred Indians drawn up in battle array directly across his path. The

troops were immediately formed in line of battle, and then the General,

with some of his officers and the interpreter, rode forward and invited

the chiefs to a meeting between the lines, which were half a mile apart.

The invitation was accepted; several chiefs advanced to the officers,

and a friendly interview was holden--all seeming pleased at the peaceful

turn things had taken. The result of the "talk" was an arrangement for a

council to be held at Hancock's headquarters after he had camped near

the Indian village, toward which both parties then proceeded. It was

ascertained on reaching it that the women and children had been sent

away; and during the night the warriors, unobserved by the white men,

also fled, leaving their lodges and stores.

Mistrusting something of the kind, Custer, with the cavalry, had during

the night stealthily surrounded the village, and on entering it later

found it deserted. Pursuit of the Indians was commenced, but their trail

soon scattered so it could not be followed. After burning the deserted

village, the expedition returned to Fort Hayes, where the 7th Cavalry

wintered.

The next summer, Custer with several companies of his regiment and 20

wagons, was sent on a long scouting expedition to the southward in

search of Indians. Leaving Fort Hayes in June, he proceeded to Fort

McPherson on the Platte River, and thence to the forks of the Republican

River in the Indian country. From this place he sent Major J.A. Elliott,

on the 23d of June, with ten men and one guide, to carry despatches to

Gen. Sherman at Fort Sedgwick, 100 miles distant. The wagons, escorted

by cavalry, were also started the same day to procure supplies from Fort

Wallace, about the same distance away in an opposite direction.

Early the next morning, an attack was made on the camp, but the soldiers

rallied so promptly and effectively that the Indians soon withdrew.

Interpreters were then sent toward them, who arranged for a council

which was held near by. After an unsatisfactory interview, Custer

returned to his camp and started in pursuit of the Indians, but was

unable to overtake them.

On the fifth day after his departure, Major Elliott returned in safety

to the camp. He had traveled only by night, and had seen no Indians. The

wagon train was not so fortunate. It reached Fort Wallace safely, and

started to return escorted by 48 troopers. On the way it was attacked by

a large number of Indians, who for three hours kept up a running fight

around the circle. The wagons moved forward in two strings, with the

cavalry horses between them for safety, and the dismounted soldiers

defended them so successfully that their progress forward was

uninterrupted. Meanwhile Custer, fearing for the safety of the train,

had sent out cavalry to meet it; and their approach caused the Indians

to cease from their attack and withdraw. The balance of the journey was

safely accomplished.

Resuming his march, Custer again struck the Platte, some distance west

of Fort Sedgwick. Here he learned by telegraph that Lieut. Kidder with

ten men and an Indian scout had started from Fort Sedgwick, with

despatches for Custer directing him to proceed to Fort Wallace, shortly

after Major Elliott had left the fort. As Kidder had not returned and

Custer had not seen him, fears for his safety were entertained, and

Custer immediately started for his late camp at the forks of the

Republican. On the way thither some of his men deserted, and being

followed and refusing to surrender, were fired upon, and three were

wounded.

On reaching the camp, an examination was made by the Indian guide, and

it was ascertained that Kidder's party had arrived there in safety, and

continued on towards Fort Wallace, over the trail made by the wagons. In

the morning Custer started in pursuit, and by noon it became evident by

the tracks of their horses, that Kidder's party had been hard chased for

several miles. Further on one of their horses was found, shot dead; and

at last the mutilated and arrow-pierced bodies of the 12 men were found

lying near each other. They had been chased, overtaken, and killed by

the savages. They were buried in one grave, and the troops proceeded to

Fort Wallace.

Custer had been ordered to report to Gen. Hancock at Fort Wallace, and

receive further orders from him; but on arriving there he found that the

General had retired to Fort Leavenworth. The location of Fort Wallace

was isolated and remote from railroads, and as the stock of provisions

was low, Custer decided to go for supplies. He started on the evening of

July 15th, with 100 men, and arrived at Fort Hayes on the morning of

July 18th, having marched 150 miles, with a loss of two men who had been

surprised by Indians. He then proceeded to Fort Harker, 60 miles further

on, and after making arrangements for the supplies, obtained from Gen.

Smith permission to visit his wife, who was at Fort Riley, 90 miles

distant by rail.

Soon after this Custer was arraigned before a court-martial, charged

with leaving Fort Wallace without orders, and making a journey on

private business, during which two soldiers were killed; also for

over-tasking his men on the march, and for cruelty while quelling a

mutiny. After trial, he was pronounced guilty of a breach of discipline

in making a journey on private business (which he earnestly denied) and

acquitted of the other charges. His sentence was a suspension of pay and

rank for a year, during which period he remained in private life, while

his regiment was engaged in an expedition under Gen. Sully.

In October, 1868, Custer was recalled into service, and joined his

regiment at Fort Dodge on the Arkansas River. Early in Nov., a winter

campaign against the Indians was commenced. Gen. Sully, with the 7th

Cavalry, detachments of infantry, and a large supply train, marched to

the borders of the Indian country and established a post called Camp

Supply.

On the 23d of Nov., Custer with his regiment of about 800 men started

out in a snow storm on a scout for the enemy. The next day a trail was

discovered and pursued, and at night the troops were in the valley of

the Washita River, and near an Indian village which had been seen from a

distance. The village was stealthily surrounded, and at daybreak an

attack was made simultaneously by several detachments.

The Indians were taken entirely by surprise. The warriors fled from the

village, but took shelter behind trees, logs, and the bank of the

stream, and fought with much desperation and courage, but were finally

driven off. The village was captured with its contents, including 50

squaws and children who had remained safely in the lodges during the

fight. Some 800 ponies were also captured. On questioning the squaws,

one of them said that she was a sister of the Cheyenne chief Black

Kettle, that it was his village that had been captured, and that

several other Indian villages were located within ten miles--the nearest

one being only two miles distant.

Before Custer had time to retreat, hostile Indians--reinforcements from

the other villages--arrived in such numbers as to surround the captured

village, which Custer and his men occupied; and an attack was begun

which continued nearly all day. The Indians were finally driven away.

The village and its contents were burned. The captives were allowed to

select ponies to ride on, and the balance of the drove were shot. The

retreat was begun by a march forward, as if to attack the next village.

The Indians fled; and after dark Custer moved rapidly back toward Supply

Camp, taking the captives along as prisoners of war.

In this engagement, known as the Battle of the Washita, Major Elliott,

Capt. Hamilton, and 19 privates were killed, and three officers and 11

privates wounded. Captains Weir, Benteen, T.W. Custer, and Lieut. Cook,

participated in this fight. It was estimated that at least 100 Indians

were killed, among whom was the noted chief Black Kettle.

The death of Black Kettle was much regretted by many white people. Gen.

Harney said respecting him:--"I have worn the uniform of my country 55

years, and I know that Black Kettle was as good a friend of the United

States as I am." Col. A.G. Boone, a member of the recent Indian

Commission, who had known Black Kettle for years, said tearfully:--"He

was a good man; he was my friend; he was murdered."

Early in Dec., the 7th Cavalry and a Kansas cavalry regiment,

accompanied by Gen. Sheridan and staff, again started out to look for

Indians. The recent battle-ground was revisited, and then the force

proceeded along the valley of the Washita, finding the sites of several

villages which appeared to have been lately and hastily removed. Large

numbers of lodge poles, and robes, utensils, and stores were left

behind; and a broad trail, leading down the river toward Fort Cobb, 100

miles distant, showed the direction their owners had taken when

frightened away from their winter retreat. A pursuit of the trail was

commenced, but it soon branched. The troops continued on, and when

within 20 miles of Fort Cobb, Indians appeared in front with a flag of

truce. They proved to be Kiowas led by Lone Wolf, Satanta, and other

chiefs.

A council was held, and both parties agreed to proceed together to Fort

Cobb; and the Indians agreed that they would then remain on their

reservation. On the way to the fort, many of the Indians slipped away,

and as Custer then supposed (erroneously) that Lone Wolf and Satanta had

been engaged in the recent battle and might also escape, he placed them

under guard and took them to Fort Cobb, where they were held as hostages

for the return of the roaming Kiowas, who finally came in on learning

that Sheridan had determined to hang their chiefs if they failed to do

so.

Soon after this, Little Robe--a Cheyenne chief, and Yellow Bear--a

friendly Arapahoe, were visiting at Fort Cobb, and at Custer's

suggestion Sheridan permitted him with a small party to go with these

chiefs as a peace ambassador. The mission was successful as far as the

Arapahoes were concerned, and as its result the whole tribe returned to

their reservation.

The effort to arrange with the Cheyennes proving unavailing, Custer with

800 men started, March, 1869, in pursuit of them. On the 13th of March

he arrived in the vicinity of several Cheyenne villages, one of which

belonged to Little Robe. Several councils were held with the chiefs; and

it was ascertained that two white women who had been recently captured

in Kansas were held as captives in one of the villages. For this reason

Custer could not attack the Indians, who were still intractable, and had

to continue negotiations with them. They refused to release the women

unless a large ransom was paid.

Custer subsequently seized four of the chiefs, and threatened to hang

them if the white women were not given up unconditionally. This threat

produced the desired effect, and the women were surrendered. Custer then

marched to the supply camp, taking with him the captured chiefs, who

begged for freedom as the white women had been given up. Their friends

also entreated for their release; but Custer assured them that the

Washita prisoners and the captive chiefs would not be liberated until

the Cheyennes returned to their reservation. This they promised to do,

and subsequently kept their word.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XVII.

A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAJOR-GENERAL CUSTER.

(CONTINUED.)

A treaty having been made with the Indians and peace restored, the 7th

Cavalry enjoyed a long season of rest. In the autumn of 1870, it was

broken into detachments and distributed to different posts. Custer, with

two companies, was assigned to a post at Elizabethtown, Ky., 40 miles

from Louisville, and in this isolated place he remained two years.

During this period of inaction he engaged in literary pursuits and wrote

an account of his life on the Plains. He also joined in a buffalo-hunt

given on the Plains in honor of the Russian Grand Duke Alexis, and after

the hunt he and Mrs. Custer accompanied the Duke in his travels through

the Southern States.

In March, 1873, the 7th Cavalry was ordered to Dakota, and in May was

encamped at Fort Rice far up the Missouri. Here also were assembled

other soldiers, and in July the so-called Yellowstone Expedition,

commanded by Gen. D.S. Stanley, started out on its mission, which was to

escort and protect the engineers and surveyors of the Northern Pacific

Railroad. The march was westward to the Yellowstone and up its valley,

accompanied part of the way by steamboats. The country was rough and

broken, and the wagon trains were got forward with much difficulty. It

was Custer's custom to go ahead every day with a small party of

road-hunters, to pick out and prepare the most suitable road for the

train.

On the 4th of Aug., when opposite the mouth of Tongue River, as Custer

and his advance party of about 100 men were enjoying a noon-day siesta

in a grove on the bank of the river, they were aroused by the firing of

the pickets. A few Indians had made a dash to stampede the horses which

were grazing near by, and failing in this, were riding back and forth as

if inviting pursuit. The soldiers speedily mounted, and Custer with 20

men followed the Indians, who retreated slowly, keeping out of the reach

of shot.

After going nearly two miles the retreating Indians faced about as if to

attack, and simultaneously, 300 mounted warriors emerged from a forest

and dashed forward. Custer's men immediately dismounted, and while five

of them held the horses, the remainder, with breech-loading carbines,

awaited the enemy's charge. Several rapid volleys were sufficient to

repulse the Indians, and cause them to take shelter in the woods from

which they came.

Just then the remainder of Custer's men came up, and the whole force

retreated to the resting place they had so lately vacated. The horses

were sheltered in the timber, and the men took advantage of a natural

terrace, using it as a breastwork. The Indians had followed them

closely, and now made persistent but unsuccessful attempts to drive them

from their position. Being defeated in this, they next tried to burn

them out by setting fire to the grass. After continuing their assault

for several hours, the Indians withdrew at the approach of the main

column, and Custer and the fresh troops chased them several miles.

[Illustration: COUNTING HIS COUPS.]

The same day, two elderly civilians connected with the expedition were

murdered while riding in advance of the main column. Nearly two years

later, Charles Reynolds, a scout subsequently killed at the battle of

the Little Big Horn, while at Standing Rock Agency, heard an Indian who

was "counting his _coups_," or in other words rehearsing his great

achievements, boast of killing two white men on the Yellowstone. From

his description of the victims and the articles he exhibited, Reynolds

knew that he was the murderer of the two men.

The name of this Indian was Rain in the Face. He was subsequently

arrested by Captains Yates and Custer, and taken to Fort Lincoln where

he was interviewed by Gen. Custer and finally confessed the deed. He was

kept a close prisoner in the guardhouse for several months, but managed

to escape, and joined Sitting Bull's band. It is thought by some that he

was the identical Indian who killed Gen. Custer, and that he did it by

way of revenge for his long imprisonment. There seems to be no real

foundation for this theory; but the "Revenge of Rain in the Face" will

probably go down to posterity as an historical truth, as it has already

been immortalized in verse by one of our most gifted poets, who seems,

however, to have overlooked the fact that Gen. Custer's body was not

mutilated.

A week after the affair on the Yellowstone a large Indian trail was

discovered leading up the river, and Custer was sent in pursuit. On

arriving near the mouth of Big Horn River, it was discovered that the

enemy had crossed the Yellowstone in "bull boats." As Custer had no

means of getting across, he camped for the night. Early the next

morning he was attacked by several hundred warriors, some of whom had

doubtless recrossed the river for that purpose. Sitting Bull was

commander of the Indians, and large numbers of old men, squaws, and

children were assembled on the high bluffs and mounds along the river to

witness the fight. After considerable skirmishing Custer ordered his

troops to charge, and as they advanced the Indians fled, and were

pursued some distance.

In these two engagements our loss was four men killed, and two were

wounded. Custer's horse was shot under him. There was no further trouble

with the Indians, and the expedition returned to Fort Rice about the 1st

of October. Later in the autumn, Gen. Custer was assigned to the command

of Fort Lincoln, on the Missouri River, opposite the town of Bismark.

In the summer of 1874, a military expedition to explore the Black Hills

was decided on, and Gen. Custer was selected to command it. The column

of 1,200 troops, escorting a corps of scientists, etc., started from

Fort Lincoln, July 1st, moved southwesterly about 250 miles to the Black

Hills, and then explored the region. No trouble was experienced with

Indians, and the expedition returned to Fort Lincoln in September.

Mrs. Custer had accompanied her husband to the Plains when he first went

thither, and excepting when he was engaged in some active campaign or

both were East, she shared with him the hardships, privations, and

pleasures of frontier life. Mrs. Champney, speaking of her in the

_Independent_, says:--"She followed the general through all his

campaigns, her constant aim being to make life pleasant for her husband

and for his command. General Custer's officers were remarkably attached

to him; to a man they revered and admired his wife. She was with him not

only in the idleness of summer camp-life, when the days passed in a

_dolce far niente_ resembling a holiday picnic; but in ruder and more

dangerous enterprises she was, as far as he would permit, his constant

companion."

When Gen. Custer was ordered to Fort Lincoln Mrs. Custer went there with

him; that retired post was their home for the remainder of his life, and

when he started out on his last campaign she parted with him there.

[Illustration]

CHAPTER XVIII.

A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAJOR-GENERAL CUSTER.

(CONTINUED.)

When a campaign against the roaming hostile Indians was decided on in

1876, Lieut. Col. Custer was naturally selected as the leader of the

Dakota column, which was organized at Fort Lincoln, and mainly composed

of his regiment.

About this time a Congressional committee at Washington were

investigating the charges against Gen. Belknap, who had recently

resigned the office of Secretary of War. Many persons were called to

testify; and while Custer was actively engaged in organizing the Sioux

expedition, he received a telegraphic summons to appear before the

committee.

On the receipt of the summons, Custer telegraphed to Gen. Terry, the

Department Commander, informing him of the fact, stating that what he

knew as to any charges against the War Department was only from hearsay

evidence, and asking his advice as to what he had better do. Terry, who

was a lawyer as well as a soldier, in reply informed Custer that his

services were indispensable, and that he feared it would delay the

expedition if he had to go to Washington. He suggested that if Custer

knew nothing of the matter, he might perhaps get excused from going

there.

After hearing from Terry, Custer telegraphed to the chairman of the

committee as follows;--

"While I hold myself in readiness to obey the summons of your

committee, I telegraph to state that I am engaged upon an important

expedition, intended to operate against the hostile Indians, and I

expect to take the field early in April. My presence here is very

necessary. In view of this, would it not be satisfactory for you to

forward to me such questions as may be necessary, allowing me to

return my replies by mail."

As the committee would not consent to the plan proposed, Custer went to

Washington, and was detained there on this business about one month. He

was severely cross-examined, but the result showed that he knew but

little of the matter in controversy. All he could say of his own

knowledge was, that a contractor had turned over to him at Fort Lincoln

a quantity of grain, which he suspected had been stolen from the Indian

Department, as the sacks bore the Indian brand. He had at first refused

to receive the grain, and had informed the Department commander of his

suspicions. He had received in reply an order to accept the grain; and

he believed that the order emanated from the Secretary of War, and so

testified before the committee. On returning west, he learned from Gen.

Terry that he alone was responsible for the order to receive the grain;

and thereupon, Custer telegraphed the fact to Mr. Clymer, and

added:--"As I would not knowingly do injustice to any individual, I ask

that this telegram may be appended to and made part of my testimony

before your committee."

On being discharged by the committee, Custer, for the third time it is

said, called at the White House, hoping to remove the wrong impression

and misunderstanding as to his action before the committee which, he

had learned from private sources, the President had received and still

entertained. He did not however succeed in getting an interview, and it

is said that Gen. Grant even refused to see him.

Leaving the White House, Custer proceeded to the office of Gen. Sherman,

and learned that the General had gone to New York, but was expected back

that evening. Custer then took the train for Chicago, and on arriving

there was halted by Gen. Sheridan who had received from Gen. Sherman a

telegram dated May 2nd, as follows:--

"I am this moment advised that General Custer started last night

for Saint Paul and Fort Abraham Lincoln. He was not justified in

leaving without seeing the President or myself. Please intercept

him at Chicago or Saint Paul, and order him to halt and await

further orders. Meanwhile let the expedition from Fort Lincoln

proceed without him."

Gen. Custer was of course greatly surprised on learning that such a

telegram had been received, and he immediately telegraphed to Gen.

Sherman a statement of the circumstances under which he left Washington.

He reminded the General that at their last interview he had stated that

he would start west May 1st, and had been told in reply that it was the

best thing he could do; he said further that he had every reason to

believe, that in leaving Washington when he did he was acting in

accordance with the General's advice and wishes; and in conclusion, he

reminded the General of his promise that he should go in command of his

regiment, and asked that justice might be done him. Receiving no answer

to this message, he again telegraphed to Sherman asking as a favor that

he might proceed to Fort Lincoln where his family was. In reply, Sherman

telegraphed as follows:--

"Before receipt of yours, I had sent orders to Gen. Sheridan, to

permit you to go to Fort Lincoln on duty, but the President adheres

to his conclusion that you are not to go on the expedition."

Sherman's orders to Sheridan were as follows:--

"I have received your despatch of to-day, announcing Gen. Custer's

arrival. Have just come from the President, who orders that Gen.

Custer be allowed to rejoin his post, to remain there on duty, but

not to accompany the expedition supposed to be on the point of

starting against the hostile Indians, under Gen. Terry."

General Custer accordingly started for Fort Lincoln, and on arriving at

Saint Paul, May 6th, he addressed the following letter to President

Grant:--

"TO HIS EXCELLENCY THE PRESIDENT, through Military Channels:

I have seen your order transmitted through the General of the army,

directing that I be not permitted to accompany the expedition about

to move against hostile Indians. As my entire regiment forms a part

of the proposed expedition, and as I am the senior officer of the

regiment on duty in this Department, I respectfully but most

earnestly request that while not allowed to go in command of the

expedition, I may be permitted to serve with my regiment in the

field. I appeal to you as a soldier to spare me the humiliation of

seeing my regiment march to meet the enemy and I not to share its

dangers."

This appeal to the President was forwarded by Gen. Terry with the

following communication:--

"In forwarding the above, I wish to say expressly, that I have no

desire to question the orders of the President, or of my military

superiors. Whether Lieut. Col. Custer shall be permitted to

accompany my column or not, I shall go in command of it. I do not

know the reasons upon which the orders already given rest; but if

those reasons do not forbid it, Lieut, Col. Custer's services would

be very valuable with his command."

It may be well to state here the probable causes of the unfriendly

feeling which Gen. Grant at this period manifested toward one whom he

had "endorsed to a high degree" ten years previously. The Congressional

committee hitherto mentioned, had been appointed by the Opposition

members of the House, and some of its proceedings had, doubtless,

annoyed and vexed the President. Gen. Babcock had been on his staff

during the war, and enjoyed his friendship and support even after the

damaging disclosures respecting the sale of the post-tradership at a

western fort. Attempts had also been made about this time to injure

Grant's administration, by seeking to identify it with the frauds which

had been discovered, or which were suspected, and he naturally

considered those who volunteered information to the committee as

unfriendly to himself.

It was currently reported that Custer telegraphed to the committee's

chairman, that an investigation into the post-traderships upon the Upper

Missouri would reveal a state of things quite as bad as at Fort Sill;

and that in consequence of this communication he was summoned before the

committee.

But whatever the causes of Gen. Grant's unfriendliness, or the cruelty

charged upon him for showing his displeasure as he did, the result of

Gen. Custer's appeal was creditable to the President. Custer resumed his

position as Terry's trusted coadjutor in fitting out the expedition, and

finally marched from Fort Lincoln as commander of his regiment. It was

no disgrace to him that Terry accompanied the column, and the best

feeling always existed between the two officers. The junction with the

Montana troops was contemplated at the time, and their commander, Col.

Gibbon, would have ranked Lieut. Col. Custer when their forces united.

Some commanding general had usually accompanied previous expeditions

into the Indian country, and it seems probable that Gen. Terry would

have participated in the campaign under any circumstances. Besides, it

does not appear from Custer's despatch to Sheridan, that he had been

promised more than the command of his regiment.

The history of the campaign, and the story of the disastrous battle in

which Gen. Custer lost his life have been given in preceding chapters.

His action in attacking the Indians before the arrival of Gibbon's

troops has been the subject of controversy, and by some few even his

motives have been impugned. The following paragraphs relative thereto

are from the editorial columns of the _Army and Navy Journal_:--

"It was not in Terry's instructions, and it clearly was not in his

mind, that Custer, if he came "in contact with the enemy," should

defer fighting him until the infantry came up. * * * There could be

no justification whatever for any plan of operations which made an

attack dependent upon a junction between Custer and Gibbon, after

three or four days' march from different points.

"It has been asserted that, smarting under the wounds which

preceding events had inflicted upon his pride, Custer dashed

recklessly into this affair for the purpose of eclipsing his

superior officers in the same field, regardless of cost or

consequences. This, it seems to us, is going much too far. Custer

was doubtless glad of the opportunity to fight the battle alone,

and was stimulated by the anticipation of a victory which,

illuminating his already brilliant career, would make him outshine

those put on duty over him in this campaign. But his management of

the affair was probably just about what it would have been under

the same circumstances, if he had had no grievance. His great

mistake was in acting in mingled ignorance of, and contempt for his

enemy. He regarded attack and victory in this instance as

synonymous terms, the only point being to prevent the escape of the

foe. Under this fatal delusion he opened the engagement, with his

command divided into four parts, with no certainty of co-operation

or support between any two of them. Neither ambition, nor wounded

vanity, prompted these vicious and fatal dispositions, nor were

they due to lack of knowledge of the principles of his profession."

CHAPTER XIX.

A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF MAJOR-GENERAL CUSTER.

(CONCLUDED.)

As the foregoing biography of Gen. Custer has been confined chiefly to

his military career, it may be well in conclusion to give some account

of his personal characteristics; and this can be best done in the

language of those who knew him well. A gentleman who accompanied Gen.

Custer on the Yellowstone and Black Hills expeditions, contributed to

the _New York Tribune_ the following:--

"Gen. Custer was a born cavalryman. He was never more in his

element than when mounted on Dandy, his favorite horse, and riding

at the head of his regiment. He once said to me, 'I would rather be

a private in the cavalry than a line officer in the infantry.' He

was the personification of bravery and dash. If he had only added

discretion to his valor he would have been a perfect soldier. His

impetuosity very often ran away with his judgment. He was impatient

of control. He liked to act independently of others, and take all

the risk and all the glory to himself. He frequently got himself

into trouble by assuming more authority than really belonged to his

rank. It was on the Yellowstone expedition where he came into

collision with Gen. Stanley, his superior officer, and was placed

under arrest and compelled to ride at the rear of his column for

two or three days, until Gen. Rosser, who fought against Custer in

the Shenandoah Valley during the war but was then acting as

engineer of the Northern Pacific Railroad, succeeded in effecting a

reconciliation. Custer and Stanley afterward got on very well, and

perhaps the quarrel would never have occurred if the two generals

had been left alone to themselves without the intervention of camp

gossips, who sought to foster the traditional jealousy between

infantry and cavalry. For Stanley was the soul of generosity, and

Custer did not really mean to be arrogant; but from the time when

he entered West Point to the day when he fell on the Big Horn, he

was accustomed to take just as much liberty as he was entitled to.

"For this reason, Custer worked most easily and effectively when

under general orders, when not hampered by special instructions, or

his success made dependent on anybody else. Gen. Terry understood

his man when, in the order directing him to march up the Rosebud,

he very liberally said: 'The Department Commander places too much

confidence in your zeal, energy, and ability to wish to impose upon

you precise orders which might hamper your action when nearly in

contact with the enemy.' But Gen. Terry did not understand Custer

if he thought he would wait for Gibbon's support before attacking

an Indian camp. Undoubtedly he ought to have done this; but with

his native impetuosity, his reckless daring, his confidence in his

own regiment, which had never failed him, and his love of public

approval, Custer could no more help charging this Indian camp, than

he could help charging just so many buffaloes. He had never learned

to spell the word 'defeat;' he knew nothing but success, and if he

had met the Indians on the open plains, success would undoubtedly

have been his; for no body of Indians could stand the charge of the

7th Cavalry when it swept over the Plains like a whirlwind. But in

the Mauvaises Terres and the narrow valley of the Big Horn he did

it at a fearful risk.

"With all his bravery and self-reliance, his love of independent

action, Custer was more dependent than most men on the kind

approval of his fellows. He was even vain; he loved display in

dress and in action. He would pay $40 for a pair of troop boots to

wear on parade, and have everything else in keeping. On the

Yellowstone expedition he wore a bright red shirt, which made him

the best mark for a rifle of any man in the regiment. I

remonstrated with him for this reckless exposure, but found an

appeal to his wife more effectual, and on the next campaign he wore

a buckskin suit. He formerly wore his hair very long, letting it

fall in a heavy mass upon his shoulders, but cut it off before

going out on the Black Hills, producing quite a change in his

appearance. But if vain and ambitious, Custer had none of those

great vices which are so common and so distressing in the army. He

never touched liquor in any form; he did not smoke, or chew, or

gamble. He was a man of great energy and remarkable endurance. He

could outride almost any man in his regiment, I believe, if it were

put to a test. When he set out to reach a certain point at a

certain time, you could be sure that he would be there if he killed

every horse in the command. He was sometimes too severe in forcing

marches, but he never seemed to get tired himself, and he never

expected his men to be so. In cutting our way through the forests

of the Black Hills, I have often seen him take an ax and work as

hard as any of the pioneers. He was never idle when he had a

pretext for doing anything. Whatever he did he did thoroughly. He

would overshoot the mark, but never fall short. He fretted in

garrison sometimes, because it was too inactive; but he found an

outlet here for his energies in writing articles for the press.

"He had a remarkable memory. He could recall in its proper order

every detail of any action, no matter how remote, of which he was a

participant. He was rather verbose in writing, and had no gifts as

a speaker; but his writings interested the masses from their close

attention to details, and from his facility with the pen as with

the sword in bringing a thing to a climax. As he was apt to overdo

in action, so he was apt to exaggerate in statement, not from any

wilful disregard of the truth, but because he saw things bigger

than they really were. He did not distort the truth; he magnified

it. He was a natural optimist. He took rose-colored views of

everything, even of the miserable lands of the Northern Pacific

Railroad. He had a historical memory, but not a historical mind. He

was no philosopher; he could reel off facts from his mind better

than he could analyze or mass them. He was not a student, nor a

deep thinker. He loved to take part in events rather than to brood

over them. He was fond of fun, genial and pleasant in his manner; a

loving and devoted husband. It was my privilege to spend two weeks

in his family at one time, and I know how happy he was in his

social relations."

The following rambling remarks are accredited to a general, whose name

is not given:--

"The truth about Custer is, that he was a pet soldier, who had

risen not above his merit, but higher than men of equal merit. He

fought with Phil Sheridan, and through the patronage of Sheridan he

rose; but while Sheridan liked his valor and dash he never trusted

his judgment. He was to Sheridan what Murat was to Napoleon. While

Sheridan is always cool, Custer was always aflame. Rising to high

command early in life, he lost the repose necessary to success in

high command. * * * Then Custer must rush into politics, and went

swinging around the circle with Johnson. He wanted to be a

statesman, and but for Sheridan's influence with Grant, the

republicans would have thrown him; but you see we all liked Custer,

and did not mind his little freaks in that way any more than we

would have minded temper in a woman. Sheridan, to keep Custer in

his place, kept him out on the Plains at work. He gave him a fine

command--one of the best cavalry regiments in the service. The

colonel, Sturgis, was allowed to bask in the sunshine in a large

city, while Custer was the real commander. In this service Custer

did well, and vindicated the partiality of Sheridan as well as the

kind feelings of his friends. * * * The old spirit which sent

Custer swinging around the circle revived in him. He came East and

took a prominent part in reforming the army. This made feeling, and

drew upon Custer the anger of the inside forces of the

administration.

"Then he must write his war memoirs. Well, in these memoirs he

began to write recklessly about the army. He took to praising

McClellan as the greatest man of the war, and, coming as it did

when the democrats began to look lively, it annoyed the

administration. Grant grew so much annoyed that even Sheridan could

do no good, and Custer was disgraced. Technically it was not a

disgrace. All that Grant did was to put Terry, a general, over

Custer, a lieutenant-colonel, who had his regiment all the same;

but all things considered, it was a disgrace."

The following is from an article by Gen. A.B. Nettleton, published in

the _Philadelphia Times_:--

"It must be remembered that in fighting with cavalry, which was

Custer's forte, instantaneous quickness of eye--that is, the

lightning-like formation and execution of successive correct

judgments on a rapidly-shifting situation--is the first thing, and

the second is the power of inspiring the troopers with that

impetuous yet intelligent ardor with which a mounted brigade

becomes a thunderbolt, and without which it remains a useless mass

of horses and riders. These qualities Gen. Custer seemed to me to

manifest, throughout the hard fighting of the last year of the war,

to a degree that was simply astounding, and in a manner that marked

him as one of the few really great cavalry commanders developed by

the wars of the present century. Of fear, in the sense of dread of

death or of bodily harm, he was absolutely destitute, yet his love

of life and family and home was keen and constant, leaving no room

in his nature for desperation, recklessness, or conscious rashness.

In handling his division under Sheridan's general oversight, he

seemed to act always on the belief that in campaigning with

cavalry, when a certain work must be done, audacity is the truest

caution. In action, when all was going well and success was only a

question of time or of steady 'pounding,' Gen. Custer did not

unnecessarily expose himself, but until the tide of battle had been

turned in the right direction, and especially when disaster

threatened, the foremost point in our division's line was almost

invariably marked by the presence of Custer, his waving division

tri-color and his plucky staff.

"A major-general of wide and splendid fame at twenty-five, and now

slain at thirty-six, the gallant Custer had already lived long if

life be measured by illustrious deeds."

The following is from a sketch of Gen. Custer published in the _Army and

Navy Journal_:--

"Custer was passionately addicted to active and exciting sports as

the turf and hunting. He was a splendid horseman and a lover of the

horse; he attended many American race-meetings and ran his own

horses several times in the West. His greyhounds and staghounds

went with him at the head of his regiment, to be let slip at

antelope or buffalo. With rifle or shotgun he was equally expert,

and had killed his grizzly bear in the most approved fashion. * * *

Bold to rashness; feverish in camp, but cool in action; with the

personal vanity of a carpet knight, and the endurance and

insensibility to fatigue of the hardiest and boldest rough rider; a

prince of scouts; a chief of guides, threading a trackless prairie

with unerring eye of a native and the precision of the needle to

the star; by no means a martinet, his men were led by the golden

chain of love, admiration and confidence. He had the proverbial

assurance of a hussar, but his personal appearance varied with

occasion. During the war he was 'Custer of the golden locks, his

broad sombrero turned up from his hard-bronzed face, the ends of

his crimson cravat floating over his shoulder, gold galore

spangling his jacket sleeves, a pistol in his boot, jangling spurs

on his heels, and a ponderous claymore swinging at his side.' And

long after, when he roamed a great Indian fighter on the Plains,

the portrait was only slightly changed. The cavalry jacket was

exchanged for the full suit of buckskin, beautifully embroidered by

Indian maidens; across his saddle rested a modern sporting rifle,

and at his horse's feet demurely walked hounds of unmixed breed.

Again, within a few months, he appears in private society as an

honored guest; scrupulously avoiding anything like display, but in

a quiet conventional suit of blue, with the 'golden locks' closely

shorn, and the bronzed face pale from recent indisposition, he

moves almost unnoticed in the throng."

The faithful correspondent who perished with Gen. Custer on the Little

Big Horn portrayed him thus:--

"A man of strong impulses, of great hearted friendships and bitter

enmities; of quick, nervous temperament, undaunted courage, will,

and determination; a man possessing electric mental capacity, and

of iron frame and constitution; a brave, faithful, gallant soldier,

who has warm friends and bitter enemies; the hardest rider, the

greatest pusher; with the most untiring vigilance overcoming

seeming impossibilities, and with an ambition to succeed in all

things he undertakes; a man to do right, as he construes right, in

every case; one respected and beloved by his followers, who would

freely follow him into the 'jaws of hell.'"

Gen. Custer's last battle "will stand in history as one of the most

heroic engagements ever fought, and his name will be respected so long

as chivalry is applauded and civilization battles against barbarism."

CHAPTER XX.

THE SIOUX TREATY OF 1876--INDIAN ORATORS.

In 1875, the Black Hills country had acquired a white population and an

importance which rendered its possession and control by the Government

desirable and necessary; and an attempt was made to treat with the

Indians for its purchase, but without success.

In 1876, Congress expressed its determination to appropriate nothing

more for the subsistence of the Sioux Indians unless they made certain

concessions, including the surrender of the Black Hills, and entered

into some agreement calculated to enable them to become self-supporting.

Geo. W. Manypenny, H. C. Bullis, Newton Edmunds, Rt. Rev. H.B. Whipple,

A.G. Boone, A.S. Gaylord, J.W. Daniels, and Gen. H.H. Sibley, were

appointed commissioners to negotiate for the concessions demanded. The

following is an extract from their instructions under which they

acted:--

"The President is strongly impressed with the belief that the

agreement which shall be best calculated to enable the Indians to

become self-supporting is one which shall provide for their

removal, at as early a day as possible, to the Indian Territory.

For the past three years they have been kept from starvation by

large appropriations for their subsistence. These appropriations

have been a matter not of obligation but of charity, and the

Indians should be made to understand distinctly that they can hope

for continued appropriations only by full submission to the

authority and wishes of the Government, and upon full evidence of

their disposition to undertake, in earnest, measures for their own

advancement and support."

The first council was held Sept. 7th, at Red Cloud agency, with chiefs

and headmen representing 4,901 Indians then at the agency. Red Cloud and

other chiefs met the commissioners with warm welcomes, and said with

deep earnestness:--"We are glad to see you; you have come to save us

from death." The conditions required by Congress were then submitted to

the Indians, with the assurance that the commissioners had no authority

to change them in any particular; but that they were authorized to

devise a plan to save their people from death and lead them to

civilization. The plan decided on was then carefully explained and

interpreted, and a copy of the agreement given to the Indians to take to

their own council. Other councils were held Sept. 19th and 20th, and

after mutual explanations the agreement was signed.

Subsequently, the commissioners visited Spotted Tail agency, Standing

Rock agency, Cheyenne River agency, Crow Creek agency, Lower Brule

agency, and Santee agency. At all of these agencies the agreement was

made plain to the Indians, and after due deliberation and considerable

discussion, duly signed. The following are extracts from the report of

the commissioners:--

"While the Indians received us as friends, and listened with kind

attention to our propositions, we were painfully impressed with

their lack of confidence in the pledges of the Government. At times

they told their story of wrongs with such impassioned earnestness

that our cheeks crimsoned with shame. In their speeches, the

recital of the wrongs which their people had suffered at the hands

of the whites, the arraignment of the Government for gross acts of

injustice and fraud, the description of treaties made only to be

broken, the doubts and distrusts of present professions of

friendship and good-will, were portrayed in colors so vivid and

language so terse, that admiration and surprise would have kept us

silent had not shame and humiliation done so. Said a chief to a

member of our commission:--'I am glad to see you, you are our

friends, but I hear that you have come to move us. Tell your people

that since the Great Father promised that we should never be

removed we have been moved five times.' He added, with bitter

irony, 'I think you had better put the Indians on wheels so you can

run them about wherever you wish.'

"The present condition of the Sioux Indians is such as to awaken

the deepest sympathy. They were our friends. If many of this

powerful tribe have been changed to relentless foes, we must not

forget that it is the simple outcome of our own Indian

training-school. Generals Sherman, Harney, Terry, and others, use

these words:--

'The moment the war of the rebellion was over, thousands of our

people turned their attention toward the treasures of Montana. The

Indian was forgotten. It did not occur to any man that this poor,

despised red man was the original discoverer, and sole occupant for

many centuries, of every mountain seamed with quartz and every

stream whose yellow sand glittered in the noonday sun. He asked to

retain only a secluded spot where the buffalo and elk could live,

and that spot he would make his home. The truth is, no place was

left for him. If the lands of the white men are taken, civilization

justifies him in resisting the invader. Civilization does more than

this--it brands him as a coward and a slave if he submits to the

wrong. If the savage resists, civilization, with the Ten

Commandments in one hand and the sword in the other, demands his

immediate extermination. That he goes to war is not astonishing. He

is often compelled to do so. Wrongs are borne by him in silence

that never fail to drive civilized men to deeds of violence. * * *

But it is said that our wars with them have been almost constant.

Have we been uniformly unjust? We answer unhesitatingly, 'yes.'"

"General Stanley in 1870 writes from Dakota, that he is 'ashamed to

appear any longer in the presence of the chiefs of the different

tribes of the Sioux, who inquire why we do not do as we promised,

and in their vigorous language aver that we have lied.' Sitting

Bull, who had refused to come under treaty relations with the

Government, based his refusal in these words, sent to the

commission of which Assistant Secretary Cowen was chairman:

'Whenever you have found a white man who will tell the truth, you

may return, and I shall be glad to see you.'"

"It has been claimed that all Indians found outside of their

reservation shall be regarded as hostile. Gen. Sheridan, June 29th,

1869, says in an official order, that all Indians outside the

well-defined limits of the reservation are under the original and

exclusive jurisdiction of the military authority, _and as a rule

will be considered hostile_. This order is the more surprising to

us when we remember that the treaty made by General Sherman and

others expressly provided that these Indians might hunt upon the

unceded territory; and we find that so late as its last session

Congress appropriated $200,000 to be used in part for the payment

of the seventh of thirty installments '_for Indians roaming_.' We

repeat that, under this treaty, it is expressly provided that the

Indians may hunt in the unceded territory north and west of the

Sioux reservation, and until last year they had the right to hunt

in Western Nebraska. We believe that our failure to recognize this

right has led to many conflicts between the citizens and army of

the United States and the Indians."

"In 1874, the late lamented Gen. Custer made an expedition to the

Black Hills. It was done against the protest of the Indians and

their friends, and in plain, direct violation of the treaty. Gold

was discovered, white men flocked to the El Dorado. Notwithstanding

the gross violation of the treaty, no open war ensued. If our own

people had a sad story of wrongs suffered from the Indians, we must

not forget that the Indians, who own no telegraph-lines, who have

no press and no reporters, claimed that they, too, had been the

victims of lawless violence, and had a country of untold value

wrested from them by force.

"The charge is made that the agency Indians are hostile, and that

they have furnished ammunition and supplies to the Indians with

Sitting Bull. There is water-navigation for 3,000 miles through

this territory, and an unguarded border of several hundred miles

along the Canadian frontier. So long as the Indians will sell

buffalo-robes at a low price and pay two prices for guns, the greed

of white men will furnish them. It is gross injustice to the agents

and the Interior Department to accuse them of furnishing arms and

ammunition for Indians to fight our army and murder our citizens.

"Of the results of this year's war we have no wish to speak. It is

a heart-rending record of the slaughter of many of the bravest of

our army. It has not only carried desolation and woe to hundreds of

our own hearthstones, but has added to the cup of anguish which we

have pressed to the lips of the Indian. We fear that when others

shall examine it in the light of history, they will repeat the

words of the officers who penned the report of 1868:--'The results

of the year's campaign satisfied all reasonable men that the war

was useless and expensive.'

"We hardly know how to frame in words the feelings of shame and

sorrow which fill our hearts as we recall the long record of the

broken faith of our Government. It is made more sad, in that the

rejoicings of our centennial year are mingled with the wail of

sorrow of widows and orphans made by a needless Indian war, and

that our Government has expended more money in this war than all

the religious bodies of our country have spent in Indian missions

since our existence as a nation.

"After long and careful examination we have no hesitation in

recommending that it is wise to continue the humane policy

inaugurated by President Grant. The great obstacle to its complete

success is that no change has been made in the laws for the care of

Indians. The Indian is left without the protection of law in

person, or property, or life. He has no personal rights. He has no

redress for wrongs inflicted by lawless violence. He may see his

crops destroyed, his wife or child killed. His only redress is

personal revenge. * * * In the Indian's wild state he has a rude

government of chiefs and headmen, which is advisory in its

character. When located upon reservations under the charge of a

United States agent, this government is destroyed, and we give him

nothing in its place.

"We are aware that many of our people think that the only solution

of the Indian problem is in their extermination. We would remind

such persons that there is only One who can exterminate. There are

too many graves within our borders over which the grass has hardly

grown, for us to forget that God is just. The Indian is a savage,

but he is also a man. He is one of the few savage men who clearly

recognize the existence of a Great Spirit. He believes in the

immortality of the soul. He has a passionate love for his

children. He loves his country. He will gladly die for his tribe.

Unless we deny all revealed religion, we must admit that he has the

right to share in all the benefits of divine revelation. He is

capable of civilization. Amid all the obstacles, the wrongs, and

evils of our Indian policy, there are no missions which show richer

rewards. Thousands of this poor race, who were once as poor and

degraded as the wild Sioux, are to-day civilized men, living by the

cultivation of the soil, and sharing with us in those blessings

which give to men home, country, and freedom. There is no reason

why these men may not also be led out of darkness to light."

The following is a synopsis of the arrangement agreed on by the

commissioners and Indians:--

The Sioux surrender all claim to so much of their reservation as

lies west of the 103d meridian of longitude, and to so much of it

as lies between the North and South Forks of the Cheyenne River

east of said meridian; also all claim to any country lying outside

of their reservation. Cannon Ball River and its south branch are to

be the northern boundary of the reservation. Three wagon or other

roads may be maintained across the reservation from the Missouri

River to the Black Hills. All subsistence and supplies which may be

hereafter provided, are to be delivered on or near the Missouri

River. A delegation of chiefs and leading men from each band shall

visit the Indian Territory, with a view to selecting therein a

permanent home for the Indians. If such delegation shall make a

selection satisfactory to the Indians they represent and to the

United States, then the Indians are to remove to the selected

country within one year, select allotments as soon as possible

afterwards, and use their best efforts to cultivate the same. They

are in all things to submit themselves to such beneficent plans as

the Government may provide for them in the selection of a permanent

home where they may live like white men.

The United States agree to furnish subsistence to the Sioux until

such time as they shall become self-supporting--rations to be

issued to heads of families; and in case the Indians are located on

lands suitable for cultivation, and educational facilities are

afforded by the Government, the issue of rations is to be

conditioned on the performance of labor by the Indians and the

attendance of their children at school. Assistance in the way of

schools and instruction in the agricultural and mechanical arts, as

provided by the treaty of 1868, is guaranteed; and the building of

comfortable houses on allotments in severalty is provided for. The

Sioux are declared amenable to the laws of the United States; and

Congress shall secure to them an orderly government and protect

individual property, person, and life. The agreement not to be

binding on either party till approved by Congress and the

President.

With the exception of the Santees, the Indians on the Missouri River

objected to visiting the Indian Territory, and were exempted from that

part of the agreement by a supplementary clause. A delegation of 90

Indians from the Red Cloud and Spotted Tail agencies visited the Indian

Territory in October as provided in the agreement. The following is from

the report of Commissioners Boone and Daniels who accompanied the

delegation:--

"While travelling through the Territory, Spotted Tail took special

pains to inform us that he was not pleased with anything that came

within his observation, and his part of the delegation, with but

few exceptions, were not disposed to express themselves in any

other way. Many of the Red Cloud party were well pleased. Their

chief said 'his Great Father asked him to go and find a place where

his children could live by cultivating the land. This was the

country, and he should go back and tell his people so.' The

manual-labor school of 120 scholars at the Cheyenne and Arapahoe

agency, was of more interest to them and gave them more pleasure

than anything else seen on the journey. They manifested much

interest in the progress of civilization among the Sac and Fox, and

when passing the Creek country, the delegation was received by

these tribes with generous hospitality and a hearty welcome. When

we were at Okmulgee, the capital of the Creek Nation, they were

invited to the council-house by the Creek chief, where he made a

very friendly speech to them. The following is a copy thereof:--

"To the Sioux, my brethren:--I am well pleased to see you here in

the Mus-koke Nation, brethren of the same race as ourselves. I was

told a long time ago of my red brethren, the Sioux, that were

living in the far Northwest. I had heard of the name of your tribe

and of many of your leading chiefs. I have heard of your great men,

great in war, and great in council. I have heard of your trouble on

account of the intrusion of the white men on your reservation in

search of gold. I have heard that the United States Government had

determined to remove you from your present home, and, perhaps it

might be, to this Indian Territory, to the west of us. When I heard

that you might possibly come to this Territory, which has been 'set

apart for the home of the Indians forever,' I was glad. I would

like to have all our red brethren settled in this Territory, as we

have provided in our treaty. We, the Creeks and Cherokees, have the

same kind of title and patent for our lands from the United States,

which guarantees this Territory to us for a home, under our own

form of government, by people of our own race, as long as 'grass

grows and water runs.' And I think, therefore, we shall live

forever on our lands. I should like--and I express the wish of our

people--that every Indian tribe should come here and settle on

these lands, that this Territory may become filled up with Indians,

to the exclusion of others who may be inimical to our race and

interests. We believe our right to our soil and our government,

which is best suited to our peculiar necessities, would be safer if

all our race were united together here. This is my earnest wish.

Then I think the rising generation could be educated and civilized,

and, what is still better, christianized, which, I believe, would

be the greatest benefit of all. This would be to our mutual benefit

and good. I know I express the minds of our people when I give you

this welcome to our life of a higher civilization, which is better

than the old life so long led by our race in the past."

At the councils held at the different agencies, the chiefs and principal

men made numerous speeches, which conveyed a good idea of Indian views

and feelings, and were often able and eloquent. The balance of this

chapter will be filled up with extracts from some of these speeches.

_Red Cloud Agency._ FAST BEAR:--My good friends, you have come here

to ask me for something, and I have come here to-day to answer. You

ask me to give up the mountains that are to the north of us, and I

answer yes to that question. I give them up. You are here also to

ask me to take a journey to look at a country, and I also answer

yes to that question. I consent for my young men to go down there

and see that country; but they must look at it in silence, and come

back in silence. When they have seen the country I will consider

it. If it is good I will consider it so; if bad I will consider

that it is bad. Do you understand, my friends, what I last said to

you? We do not agree to go there to live before we have seen the

country.

YOUNG-MAN-AFRAID-OF-HIS-HORSE:--My father shook hands with the

Dakotas peacefully on the Platte River. I have been brought up here

from a boy until I got to be a chief. The soldiers have no business

in this country at all. I wish to tell you plainly that I have been

very much ashamed ever since the soldiers came here. This is my

country, and I have remained here with my women and children eating

such things as the Great Father has sent us. I am going to ask the

Great Father for a great many things, things that will make me

rich. I am going to ask for so much that I am afraid the Great

Father will not consent to give it to me. I want you to tell the

Great Father that I, and all the men like me, and the children, are

going to ask him for a great many things, and we expect to have

food, and blankets to wear as long as we live.

BLACK COAL:--This place here is a place of peace, where we and our

people have lived together happily, and behaved ourselves, and we

do not understand why so many soldiers have come here among us. We

have never had any trouble and have behaved ourselves, and wish to

have the soldiers sent away as soon as possible, and leave us in

peace. The people that live here have both minds and hearts and

good sense, but it seems as if the Great Father all at once thought

differently, and speaks of us as people that are very bad.

RED CLOUD:--The commissioners have both brains and hearts. The

Great Father has sent you here to visit me and my people, and I

want that you should help us. We see a great many soldiers here in

our country. We do not like to see them here. I want you to have

pity upon us, and have them all taken away. I understand all the

ways of the whites. I know that everything that has been said has

been written down, and I should like to have a fair copy of that

made and given to me.

LITTLE WOUND:--I always considered that when the Great Father

borrowed the country for the overland road that he made an

arrangement with us that was to last fifty years as payment for

that privilege, and yesterday another arrangement was mentioned

concerning the Black Hills, and the words that I heard from the

Great Father and from the commissioners from the Great Council made

me cry. The country upon which I am standing is the country upon

which I was born, and upon which I heard that it was the wish of

the Great Father and of the Great Council that I should be like a

man without a country. I shed tears. I wish that the chief men

among you that have come here to see me would help me, and would

change those things that do not suit me.

_Spotted Tail Agency._ SPOTTED TAIL:--My friends that have come

here to see me; you have brought to us words from the Great Father

at Washington, and I have considered them now for seven days, and

have made up my mind. This is the fifth time that you have come. At

the time of the first treaty that was made on Horse Creek--the one

we call the "great treaty"--there was provision made to borrow the

overland road of the Indians, and promises made at the time of the

treaty, though I was a boy at the time; they told me it was to last

fifty years. These promises have not been kept. All the words have

proved to be false. The next conference was the one held with Gen.

Manydear, when there were no promises made in particular, nor for

any amount to be given to us, but we had a conference with him and

made friends and shook hands. Then after that there was a treaty

made by Gen. Sherman. He told us we should have annuities and goods

from that treaty for thirty-five years. He said this, but yet he

didn't tell the truth. He told me the country was mine, and that I

should select any place I wished for my reservation and live in it.

My friends, I will show you well his words to-day. * * * I see that

my friends before me are men of age and dignity. I think that each

of you have selected somewhere a good piece of land for himself,

with the intention of living on it, that he may there raise up his

children. My people, that you see here before you, are not

different; they also live upon the earth and upon the things that

come to them from above.

My friends, this seems to me to be a very hard day, and we have

come upon very difficult times. This war did not spring up here in

our land; this war was brought upon us by the children of the Great

Father who came to take our land from us without price, and who, in

our land, do a great many evil things. We have a store-house to

hold our provisions the Great Father sends us, but he sends very

little provisions to put in our store-house. When our people become

displeased with their provisions and have gone north to hunt in

order that they might live, the Great Father's children are

fighting them. It has been our wish to live in our country

peaceably, but the Great Father has filled it with soldiers who

think only of our death. It seems to me there is a better way than

this. When people come to trouble, it is better for both parties to

come together without arms and talk it over and find some peaceful

way to settle it. My friends, you have come to me to-day, and

mentioned two countries to me. One of them I know of old--the

Missouri River. It is not possible for me to go there. When I was

there before we had a great deal of trouble. I left also 100 of my

people buried there. The other country you have mentioned is one I

have never seen since I was born, but I agree to go and look at it.

When men have a difficult business to settle it is not possible it

should be well settled in one day; it takes at least twelve months

to consider it.

SPOTTED TAIL:--(_Second Council._) This war has come from

robbery--from the stealing of our land. My friends, I wish to tell

the Great Father "Let us consider this matter." There are on both

sides a great many widows and a great many orphans. Let us consider

who is to take care of these. This matter has not been begun with

judgment; and I think it is displeasing to the Great Spirit. The

Great Father sent you out here to buy our land and we have agreed

together to that, but with one understanding:--That it shall be the

end, also, of this war. We have always been peaceful friends of the

Great Father, and shall remain at peace with him; but all at once a

whirlwind has passed over our land, and the ammunition has been

locked up so that we cannot get it to hunt game to live upon. Now

we shake hands and make peace and wish it to be unlocked so we can

buy ammunition. You know this trouble does not please the Great

Spirit, and I want you to help me to blot it out.

BAPTISTE GOOD:--You have come here with considerations that will

make my people live, and my heart is glad. When Gen. Sherman came

to make a treaty with my people, I was also glad. That was like

the birth of a child. I wish you would tell the Great Father we

need implements to work with, and wagons for two horses. I have

worn out my fingers working without implements. I have planted

corn, and I am happy to say it has grown up and produced fruit. The

white minister has come here to teach me, but I don't think it is

done properly. I would like to have some female ministers come

dressed in black to receive the girls in one house and teach them,

and have white male ministers in black hat and coat to teach the

boys in another house separately.

BLUE TEETH:--Just such men as you came to make the treaty with me.

They showed me a road to walk in, and I showed my people and

advised them according to their words, and they were glad. But the

things they promised me didn't turn out as they promised them. I am

the man that heard the promises made. Spotted Tail told you about

that yesterday, according to my direction, but I was hiding myself.

I want the man pointed out that is going to talk to the Great

Father. [Judge Gaylord is pointed out.] You see that pipe: take it,

[handing to Judge Gaylord a pipe and tobacco-pouch.] The Great

Spirit gave me that pipe. He told me to point it to my mother, the

earth, when I prayed. I wish you to take it to the Great Father at

Washington, and tell him a man that made a speech here presented it

to him, and ask him to be merciful to him and help him to live.

Tell him this is my country, and for him to have pity upon me and

not move me away from it. I want to live here always.

_Standing Rock Agency._ JOHN GRASS:--Look well at me with both eyes

and listen to me with both ears. I have considered the words you

have brought me, and I am ready to answer you. The chiefs you see

here have all come to the same conclusion. You have brought words

to the chiefs here that will bring life to their children; that

will make their children live; they answer _how_ [signifying their

approval] to that. And now since they have ceded their country to

you, they want to tell you of certain things that they shall want

in the future.

RUNNING ANTELOPE:--When people shake hands and talk, they talk in

earnest. I want you to look on this man Kill Eagle, with his people

who are prisoners here. He is one of us and is our kindred. Kindred

living with each other love each other, and when they get into

trouble they help each other out, and we look on these Indians the

same as white. He went out to the hostile camp, held his gun,

witnessed a fight, and came back. I want before the sun sets to see

these men released. I am an old man, and I ask these things as a

favor.

In regard to this store. I have been to see the Great Father, and

the white people are wealthy. Even they have stores one right

against the other, touching each other. When a man goes in a store

and finds something he wants and cannot obtain it as cheaply as he

desires, he goes into another, and so on until he gets what he

wants and at the proper price. We want to do so here.

TWO BEARS:--Hail Great Spirit, and hail my friends who I see here,

and hail Great Father! My heart is this day made glad by seeing you

here. You prayed to the Great Spirit and that made our hearts glad.

I was the chief owner of this country, but the Great Father turned

it over to his young men. This was a hard thing for him to do to

me; now that he proposes to pay me for it I am very glad. I am of

the fifth generation of the Sioux Indians, and the sixth generation

is growing up around me. I want the Government to provide for the

same number of generations in the future. I am making this trade

with the Great Father, and I am not a white man and am not able to

live like a white man. They eat but little, but I am not able to

get along with a little yet. The Great Spirit fed me, and fed me in

large quantities. I eat all day, and eating great quantities has

become a habit with me. I am afraid of frightful things; I am

afraid of bad things; I am afraid of a battle. I like good things,

and straightforward dealings. For two winters I was starving and

have eaten a great number of my horses and dogs. In consequence of

this starvation many of our people fled from the agency in search

of food, and while they were out one of them got into trouble.

[referring to Kill Eagle.]

MAD BEAR:--I am an Indian, a poor, miserable Indian, but if I

should do as has been done by us, the Great Spirit would dislike,

and hate me, and for that reason I cannot do these things. Men,

civilians, that we have had for agents would steal our food, steal

things that were sent to us. It is the fault of the white men that

this is done. They select men that belong to the ring. When one

agent is removed they select his friend to succeed him, and so the

stealing goes on. The matter of their traders alone is enough to

drive the Indians hostile. It would drive a white man hostile to be

treated as we are treated, and to be charged prices as our traders

charge us for goods. If an Indian succeeds in getting a dollar he

takes it to the store to trade, and what he receives in return for

it amounts to probably half a dime. We want the monopoly of trading

stores stopped. The work, the labor, everything is monopolized by

white men, who have everything their own way. It is hard to be an

Indian chief. Our young men do not listen to us--they will not mind

us.

FOOL DOG:--The Great Spirit created these men and they expect to

raise children after them. Generations are not to stop here, they

are still to go on living, and we look to you for help and

assistance. I am an Indian, and am looked on by the whites as a

foolish man; but it must be because I follow the advice of the

white man.

LONG SOLDIER:--The Great Spirit called me forth to be a chief, and

this day I say _how_ to you. The Great Father has asked me for a

portion of my country and has made me an offer in return for it. I

am very glad to get what has been offered to me, and I therefore

say _how_ to your proposition. I am a very suspicious man and

always suspect people of some evil designs when they talk to me,

and therefore remain at home. My father, who has instructed me to

be a friend of the whites, is still living, and I want him to share

in the benefits that arise from the sale of the Black Hills.

TWO BEARS:--My friends, to-day we have talked together with smiles

on our faces, and we are going to sign this paper with the

understanding that everything in it is true, and that we are not

deceiving each other. My children are very poor and very ignorant,

and they don't know anything about weights and measures, and if you

are going to issue my rations by weight I want you to give good

measure. In signing this agreement I don't sign it myself; I have a

young man who is my hope for the future. Although I touch the pen

myself, I touch it for my son, who is to be my successor.

DRAG WOOD:--I am an old man and my bones are getting sore, and I

want my son to sign this agreement with me.

WOLF NECKLACE:--I never want to leave this country; all my

relatives are lying here in the ground, and when I fall to pieces I

am going to fall to pieces here.

_Cheyenne River Agency._ LONG MANDAN:--I am glad of one thing; the

Great Father knows that this is my country, and before he takes it

from me he is going to ask my permission. Our people are poor, they

have nothing in their lodges, and if you will visit them you would

feel disposed to bring many things to them to-day. My friends, when

I went to Washington I went into your money-house, and I had some

young men with me, but none of them took any money out of that

house while I was with them. At the same time, when your Great

Father's people come into my country, they go into my money-house

and take money out. More than that, they commit depredations on us;

and stole fifty head of horses and took them away from me. If the

Great Father was not a great man and was not a man that had great

power and a good man, I should have been mad; but he is a great man

and a good man, and that is the reason that I have not been

offended at him. I would much rather have gone to Washington with

my people and have signed this treaty there. I do not want to spend

a great deal of money for the Great Father, but at the same time I

know that the Great Father is wealthy. I want to tap the telegraph

that is over the river, and talk to the Great Father in that way,

and to have him answer me in the same way. I want him to give me

plenty of mowing-machines, and I would like very much to have a

good blacksmith. I will show you something to-day that I have done

in this country in the way of farming; a large pumpkin that I have

sent to be brought here to show you. My friends, you may think that

I never raised it when you see it, but I want to show it to you,

and have sent for it.

RED FEATHER:--The Great Father asked me in regard to the missions

and churches and schools, and told me I must take hold of that and

assist him. There were two ministers here, and I regarded them as

two canes to walk upon and help me up with. There is one thing that

the people of the Great Father have that I do not want, and that is

whisky. I do not want any whisky on my reservation. Whenever a man

drinks whisky he loses his senses, and that is the reason why I

object to it.

DUCK:--The soldiers that are fighting have killed a great many

people on both sides, and have made many widows and orphans on both

sides. I am sorry to know that anybody was killed on either side.

All the badness and all the trouble that has occurred here

formerly, I gather it up in my hand and throw it away; tell the

Great Father that. Look at this people; they are poor people; they

have a hard time to get what little furs and hides they have; but

when we take them to the stores we do not get enough for them. If

you are not afraid of me, and do not think I am fooling with you,

I would like to have you attend to this hide business, and see that

we get $6 apiece for them.

WHITE BULL:--I see, my friends, the soldiers standing here about

me. They are people whose business it is to die, but we think

better things for them. We have given them the Black Hills; we wish

they would go there and dig gold without being afraid of anybody.

_Crow Creek Agency._ WHITE GHOST:--Around and about the hills on

the prairies there are a great many dead people lying, but the

Great Father has decided to give us a good price for the hills;

therefore it is--because the Great Father is strong--that we are

willing to give them up. We live right near a trading-post, and we

become poor because we have not money to buy those things we want.

I do not wish you to think that I am finding fault or out of

temper. I merely say the things I am instructed to say. My people

wish to have it understood that they do not wish to have any

soldiers sent here or any soldier for an agent. I must tell

everything that I am instructed to say; they are all here listening

to see whether I say everything, and I must say all that I have

been told. We would like to have Mr. Premeau appointed for

interpreter. He is a white man, a man that understands the

language, and does not drink whisky. My people think that the flour

that is sent here for them is sent for them to eat, and they are

not pleased that it is fed to the pigs about the agency; and they

wish me to mention that we take a hide to the store, quite a large

one, and receive an order for three dollars' worth of goods. For

this large beef-hide we get one piece of leather the width of three

fingers, for a belt; it is not worth more than fifty cents. That

does not please us.

Last summer when I went to the council for the Black Hills, I had a

pipe with me. I told them, in reference to the Black Hills, that we

were bound by giving and receiving the pipe, the same as white

people when they make an oath in court and swear upon the Bible,

and if the party took the pipe that was offered to him in council

and held it in his hand everything went well, and if he did not

speak the truth always some evil would spring up in connection with

it. Last summer the pipe was given in council, and what do you

think of the matter now? Have the promises been kept, or has the

violation of them caused war and bloodshed? I have for a long time

known the ways of your people in dealing with us and taking away

our country, and I know that they have been such as to make us

miserable. You have driven away our game and our means of

livelihood out of the country, until now we have nothing left that

is valuable except the hills that you ask us to give up. When we

give these up to the Great Father we know that we give up the last

thing that is valuable either to us or the white people; and

therefore my people wish me to say that, as long as two Indians are

living, we expect them to have the benefit of the price paid for

these lands.

My friend, [to the chairman,] I am going to give you a pipe.

Perhaps we are deceiving each other in this matter, perhaps we are

not going to be truthful, and shall commit a great sin, but I for

my part am trying to speak the truth.

RUNNING BEAR:--I look upon you as you sit before me, and I see that

there are no boys among you; that you are all men of age, and I am

glad to see it. I am very old, very near the time when I shall lie

down in the earth. Therefore if you have really come to help us we

are very happy. I will speak now about myself. I am an orphan.

Before my father died he told me that my country was very valuable.

You say you are going to give me rations by weight; I do not know

anything about that; I think it will take me at least twelve years

to understand it. It is only yesterday that the people of my

generation were laid in the ground, and I am the only one left. My

father, who is now dead, went to the Great Father's house and

talked with him there. The people have now given you the Black

Hills, and we for our part would like to go to our Great Father's

house and hear how much money he proposes to give us in return.

Again, the whisky that the white people have and carry about with

them is very bad. We hear that our people who are living up to the

north of us drink a great deal of whisky. We do not like it at all.

My friends, I am going to ask you for something that I want. I do

not think it possible that you have come out here to ask me for

something without paying me for it. I do not consider myself very

rich. You white people come out here with a great many pockets in

your clothes. Probably the person who sent you told you what to do

with the things in your pockets. I would like to have you take up a

collection. Each of you put your hands in your pockets and take out

ten cents and give it to me to buy something at the store. You are

not particularly modest in asking for the things you want, and I

see no reason why I should not ask for the things that I want. Do

you think I do right in asking you?

You are a chief, [to the chairman.] I, also, am a chief. I have

lived here now 13 years. I do not remember even a bad word that I

have said; perhaps the Great Father does. In every country there

are men who are skillful in talking in council. I am such a man

myself. I also have been instructed. This medal that you see, was

put about my neck by a Catholic priest, and yet, notwithstanding I

am so honored, you talk to me about issuing rations by weight. I am

astonished at you. You are advanced in years; I am also advanced in

years.

WHITE BEAR:--I wonder if you know that I planted a field out here.

I raised pumpkins as large as this chair and corn taller than I am,

and after I had done that my father took my field away to plant

oats in. I wonder if you know that. Tell the Great Father that

there is only one store here, and all the young men are shedding

tears about it. If they had mowing-machines, such as they could

ride upon, to ride around their country and cut hay, they would be

able to earn something; but the agent considers that the country

belongs to him personally, and cuts all the hay. My friends, I

would like to have our agent, before the sun goes down, climb up

into the second story of the warehouse and take down all the teepee

cloths and blankets that he has there, and divide them among the

people.

DOG BACK:--I am not anybody in particular. Although I am not very

strong and a man of no special importance, I took a claim, and

planted, and considered that I was watching my own hay and grass. I

am the man that has been trying to live in the way that I have been

told, but this summer a great many white men have come there and

cut my wood, and killed the fowls and animals I have raised, and

disturbed me in many ways. I do not wish to make any disturbance

about it, but I have been trying to do as the Great Father advised

us, and it seems to me that these people who come and do such

things to me are lawless people. I have nobody to help me, but you

come here to-day from the Great Father, and I have told you these

things in the hope that you will help me.

_Santee Agency._ HAKEWASTE:--I am an Indian and was born naked. I

now wear the same kind of clothes as the white man. Old Wabashaw

told me that the President wanted us to work, and for that reason

I have dressed in this way, but what you have been explaining to me

I know nothing about. I have only been six years a chief in this

land. You can see how we are situated here; that we have done part

of what the President told us to do; you see little patches of

corn, &c. As old man Wabashaw is buried here we would all like to

live here. We will all do what you ask of us in the treaty. We own

nothing, and have nothing to depend upon. When the President makes

up his mind to do a thing he generally does it, but we do not want

to go to that territory to the south.

WAMAMSA:--The Lord above rules everything, and he has given us a

nice mild day for our council. We have prayed for land and

churches, and as we now have three churches I think the Lord has

taken good care of us and has answered our prayers. Look at these

young men. You have not seen any Indians during your travels

dressed in that way. We are not getting along very well--not as

well as we should. Twice now we have had Quakers for agents, and we

are going down hill all the time; getting into the ground.

HUSASA:--I have been blind for four years, but I can hear what is

said. When any one comes from Washington to see us we ought to be

thankful to him. When we lived at Redwood we made the treaty, and

it was mentioned that we were to draw annuities and money for fifty

years, and for that reason we put ourselves in the wrong place and

suffer for it to-day. There are only three chiefs left now, and all

we have to do is to throw ourselves into the arms of the Great

Father. We are all pretty badly off. When people used to come here

from Washington, Wabashaw was here to speak, but now he is lying in

the ground and we are all the time looking that way at him. A great

many of us have no wagons or oxen or anything to work with. I have

nothing but an old wagon that is not fit for use, and am as poor as

if I had not sold any land to the President. The Indians' minds are

not very long and we forget a thing in a very short time. You have

told us what to do. We have got it all in our ears and ought to be

proud of it.

The President said that he would take good care of us, and now here

I am blind and have not got a wagon fit to use. Although I am

blind, if I had a wagon the women or some of the boys could bring

me water when I am thirsty.

* * * * *

Transcriber's note:

Obvious typographical errors and printer errors have been corrected

without comment.

On page 158, the word "Py" was changed to "By" in the phrase: "Py ----,

who did shoot...."

With the exception of obvious errors, inconsistencies in the author's

spelling, punctuation, use of hyphens, and use of quotation marks have

been retained as in the original publication. Inconsistencies include,

but are not limited to the following:

gayety/ gaiety

Ogallala/ Ogallalla

Camanche/ Commanches

In the original publication, italics are used inconsistently in the

illustration captions. They are reproduced here as they appear in the

original.

Unconventional spelling has been retained in words such as (but not

limited to) the following:

befel

enlightment

Milwaukie

carniverous

conveniencies

conformably

kidnaped/ kidnaping

reconnoisance