“Finally it was agreed that the entire question should not be
settled by me”—that is, Lammers—“in the form of a law but that
the Reich Commissioners should take the existing religious
freedom for granted and should issue the necessary directives.”
Then Document 072-PS, a letter from Bormann to Rosenberg; of that I
should like to read the third paragraph:
“The Führer emphasized that in the Balkans the use of your
experts would not be necessary, since there were no art objects
to be confiscated. In Belgrade there was only the collection of
Prince Paul which would be returned to him intact. The remaining
material of the lodges, _et cetera_, would be taken care of by
the representatives of Gruppenführer Heydrich.”
From Document 062-PS I should like to read the introduction, in which
the Defendant Hess deals with the orders he had issued for the treatment
of airmen. I quote:
“The French civilian population received official instructions
by radio and otherwise on what they were to do at landings of
German aircraft.”
From Document 205-PS I should like to read the opening words of Bormann,
the second paragraph.
THE PRESIDENT: What, is the date of 062-PS? [_The interpreter wrongly
translated this as 205-PS._]
DR. BERGOLD: 5th of May 1943, circular letter Number 70/43.
THE PRESIDENT: I think I have got it now.
THE INTERPRETER: You have 205, My Lord.
DR. BERGOLD: 5th of May 1943.
THE PRESIDENT: No, but I wanted to know the date of 062-PS. It appears
to be 13 March 1940.
DR. BERGOLD: 062-PS? Yes, the date of that is 13 March 1940. That is the
one I read before.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal does not understand why you read the
document in view of Paragraph 4 of it which is as follows:
“Likewise, enemy parachutists are immediately to be arrested or
liquidated.”
DR. BERGOLD: I shall return to that in my final speech, Mr. President. I
can present my arguments now if the Tribunal so desires, but I do not
think the argument is wanted now.
THE PRESIDENT: No, no; I thought you might have another paragraph in the
document which you wish to refer to.
DR. BERGOLD: No. I referred to the introduction, which was the reason
for this document, namely, the statement of the Defendant Hess preceding
Bormann’s document.
I come then to Document 205-PS, dated 5 May 1943, circular letter Number
70/43. I shall quote the following sentence:
“I request that along the lines set out in the attached copy the
necessity for a firm but just treatment of the foreign workers
be made clear in a suitable manner to members of the Party and
the population.”
This circular letter itself was issued by the Defendant Sauckel. I now
come to Document 025-PS, of 4 September 1942 and I read...
THE PRESIDENT: Which number are you going to now?
DR. BERGOLD: 025-PS, dated 4 September 1942. I shall quote the last
sentence of the second paragraph:
“Therefore, and this is also the opinion of the Reich Marshal
and of Reichsleiter Bormann, the problem of domestic workers
must be solved in a way different from that mentioned above.”
And then I quote from Paragraph 3, starting with the second sentence:
“In connection with this”—namely, the employment in Germany of
women workers from the East—“Reichsleiter Bormann also agrees
that members of the Armed Forces or other agencies who have
brought female domestic workers into the Reich illegally will
have their action subsequently approved; approval of such action
in the future will not be withheld, regardless of the official
recruiting scheme. The determining factor in the recruiting of
Ukrainian female workers is the specific wish of the Führer that
only girls whose conduct and appearance permit a permanent stay
in Germany should be brought into the Reich.”
Then I shall read from Figure 1, almost the last paragraph on Page 3 of
your document book:
“Recruiting, especially in the case of domestic servants, must
be on a voluntary basis and must in practice be carried out with
the help of the offices of the Reichsführer SS.”
This concludes my quotations from the document book of the Prosecution,
and I should like now to refer only to the Russian Document USSR-172 and
to Document Dönitz-91, of which I shall make use in my final speech.
This, then, brings me to the end of the presentation of my evidence.
MR. DODD: Mr. President, may I suggest that if this witness Kempka can
be located, counsel might submit an affidavit or an interrogatory to any
persons who have knowledge of the alleged death of Defendant Bormann. We
certainly would have no objection to it.
DR. BERGOLD: I have no objection either.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Bergold, have you any information as to what this
witness Kempka can tell us about the death of Bormann?
DR. BERGOLD: According to the affidavit, which I read to the Tribunal,
he is said to have been present when Bormann was killed by a tank
explosion. He would, therefore, be an eye witness of Bormann’s death,
like the witness Rattenhuber, from whom the witness Krüger obtained her
information. If the witnesses Kempka and Rattenhuber were found, I would
be satisfied with affidavits and interrogatories.
MR. DODD: Mr. President, I have seen this statement by Kempka some time
ago, which is in affidavit form and which has come to our attention. But
my recollection is that he does not state positively that he saw him
die. But I again suggest we might make further efforts to get an
affidavit from him, or an interrogatory, or carefully question him about
the circumstances of the death.
THE PRESIDENT: A statement was made to the Tribunal at one time by the
Prosecution suggesting that Bormann had escaped from the Chancellery in
a tank and then the tank had been stopped or blown up on a bridge and
that two of the persons inside the tank had last seen Bormann wounded,
or something of that sort.
MR. DODD: Yes, I think that is the best information.
THE PRESIDENT: Mr. Dodd, if the Prosecution has any material in the
shape of affidavits or anything of that sort, the Tribunal would like to
have them placed before them.
MR. DODD: Yes, Sir. I am sure we do not have an affidavit. As I recall,
it was last fall when someone sent down here what purported to be a
narrative account by Kempka of the last days in Berlin. Now, I will try
to look that up and present it to you.
THE PRESIDENT: If you can go into the matter, then possibly they might
be located through the investigations which you would make.
MR. DODD: Very well.
THE PRESIDENT: Then interrogatories or affidavits could be obtained.
MR. DODD: Very well, Sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Then that concludes your presentation of evidence on
behalf of Bormann?
DR. BERGOLD: That is all I have, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Very well. Thank you.
Colonel Pokrovsky, is there anything you wish to say? I beg your pardon.
Dr. Bergold, you have offered in evidence all the exhibits that you want
to offer and have given them exhibit numbers, have you?
DR. BERGOLD: Yes, in my document book.
THE PRESIDENT: You are intending to offer your document book as
evidence?
DR. BERGOLD: Yes.
THE PRESIDENT: It has exhibit numbers on each document, has it?
DR. BERGOLD: Yes, each document has a number.
THE PRESIDENT: Very well.
Colonel Pokrovsky, the Tribunal would like to know whether you have
arrived at any agreement with Dr. Stahmer on behalf of the Defendant
Göring with reference to affidavit evidence or witnesses, with reference
to the Katyn matter.
COLONEL Y. V. POKROVSKY (Deputy Chief Prosecutor for the U.S.S.R.): My
Lord, we have had three conferences with the Defense Counsel. After the
second meeting I told the Tribunal that, in order to shorten the
proceedings, the Soviet Prosecution was willing to read into the record
only a part of the evidence submitted. About 15 minutes ago I had a
meeting with Dr. Exner and Dr. Stahmer, and they told me that their
understanding of the Tribunal’s ruling was that the old decision for the
summoning of two witnesses was still in force and that only additional
documents were now under discussion.
In view of this interpretation of the Tribunal’s ruling, I do not think
that we shall be able to come to an agreement with the Defense. As I see
it, the decision in this matter must now rest in the hands of the
Tribunal.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal orders that, unless an agreement is arrived
at, the evidence shall not be given entirely by affidavits and that the
three witnesses on either side shall be called first thing on Monday
morning at 10 o’clock, unless you can arrive at an agreement before
that, that the evidence is to be offered in affidavits.
DR. SIEMERS: Mr. President, may I say something on this subject?
A number of counsel who are interested in the Katyn case had a
conference this morning; among them were Professor Exner and Dr.
Stahmer. We agreed to ask the Tribunal to allow two witnesses to be
examined here in person by the Defense. These witnesses would be Colonel
Ahrens and First Lieutenant Von Eichborn. We also agreed to dispense
with the hearing of the third witness but decided to request that an
affidavit of this witness, and in addition two other affidavits, be
submitted. I believe this to be a suggestion which both satisfies us and
saves the most time: Two witnesses would be heard and three affidavits
submitted.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Siemers, the Tribunal sees no objection to there
being two witnesses called and one affidavit. But their order was that
three witnesses on either side—that the evidence should be limited to
three witnesses on either side; and they, therefore, are not prepared to
allow further affidavits to be given. The evidence must be confined to
the evidence of three persons on either side. They may give their
evidence either by oral evidence or by affidavit.
DR. SIEMERS: Mr. President, as far as I was informed, the original
decision stated that three witnesses were allowed but did not mention
affidavits. That was the reason why Dr. Stahmer and Professor Exner
assumed that, regardless of the witnesses, certain individual points
could be proved by means of affidavits. I think that the hearing of two
witnesses and three affidavits would be quicker than the examination of
three witnesses.
THE PRESIDENT: I am afraid Dr. Stahmer and Dr. Exner drew a wrong
inference from the order of the Tribunal. The Tribunal intended and
intends that the evidence should be limited to the evidence of three
witnesses on either side, and whether they give their evidence orally or
by affidavit does not matter. We left it to the Soviet Prosecution and
to defendant’s counsel to see whether they could agree that it should be
given by affidavit in order to save time. But that was not intended to
extend the number of witnesses who might give evidence.
DR. SIEMERS: Mr. President, in that case, I should be grateful if Dr.
Stahmer and Professor Exner would be heard. I myself have not been in
Nuremberg recently; I was therefore not present when these details were
discussed and it is difficult for me—I see that Dr. Stahmer is
now—perhaps Dr. Stahmer himself could speak about it.
DR. STAHMER: I have just heard Dr. Siemers’ report, at least a part of
it. I mentioned already during the last discussion, Mr. President, that
Professor Exner and I had understood the decision to mean that besides
the three witnesses we were also allowed to submit affidavits. Indeed,
the original decision granted us five witnesses, though it made the
reservation that only three of them could give evidence here in Court.
We assumed, therefore, that we could submit affidavits of those
witnesses out of the five who had been originally granted us but who
would not give evidence in Court. The original decision granted us five
witnesses, and then a later decision of the Tribunal...
THE PRESIDENT: Listen, that is not the recollection of the Tribunal; and
if you say so, you must produce written evidence that that was the
decision. The Tribunal’s recollection is not that five witnesses were
allowed.
DR. STAHMER: Yes, yes, yes. I shall submit written evidence of these
decisions to the Tribunal. I cannot remember offhand when they were
made, but originally five witnesses were granted; then I named another
witness, who was also granted, and it was only afterwards that the
decision to allow only three witnesses to give evidence in Court was
announced.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Stahmer, when the order was made limiting it to three
out of five, there was no reference in that order to affidavits, as far
as I know.
DR. STAHMER: No, affidavits were not mentioned then.
THE PRESIDENT: What I am telling you is that the Tribunal in making that
order of limitation intended to limit the whole of the evidence to three
witnesses on either side, because the matter is only a subsidiary
allegation of fact; and the Tribunal thinks that at this stage of the
proceedings such an allegation of fact ought not to be investigated by a
great number of witnesses, and three witnesses are quite sufficient on
either side.
Therefore the Tribunal does not desire to hear and did not intend that
it should have to hear any evidence except the evidence of three
witnesses, either orally or by affidavit.
The Tribunal will now adjourn.
[_The Tribunal adjourned until Monday 1 July at 1000 hours._]
ONE HUNDRED AND SIXTY-EIGHTH DAY
Monday, 1 July 1946
_Morning Session_
THE PRESIDENT: I have an announcement to make.
The Tribunal orders that any of the evidence taken on commission which
the Defense Counsel or the Prosecution wish to use shall be offered in
evidence by them. This evidence will then become a part of the record,
subject to any objections.
Counsel for the organizations should begin to make up their document
books as soon as possible and put in their requests for translations.
That is all.
Dr. Stahmer.
DR. STAHMER: With reference to the events at Katyn, the Indictment
contains only the remark: “In September 1941, 11,000 Polish officers,
prisoners of war, were killed in the Katyn woods near Smolensk.” The
Russian Prosecution only submitted the details at the session of 14
February 1946. Document USSR-54 was then submitted to the Tribunal. This
document is an official report by the Extraordinary State Commission,
which was officially authorized to investigate the Katyn case. This
commission, after questioning the witnesses...
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Stahmer, the Tribunal are aware of the document and
they only want you to call your evidence; that is all.
DR. STAHMER: I wanted only to add, Mr. President, that according to this
document, there are two accusations: One, that the period of the
shooting of the Polish prisoners of war was the autumn of 1941; and the
second assertion is, that the killing was carried out by some German
military authority, camouflaged under the name of “Staff of Engineer
Battalion 537.”
THE PRESIDENT: That is all in the document, is it not? I have just told
you we know the document. We only want you to call your evidence.
DR. STAHMER: Then, as my first witness for the Defense, I shall call
Colonel Friedrich Ahrens to the witness stand.
DR. SIEMERS: Mr. President, I have a request to make before the evidence
is heard in the Katyn case. The Tribunal decided that three witnesses
should be heard, and it hinted that in the interests of equality, the
Prosecution could also produce only three witnesses, either by means of
direct examination or by means of an affidavit. In the interests of that
same principled equality, I should be grateful if the Soviet Delegation,
in the same way as the Defense, would state the names of their witnesses
before the hearing of the evidence. The Defense submitted the names of
their witnesses weeks ago. Unfortunately, up to now, I note that in the
interests of equality and with regard to the treatment of the Defense
and the Prosecution, the Soviet Delegation has so far not given the
names of the witnesses.
THE PRESIDENT: General Rudenko, were you going to give me the names of
the witnesses?
GEN. RUDENKO: Yes, Mr. President. Today we notified the General
Secretary of the Tribunal that the Soviet Prosecution intends to call
three witnesses to the stand: Professor Prosorovski, who is the Chief of
the Medico-Legal Experts Commission; the Bulgarian subject, Professor of
Legal Medicine at Sofia University Markov, who at the same time was a
member of the so-called International Commission created by the Germans;
and Professor Bazilevsky, who was the deputy mayor of Smolensk during
the time of the German occupation.
[_The witness Ahrens took the stand._]
THE PRESIDENT: Will you state your full name?
FRIEDRICH AHRENS (Witness): Friedrich Ahrens.
THE PRESIDENT: Will you repeat this oath after me: I swear by God—the
Almighty and Omniscient—that I will speak the pure truth—and will
withhold and add nothing.
[_The witness repeated the oath._]
THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down.
DR. STAHMER: Witness, did you, as a professional officer in the German
Armed Forces, participate in the second World War?
AHRENS: Yes, of course; as a professional officer I participated in the
second World War.
DR. STAHMER: What rank did you hold finally?
AHRENS: At the end as colonel.
DR. STAHMER: Were you stationed in the eastern theater of war?
AHRENS: Yes.
DR. STAHMER: In what capacity?
AHRENS: I was the commanding officer of a signal regiment of an army
group.
DR. STAHMER: What were the tasks of your regiment?
AHRENS: The signal regiment of an army group had the task of setting up
and maintaining communications between the army group and the
neighboring units and subordinate units, as well as preparing the
necessary lines of communication for new operations.
DR. STAHMER: Did your regiment have any special tasks apart from that?
AHRENS: No, with the exception of the duty of defending themselves, of
taking all measures to hinder a sudden attack and of holding themselves
in readiness to defend themselves with the forces at their disposal, so
as to prevent the capture of the regimental battle headquarters.
This was particularly important for an army group signal regiment and
its battle headquarters because we had to keep a lot of highly secret
material in our staff.
DR. STAHMER: Your regiment was the Signal Regiment 537. Was there also
an Engineer Battalion 537, the same number?
AHRENS: During the time when I was in the Army Group Center I heard of
no unit with the same number, nor do I believe that there was such a
unit.
DR. STAHMER: And to whom were you subordinated?
AHRENS: I was directly subordinated to the staff of the Army Group
Center, and that was the case during the entire period when I was with
the army group. My superior was General Oberhäuser.
With regard to defense, the signal staff of the regiment with its first
battalion, which was in close touch with the regimental staff, was at
times subordinated to the commander of Smolensk; all orders which I
received from that last-named command came via General Oberhäuser, who
either approved or refused to allow the regiment to be employed for a
particular purpose.
In other words, I received my orders exclusively from General
Oberhäuser.
DR. STAHMER: Where was your staff accommodated?
AHRENS: I prepared a sketch of the position of the staff headquarters
west of Smolensk.
DR. STAHMER: I am having the sketch shown to you. Please tell us whether
that is your sketch.
AHRENS: That sketch was drawn by me from memory.
DR. STAHMER: I am now going to have a second sketch shown to you. Will
you please have a look at that one also, and will you tell me whether it
presents a correct picture of the situation?
AHRENS: May I briefly explain this sketch to you? At the right-hand
margin, that large red spot is the town of Smolensk. West of Smolensk,
and on either side of the road to Vitebsk, the staff of the army group
was situated together with the Air Force corps, that is south of
Krasnibor. On my sketch I have marked the actual area occupied by the
Army Group Center.
That part of my sketch which has a dark line around it was very densely
occupied by troops who came directly under the army group; there was
hardly a house empty in that area.
The regimental staff of my regiment was in the so-called little Katyn
wood. That is the white spot which is indicated on the sketch; it
measures about 1 square kilometer of the large forest and is a part of
the entire forest around Katyn. On the southern edge of this small wood
there lay the so-called Dnieper Castle, which was the regimental staff
headquarters.
Two and a half kilometers to the east of the staff headquarters of the
regiment there was the first company of the regiment, which was the
operating company, which did teleprinting and telephone work for the
army group. About 3 kilometers west of the regimental staff headquarters
there was the wireless company. There were no buildings within the
radius of about 1 kilometer of the regimental staff headquarters.
This house was a large two-story building with about 14 to 15 rooms,
several bath installations, a cinema, a rifle range, garages, Sauna
(steam baths) and so on, and was most suitable for accommodating the
regimental staff. Our regiment permanently retained this battle
headquarters.
DR. STAHMER: Were there also any other high-ranking staff headquarters
nearby?
AHRENS: As higher staff headquarters there was the army group, which I
have already mentioned, then a corps staff from the Air Force, and
several battalion staffs. Then there was the delegate of the railway for
the army group, who was at Gnesdovo in a special train.
DR. STAHMER: It has been stated in this Trial that certain events which
have taken place in your neighborhood had been most secret and most
suspicious. Will you please, therefore, answer the following questions
with particular care?
How many Germans were there in the staff personnel, and what positions
did they fill?
AHRENS: I had 3 officers on my staff to begin with, and then 2, and
approximately 18 to 20 noncommissioned officers and men; that is to say,
as few as I could have in my regimental staff, and every man in the
staff was fully occupied.
DR. STAHMER: Did you have Russian personnel in your staff?
AHRENS: Yes, we had four auxiliary volunteers and some female personnel
living in the immediate vicinity of the regimental staff quarters. The
auxiliary volunteers remained permanently with the regimental staff,
whereas the female personnel changed from time to time. Some of these
women also came from Smolensk and they lived in a separate building near
the regimental staff.
DR. STAHMER: Did this Russian personnel receive special instructions
from you about their conduct?
AHRENS: I issued general instructions on conduct for the regimental
headquarters, which did not solely apply to the Russian personnel.
I have already mentioned the importance of secrecy with reference to
this regimental headquarters, which not only kept the records of the
position of the army group, but also that of its neighboring units, and
on which the intentions of the army group were clearly recognizable.
Therefore, it was my duty to keep this material particularly secret.
Consequently, I had the rooms containing this material barred to
ordinary access. Only those persons were admitted—generally
officers—who had been passed by me, but also a few noncommissioned
officers and other ranks who were put under special oath.
DR. STAHMER: To which rooms did this “no admission” order refer?
AHRENS: In the first place, it referred to the telephone expert’s room,
it also referred to my own room and partly, although to a smaller
degree, to the adjutant’s room. All remaining rooms in the house and on
the site were not off limits.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Stahmer, how is this evidence about the actual
conditions in these staff headquarters relevant to this question?
DR. STAHMER: Mr. President, in the Russian document the allegation is
contained that events of a particularly secret nature had taken place in
this staff building and that a ban of silence had been imposed on the
Russian personnel by Colonel Ahrens, that the rooms had been locked, and
that one was only permitted to enter the rooms when accompanied by
guards. I have put the questions in this connection in order to clear up
the case and to prove that these events have a perfectly natural
explanation on account of the tasks entrusted to the regiment and which
necessitated quite obviously, a certain amount of secrecy.
For that reason, I have put these questions. May I be permitted...
THE PRESIDENT: Very well.
DR. STAHMER: I have almost finished with these questions.
[_Turning to the witness._] Was the Katyn wood cordoned off, and
especially strictly guarded by soldiers?
Mr. President, may I remark with reference to this question that here
also it had been alleged that this cordon had only been introduced by
the regiment. Previously, there had been free access to the woods, and
from this conclusions are drawn which are detrimental to the regiment.
AHRENS: In order to secure antiaircraft cover for the regimental staff
headquarters, I stopped any timber from being cut for fuel in the
immediate vicinity of the regimental staff headquarters. During this
winter the situation was such that the units cut wood wherever they
could get it.
On 22 January, there was a fairly heavy air attack on my position during
which half a house was torn away. It was quite impossible to find any
other accommodation because of the overcrowding of the area, and I
therefore took additional precautions to make sure that this already
fairly thin wood would be preserved so as to serve as cover. Since, on
the other hand, I am against the putting up of prohibition signs, I
asked the other troop units by way of verses to leave us our trees as
antiaircraft cover. The wood was not closed off at all, particularly as
the road had to be kept open for heavy traffic, and I only sent sentries
now and then into the wood to see whether our trees were left intact.
DR. STAHMER: The Prosecution...
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Stahmer, at a time that is convenient to you, you
will, of course, draw our attention to the necessary dates, the date at
which this unit took over its headquarters and the date at which it
left.
DR. STAHMER: Very well.
[_Turning to the witness._] When did your unit, your regiment, move into
this Dnieper Castle?
AHRENS: As far as I know, this house was taken over immediately after
the combat troops had left that area in August 1941, and it was
confiscated together with the other army group accommodations, and was
occupied by advance parties. It was then permanently occupied by the
regimental headquarters as long as I was there up to August 1943.
DR. STAHMER: So, if I understand you correctly, it was first of all in
August 1941 that an advance party took it over?
AHRENS: Yes, as far as I know.
DR. STAHMER: When did the staff actually arrive?
AHRENS: A few weeks later.
DR. STAHMER: Who was the regimental commander at that time?
AHRENS: My predecessor was Colonel Bedenck.
DR. STAHMER: When did you take over the regiment?
AHRENS: I joined the army group during the second half of November 1941,
and after getting thoroughly acquainted with all details I took over the
command of the regiment, at the end of November, if I remember rightly,
on 30 November.
DR. STAHMER: Was there a proper handing over from Bedenck to you?
AHRENS: A very careful, detailed, and lengthy transfer took place, on
account of the very considerable tasks entrusted to this regiment. Added
to that, my superior, General Oberhäuser, was an extraordinarily
painstaking superior, and he took great pains to convince himself
personally whether, by the transfer negotiations and the instructions
which I had received, I was fully capable of taking over the
responsibilities of the regiment.
DR. STAHMER: The Prosecution further alleges and claims that it was
suspicious that shots were often fired in the forest. Is that true, and
to what would you attribute that?
AHRENS: I have already mentioned that it was one of the main tasks of
the regiment to take all the necessary measures to defend themselves
against sudden attack. Considering the small number of men which I had
in my regimental staff, I had to organize and take the necessary steps
to enable me to obtain replacements in the shortest time possible. This
was arranged through wireless communication with the regimental
headquarters. I ordered that defensive maneuvers should be carried out
and that defense works should be prepared around the regimental
headquarters sector and that there should be maneuvers and exercises in
these works together with the members of the regimental headquarters. I
personally participated in these maneuvers at times and, of course,
shots were fired, particularly since we were preparing ourselves for
night fighting.
DR. STAHMER: There is supposed to have been a very lively and rather
suspicious traffic to and around your staff building. Will you please
tell us quite briefly what this traffic signified?
AHRENS: There was an extraordinary lively traffic around staff
headquarters which still increased in the spring of 1941 as I was having
the house rebuilt. I think I mentioned that it had been destroyed
through air attacks. But, of course, the traffic increased also through
the maneuvers which were held nearby. The battalions in the front area
operating at 300 and 400 kilometers distance had to, and could perform
their job only by maintaining personal contact with the regiment and its
staff headquarters.
DR. STAHMER: There is supposed to have been considerable truck traffic
which has been described as suspicious.
AHRENS: Besides our supplies, which were relatively small, the
Kommandos, as I have just mentioned, were brought in by trucks; but so
was, of course, all the building material which I required. Apart from
that, the traffic was not unusually heavy.
DR. STAHMER: Do you know that about 25 kilometers west of Smolensk there
were three Russian prisoner-of-war camps, which had originally been
inhabited by Poles and which had been abandoned by the Russians when the
German troops approached in July 1941?
AHRENS: At that time I had not yet arrived. But never during the entire
period I served in Russia did I see a single Pole; nor did I hear of
Poles.
DR. STAHMER: It has been alleged that an order had been issued from
Berlin according to which Polish prisoners of war were to be shot. Did
you know of such an order?
AHRENS: No. I have never heard of such an order.
DR. STAHMER: Did you possibly receive such an order from any other
office?
AHRENS: I told you already that I never heard of such an order and I
therefore did not receive it, either.
DR. STAHMER: Were any Poles shot on your instructions, your direct
instructions?
AHRENS: No Poles were shot on my instructions. Nobody at all was ever
shot upon my order. I have never given such an order in all my life.
DR. STAHMER: Well, you did not arrive until November 1941. Have you
heard anything about your predecessor, Colonel Bedenck, having given any
similar orders?
AHRENS: I have not heard anything about it. With my regimental staff,
with whom I lived closely together for 21 months, I had such close
connections, I knew my people so well, and they also knew me, that I am
perfectly convinced that this deed was not perpetrated by my predecessor
nor by any member of my former regiment. I would undoubtedly have heard
rumors of it at the very least.
THE PRESIDENT: This is argument, you know, Dr. Stahmer. This is not
evidence; it is argument. He is telling you what he thinks might have
been the case.
DR. STAHMER: I asked whether he had heard of it from members of his
regiment.
THE PRESIDENT: The answer to that would be “no,” I suppose, that he had
not heard—not that he was convinced that he had not done it.
DR. STAHMER: Very well.
[_Turning to the witness._] After your arrival at Katyn, did you notice
that there was a grave mound in the woods at Katyn?
AHRENS: Shortly after I arrived—the ground was covered by snow—one of
my soldiers pointed out to me that at a certain spot there was some sort
of a mound, which one could hardly describe as such, on which there was
a birch cross. I have seen that birch cross. In the course of 1942 my
soldiers kept telling me that here in our woods shootings were supposed
to have taken place, but at first I did not pay any attention to it.
However, in the summer of 1942 this topic was referred to in an order of
the army group later commanded by General Von Harsdorff. He told me that
he had also heard about it.
DR. STAHMER: Did these stories prove true later on?
AHRENS: Yes, they did turn out to be true and I was able to confirm,
quite by accident, that there was actually a grave here. During the
winter of 1943—I think either January or February—quite accidentally I
saw a wolf in this wood and at first I did not believe that it was a
wolf; when I followed the tracks with an expert, we saw that there were
traces of scratchings on the mound with the cross. I had investigations
made as to what kind of bones these were. The doctors told me “human
bones.” Thereupon I informed the officer responsible for war graves in
the area of this fact, because I believed that it was a soldier’s grave,
as there were a number of such graves in our immediate vicinity.
DR. STAHMER: Then, how did the exhumation take place?
AHRENS: I do not know about all the details. Professor Dr. Butz arrived
one day on orders from the army group, and informed me that following
the rumors in my little wood, he had to make exhumations, and that he
had to inform me that these exhumations would take place in my wood.
DR. STAHMER: Did Professor Butz later give you details of the result of
his exhumations?
AHRENS: Yes, he did occasionally give me details and I remember that he
told me that he had conclusive evidence regarding the date of the
shootings. Among other things, he showed me letters, of which I cannot
remember much now; but I do remember some sort of a diary which he
passed over to me in which there were dates followed by some notes which
I could not read because they were written in Polish. In this connection
he explained to me that these notes had been made by a Polish officer
regarding events of the past months, and that at the end—the diary
ended with the spring of 1940—the fear was expressed in these notes
that something horrible was going to happen. I am giving only a broad
outline of the meaning.
DR. STAHMER: Did he give you any further indication regarding the period
he assumed the shooting had taken place?
AHRENS: Professor Butz, on the basis of the proofs which he had found,
was convinced that the shootings had taken place in the spring of 1940
and I often heard him express these convictions in my presence, and also
later on, when commissions visited the grave and I had to place my house
at the disposal of these commissions to accommodate them. I personally
did not have anything to do whatsoever with the exhumations or with the
commissions. All I had to do was to place the house at their disposal
and act as host.
DR. STAHMER: It was alleged that in March 1943 lorries had transported
bodies to Katyn from outside and these bodies were buried in the little
wood. Do you know anything about that?
AHRENS: No, I know nothing about that.
DR. STAHMER: Would you have had to take notice of it?
AHRENS: I would have had to take notice of it—at least my officers
would have reported it to me, because my officers were constantly at the
regimental battle headquarters, whereas I, as a regimental commander,
was of course, frequently on the way. The officer who in those days was
there constantly was First Lieutenant Hodt, whose address I got to know
last night from a letter.
DR. STAHMER: Were Russian prisoners of war used for these exhumations?
AHRENS: As far as I remember, yes.
DR. STAHMER: Can you tell us the number?
AHRENS: I cannot say exactly as I did not concern myself any further
with these exhumations on account of the dreadful and revolting stench
around our house, but I should estimate the number as being about 40 to
50 men.
DR. STAHMER: It has been alleged that they were shot afterward; have you
any knowledge of that?
AHRENS: I have no knowledge of that and I also never heard of it.
DR. STAHMER: I have no further questions, Mr. President.
FLOTTENRICHTER OTTO KRANZBÜHLER (Counsel for Defendant Dönitz): Colonel,
did you yourself ever discuss the events of 1940 with any of the local
inhabitants?
AHRENS: Yes. At the beginning of 1943 a Russian married couple were
living near my regimental headquarters; they lived 800 meters away and
they were beekeepers. I, too, kept bees, and I came into close contact
with this married couple. When the exhumations had been completed,
approximately in May 1943, I told them that, after all, they ought to
know when these shootings had taken place, since they were living in
close proximity to the graves. Thereupon, these people told me it had
occurred in the spring of 1940, and that at the Gnesdovo station more
than 200 Poles in uniform had arrived in railway trucks of 50 tons each
and were then taken to the woods in lorries. They had heard lots of
shots and screams, too.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: Was the wood off limits to the local
inhabitants at the time?
AHRENS: We have...
THE PRESIDENT: That is a leading question. I do not think you should ask
leading questions.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: Do you know whether the local inhabitants
could enter the woods at the time?
AHRENS: There was a fence around the wood and according to the
statements of the local inhabitants, civilians could not enter it during
the time the Russians were there. The remains of the fence were still
visible when I was there, and this fence is indicated on my sketch and
is marked with a black line.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: When you moved into Dnieper Castle did you
make inquiries as to who the former owners were?
AHRENS: Yes, I did make inquiries because I was interested. The house
was built in a rather peculiar way. It had a cinema installation and its
own rifle range and of course that interested me; but I failed to
ascertain anything definite during the whole time I was there.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: Apart from mass graves in the neighborhood
of the castle, were there any other graves found?
AHRENS: I have indicated by a few dots on my sketch, that in the
vicinity of the castle there were found a number of other small graves
which contained decayed bodies; that is to say, skeletons which had
disintegrated. These graves contained perhaps six, eight, or a few more
male and female skeletons. Even I, a layman, could recognize that very
clearly, because most of them had rubber shoes on which were in good
condition, and there were also remains of handbags.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: How long had these skeletons been in the
ground?
AHRENS: That I cannot tell you. I know only that they were decayed and
had disintegrated. The bones were preserved, but the skeleton structure
was no longer intact.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: Thank you, that is all.
DR. HANS LATERNSER (Counsel for General Staff and High Command of the
German Armed Forces): Mr. President...
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Laternser, you know the Tribunal’s ruling.
DR. LATERNSER: Yes, Sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, you have no right to ask any questions of the
witness here.
DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, I just wanted to ask you, in this unusual
case, to allow me to put questions...
THE PRESIDENT: I said to you that you know the Tribunal’s ruling and the
Tribunal will not hear you. We have already ruled upon this once or
twice in consequence of your objections and the Tribunal will not hear
you.
DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, the Katyn case is one of the most serious
accusations raised against the group.
THE PRESIDENT: The Tribunal is perfectly well aware of the nature of the
allegations about Katyn and the Tribunal does not propose to make any
exceptional rule in that case and it therefore will not hear you and you
will kindly sit down.
DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, I wish to state that on account of this
ruling I feel myself unduly handicapped in my defense.
THE PRESIDENT: As Dr. Laternser knows perfectly well, he is entitled to
apply to the Commission to call any witness who is called here, if his
evidence bears upon the case of the particular organizations for which
Dr. Laternser appears. I do not want to hear anything further.
DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, the channel you point out to me is of no
practical importance. I cannot have every witness who appears here
called by the Commission.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Siemers, you are appearing for the Defendant Dönitz,
or is it Raeder?
DR. SIEMERS: Defendant Raeder.
THE PRESIDENT: Well, unless the questions you are going to ask
particularly refer to the case of the Defendant Raeder, the Tribunal is
not prepared to hear any further examination. The matter has been
generally covered by Dr. Stahmer and also by Dr. Kranzbühler. Therefore,
unless the questions which you want to ask have some particular
reference to the case of Raeder, the Tribunal will not hear you.
DR. SIEMERS: Mr. President, I had merely assumed that there were two
reasons on the strength of which I could put a few questions: First,
because the Tribunal itself has stated that within the framework of the
conspiracy all defendants had been participants; and second, that
according to the statements by the Prosecution Grossadmiral Raeder, too,
is considered a member of the alleged criminal organizations, the
General Staff and the OKW. It was for that reason I wanted to ask one or
two supplementary questions.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Siemers, if there were any allegations that in any
way bore on the case against Defendant Raeder, the Tribunal would of
course allow you to ask questions; but there is no allegation which in
any way connects the Defendant Raeder with the allegations about the
Katyn woods.
DR. SIEMERS: I am grateful to the Tribunal for that statement, Mr.
President.
DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, may I be allowed to ask something else?
May I have the question put to the Prosecution, who is to be made
responsible for the Katyn case?
THE PRESIDENT: I do not propose to answer questions of that sort.
The Prosecution may now cross-examine if they want to.
CHIEF COUNSELLOR OF JUSTICE L. N. SMIRNOV (Assistant Prosecutor for the
U.S.S.R.): Please tell me, Witness, since when, exactly, have you been
in the Smolensk district territory?
AHRENS: I have already answered that question: since the second half of
November 1941.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Please answer me further, where were you prior
to the second part of 1941? Did you in any way have anything to do with
Katyn or Smolensk or this district in general? Were you there personally
in September and October 1941?
AHRENS: No, I was not there.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: That is to say that you were not there, either
in September or in October 1941, and therefore do not know what happened
at that time in the Katyn forest?
AHRENS: I was not there at that time, but I mentioned earlier on that...
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: No, I am actually only interested in a short
question. Were you there personally or not? Were you able to see for
yourself what was happening there or not?
THE PRESIDENT: He says he was not there.
AHRENS: No, I was not there.
THE PRESIDENT: He said he was not there in September or October 1941.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Thank you, Mr. President.
[_Turning to the witness._] Maybe you recall the family names of the
Russian women workers who were employed at the country house in the
woods?
AHRENS: Those female workers were not working in different houses. They
merely worked as auxiliary kitchen personnel in our Dnieper Castle. I
have not known their names at all.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: That means that the Russian women workers were
employed only in the villa situated in Katyn forest where the staff
headquarters were located?
AHRENS: I believe that question was not translated well. I did not
understand it.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I asked you whether the Russian women workers
were employed exclusively in the villa in Kosig Gory where the staff
headquarters were located? Is that right?
AHRENS: The women workers worked for the regimental headquarters as
kitchen help, and as kitchen helpers they worked on our premises; and by
our premises I mean this particular house with the adjoining houses—for
instance, the stables, the garage, the cellars, the boiler room.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I will mention a few names of German military
employees. Will you please tell me whether they belonged to your unit?
First Lieutenant Rex?
AHRENS: First Lieutenant Rex was my regimental adjutant.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Please tell me, was he already assigned to that
unit before your arrival at Katyn?
AHRENS: Yes, he was there before I came.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: He was your adjutant, was he not?
AHRENS: Yes, he was my adjutant.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Lieutenant Hodt? Hodt or Hoth?
AHRENS: Lieutenant Hodt is right; but what question are you putting
about Lieutenant Hodt?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I am only questioning you about whether he
belonged to your unit or not.
AHRENS: Lieutenant Hodt was a member of the regiment. Whether...
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, that is what I was asking. He belonged to
the regiment which you commanded, to your army unit?
AHRENS: I did not say by that that he was a member of the regimental
staff, but that he belonged to the regiment. The regiment consisted of
three units.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: But he lived in the same villa, did he not?
AHRENS: That I do not know. When I arrived he was not there. I ordered
him to report to me there for the first time.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I will enumerate a few other names. Corporal
Rose, Private Giesecken, Oberfeldwebel Krimmenski, Feldwebel Lummert, a
cook named Gustav. Were these members of the Armed Forces who were
billeted in the villa?
AHRENS: May I ask you to mention the names individually once again, and
I will answer you individually.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Feldwebel Lummert?
AHRENS: Yes.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Corporal Rose?
AHRENS: Yes.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: And I believe, if my memory serves me correctly,
Storekeeper Giesecke.
AHRENS: That man’s name was Giesecken.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, that is right. I did not pronounce this
name quite correctly. These were all your people or at least they
belonged to your unit, did they not?
AHRENS: Yes.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: And you assert that you did not know what these
people were doing in September and October 1941?
AHRENS: As I was not there, I cannot tell you for certain.
THE PRESIDENT: We will adjourn now.
[_A recess was taken._]
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: May I continue? Mr. President, since the witness
has stated that he cannot give any testimony concerning the period of
September to October 1941, I will limit myself to very short questions.
[_Turning to the witness._] Witness, would you please point out the
location of the villa and the forest with respect to the
Smolensk-Vitebsk highway? Did the estate cover a large area?
AHRENS: My sketch is on a scale of 1 to 100,000 and is drawn from
memory. I estimate, therefore, that the graves were situated 200 to 300
meters directly west of the road to our Dnieper Castle, and 200 to 300
meters south of the Smolensk-Vitebsk road so that the Dnieper Castle lay
a further 600 meters away.
THE PRESIDENT: Will you repeat that?
AHRENS: South of the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway, approximately 15
kilometers west of Smolensk. According to the scale 1 to 100,000, as far
as one is able to draw such a sketch accurately from memory, the site of
these graves was 200 to 300 meters to the south, and a further 600
meters to the south, directly on the northern bend of the Dnieper, was
situated our regimental staff quarters, the Dnieper Castle.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Consequently, the villa was approximately 600
meters away from the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway?
AHRENS: No, that is not correct. What I said...
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Please give a more or less exact figure. What
was the distance between the highway and the villa, please?
AHRENS: I just mentioned it in my testimony, that is to say, the graves
were about 200 to 300 meters away, and there were a further 600 meters
to the castle, therefore, in all about 900 to 1,000 meters. It might
have been 800 meters, but that is the approximate distance as can also
be seen by this sketch.
THE PRESIDENT: I am not following this. Your question, Colonel Smirnov,
was: How far was it from the road to what you called the country house?
Was it not?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: No, Mr. President, I asked how far was the villa
from the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway.
THE PRESIDENT: What do you mean by the “Villa”?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: The headquarters of the unit commanded by the
witness in 1941 was quartered in a villa, and this villa was situated
not far from the Dnieper River, at a distance of about 900 meters from
the highroad. The graves were nearer to the highway. I would like to
know how far away were the headquarters from the highway, and how far
away from the highway were the graves in Katyn forest.
THE PRESIDENT: What you want to know is: How far was the house in which
the headquarters was situated from the highway? Is that right?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, that is exactly what I wanted to know, Mr.
President.
AHRENS: You put two questions to me: first of all, how far were the
graves from the highway; and secondly, how far was the house from the
highway. I will repeat the answer once more, the house was 800 to 1,000
meters south of the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: One minute, please. I asked you primarily only
about the house. Your answer concerning the graves was given on your own
initiative. Now I will ask you about the graves, how far were these mass
graves from the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway?
AHRENS: From 200 to 300 meters. It might also have been 350 meters.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Consequently, the graves were 200 or 300 meters
from the main road which connected two important centers? Is that right?
AHRENS: Yes, indeed. They were at a distance of 200 to 300 meters south
of this, and I may say that at my time this was the most frequented road
I ever saw in Russia.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: That was just what I was asking you. Now, please
tell me: Was the Katyn wood a real forest, or was it, rather, a park or
a grove?
AHRENS: Up to now I have only spoken about the wood of Katyn. This wood
of Katyn is the fenced-in wooded area of about 1 square kilometer, which
I drew in my sketch. This wood is of mixed growth, of older and younger
trees. There were many birch trees in this little wood. However, there
were clearings in this wood, and I should say that from 30 to 40 percent
was cleared. One could see this from the stumps of newly felled trees.
Under no circumstances could you describe this wood as a park; at any
rate one could not come to such a conclusion. Fighting had taken place
in this wood, as one could still see trenches and fox holes.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, but anyway, you would not call Katyn wood a
real forest since it was relatively a small grove in the immediate
vicinity of the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway. Is that right?
AHRENS: No, that is not right. It was a forest. The entire Katyn forest
was a regular forest which began near our grove and extended far beyond
that. Of this Katyn forest, which was a mixed forest, part of it had
been fenced in, and this part, extending over 1 square kilometer, was
what we called the little Katyn wood, but it did belong to this entire
wooded region south of the highway. The forest began with our little
wood and extended to the west.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I am not interested in the general
characteristics of the wood. I would like you to answer the following
short question: Were the mass graves located in this grove?
AHRENS: The mass graves were situated directly west of our entrance
drive in a clearing in the wood, where there was a growth of young
trees.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, but this clearing, this growth of young
trees, was located inside this small grove, near the Smolensk-Vitebsk
highway, is that correct?
AHRENS: It was 200 to 300 meters south of the Smolensk-Vitebsk highway,
and directly west of the entrance drive leading from this road to the
Dnieper Castle. I have marked this spot on my sketch with a fairly large
white dot.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: One more question. As far as you know did the
Smolensk-Vitebsk highway exist before the German occupation of Smolensk,
or was it constructed only after the occupation?
AHRENS: When I arrived in Russia at the end of November 1941, everything
was covered with snow. Later I got the impression that this was an old
road, whereas the road Minsk-Moscow was newer. That was my impression.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I understand. Now tell me, under what
circumstances, or rather, when did you first discover the cross in the
grove?
AHRENS: I cannot tell the exact date. My soldiers told me about it, and
on one occasion when I was going past there, about the beginning of
January 1942—it could also have been at the end of December 1941—I saw
this cross rising above the snow.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: This means you saw it already in 1941 or at the
latest the beginning of 1942?
AHRENS: That is what I have just testified.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, certainly. Now, please be more specific
concerning the date when a wolf brought you to this cross. Was it in
winter or summer and what year?
AHRENS: It was the beginning of 1943.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: In 1943? And around the cross you saw bones, did
you not?
AHRENS: No.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: No?
AHRENS: No, at first I did not see them. In order to find out whether I
had not been mistaken about seeing a wolf, for it seemed rather
impossible that a wolf should be so near to Smolensk, I examined the
tracks together with a gamekeeper and found traces of scratching on the
ground. However, the ground was frozen hard, there was snow on the
ground and I did not see anything further there. Only later on, after it
had been thawing my men found various bones. However, this was months
later and then, at a suitable opportunity I showed these bones to a
doctor and he said that these were human bones. Thereupon I said, “Then
most likely it is a grave, left as a result of the fighting which has
taken place here,” and that the war graves registration officer would
have to take care of the graves in the same way in which we were taking
care of other graves of fallen soldiers. That was the reason why I spoke
to this gentleman—but only after the snow had melted.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: By the way, did you personally see the Katyn
graves?
AHRENS: Open or before they were opened?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Open, yes.
AHRENS: When they were open I had constantly to drive past these graves,
as generally they were approximately 30 meters away from the entrance
drive. Therefore, I could hardly go past without taking any notice of
them.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I am interested in the following: Do you
remember what the depth of the layer of earth was, which covered the
mass of human bodies in these graves?
AHRENS: That I do not know. I have already said that I was so nauseated
by the stench which we had to put up with for several weeks, that when I
drove past I closed the windows of my car and rushed through as fast as
I could.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: However, even if you only casually glanced at
those graves, perhaps you noticed whether the layer of earth covering
the corpses was deep or shallow? Was it several centimeters or several
meters deep? Maybe Professor Butz told you something about it?
AHRENS: As commander of a signal regiment I was concerned with a region
which was almost half as large as Greater Germany and I was on the road
a great deal. My work was not entirely carried out at the regimental
battle headquarters. Therefore, in general, from Monday or Tuesday until
Saturday I was with my units. For that reason, when I drove through, I
did cast an occasional glance at these graves; but I was not especially
interested in the details and I did not speak to Professor Butz about
such details. For this reason I have only a faint recollection of this
matter.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: According to the material submitted to the High
Tribunal by the Soviet Prosecution, it has been established that the
bodies were buried at a depth of 1½ to 2 meters. I wonder where you met
a wolf who could scratch the ground up to a depth of 2 meters.
AHRENS: I did not meet this wolf, but I saw it.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Tell me please, why you started the exhumation
on these mass graves in March 1943 only, after having discovered the
cross and learned about the mass graves already in 1941?
AHRENS: That was not my concern, but a matter for the army group. I have
already told you that in the course of 1942 the stories became more
substantial. I frequently heard about them and spoke about it to Colonel
Von Gersdorff, Chief of Intelligence, Army Group Center, who intimated
to me that he knew all about this matter and with that my obligation
ended. I had reported what I had seen and heard. Apart from that, all
this matter did not concern me and I did not concern myself with it. I
had enough worries of my own.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: And now the last question. Please tell me who
were these two persons with whom you had this conversation, and maybe
you can recollect the names of the couple who told you about the
shootings in the Katyn woods?
AHRENS: This couple lived in a small house about 800 to 1,000 meters
north of the entrance to our drive leading to the Vitebsk road. I do not
recall their names.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: So you do not remember the names of this couple?
AHRENS: No, I do not recall the names.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: So you heard about the Katyn events from a
couple whose names you do not remember, and you did not hear anything
about it from other local inhabitants?
AHRENS: Please repeat the question for me.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Consequently, you heard about these Katyn events
only from this couple, whose names you do not remember? From none of the
other local inhabitants did you hear anything about the events in Katyn?
AHRENS: I personally heard the facts only from this couple, whereas my
soldiers told me the stories current among the other inhabitants.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Do you know that during the investigation of the
Katyn affair, or rather of the Katyn provocation, posters were placarded
by the German Police in the streets of Smolensk, promising a reward to
anyone giving any information in connection with the Katyn event? It was
signed by Lieutenant Voss.
AHRENS: I personally did not see that poster. Lieutenant Voss is known
to me by name only.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: And the very last question. Do you know of the
report of the Extraordinary State Commission concerning Katyn?
AHRENS: Do you mean the Russian _White Paper_ when you mention this
report?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: No, I mean the report of the Soviet
Extraordinary State Commission, concerning Katyn, the Soviet report.
AHRENS: Yes, I read that report.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Therefore, you are acquainted with the fact that
the Extraordinary State Commission names you as being one of the persons
responsible for the crimes committed in Katyn?
AHRENS: It mentions a Lieutenant Colonel Arnes.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I have no further questions, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Stahmer, do you wish to re-examine?
DR. STAHMER: Witness, just a little while ago you said that you did not
know when First Lieutenant Hodt joined your staff. Do you know when he
joined the regiment?
AHRENS: I know that he belonged to the regiment during the Russian
campaign and actually right from the beginning.
DR. STAHMER: That is, he belonged to the regiment from the beginning?
AHRENS: Yes. He belonged to this regiment ever since the beginning of
the Russian campaign.
DR. STAHMER: Just one more question dealing with your discussion with
Professor Butz. Did Professor Butz mention anything about the last dates
on the letters which he found?
AHRENS: He told me about the spring of 1940. He also showed me this
diary and I looked at it and I also saw the dates, but I do not recall
in detail just which date or dates they were. But they ended with the
spring of 1940.
DR. STAHMER: Therefore no documents were found of a later date?
AHRENS: Professor Butz told me that no documents or notes were found
which might have given indications of a later date, and he expressed his
conviction that these shootings must have taken place in the spring of
1940.
DR. STAHMER: Mr. President, I have no further questions to put to the
witness.
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): Witness, can you not remember exactly
when Professor Butz discussed with you the date at which the corpses
were buried in the mass graves?
AHRENS: May I ask to have the question repeated?
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): When did Professor Butz speak to you
about the mass graves and assert that the burial of the corpses must
have taken place in the spring of 1940?
AHRENS: I cannot tell you the date exactly, but it was in the spring of
1943, before these exhumations had started—I beg your pardon—he told
me that he had been instructed to undertake the exhumation and during
the exhumations he was with me from time to time; therefore it may have
been in May or the end of April. In the middle of May he gave me details
of his exhumations and told me among other things that which I have
testified here. I cannot now tell you exactly on which days Professor
Butz visited me.
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): So far as I can remember, you stated
that Professor Butz arrived in Katyn. When did he actually arrive there?
AHRENS: In the spring of 1940 Professor Butz came to me and told me that
on instructions of the army group, he was to undertake exhumations in my
woods. The exhumations were started, and in the course of...
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): You say 1940? Or perhaps the
translation is wrong?
AHRENS: 1943, in the spring of 1943. A few weeks after the beginning of
the exhumations, Professor Butz visited me, when I happened to be there,
and informed me; or, rather, he discussed this matter with me, and he
told me that to which I have testified here. It may have been the middle
of May 1943.
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): According to your testimony, I
understood you to say in answer to a question put by the defense
counsel, that Professor Butz asserted that the shootings had taken place
in the spring of 1940 before the arrival of the commission for the
exhumations. Is that correct?
AHRENS: May I repeat once more that Professor Butz...
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): It is not necessary to repeat what you
have already said. I am only asking you, is it correct or not? Maybe the
translation was incorrect, or maybe your testimony was incorrect at the
beginning.
AHRENS: I did not understand the question just put to me. That is the
reason why I wanted to explain this once more. I do not know just what
is meant by this last question. May I ask this question be repeated?
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): At the beginning, when you were
interrogated by the defense counsel, I understood you to say that
Professor Butz told you that the shooting had taken place in the spring
of 1940, that is before the arrival of the commission for the
exhumations.
AHRENS: No, that has not been understood correctly. I testified that
Professor Butz came to me and told me that he was to make exhumations
since it concerned my woods. These exhumations then took place, and
approximately 6 to 8 weeks later Professor Butz came to me—of course,
he visited me on other occasions as well—but approximately 6 to 8 weeks
later he came to me and told me that he was convinced that, as a result
of his discoveries, he was now able to fix the date of the shootings.
This statement which he made to me, refers approximately to the middle
of May.
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): Were you present when the diary and the
other documents which were shown to you by Professor Butz were found?
AHRENS: No.
THE TRIBUNAL (Gen. Nikitchenko): You do not know where he found the
diary and other documents?
AHRENS: No, that I do not know.
THE PRESIDENT: When did you first report to superior authority the fact
that you suspected that there was a grave there?
AHRENS: At first, I was not suspicious. I have already mentioned that
fighting had taken place there; and at first I did not attach any
importance to the stories told to me and did not give this matter any
credence. I believed that it was a question of soldiers who had been
killed there—of war graves, like several in the vicinity.
THE PRESIDENT: You are not answering my question. I am asking you, when
did you first report to superior authority that there was a grave there?
AHRENS: In the course of the summer 1942 I spoke to Colonel Von
Gersdorff about these stories which had come to my knowledge. Gersdorff
told me that he had heard that too, and that ended my conversation with
Von Gersdorff. He did not believe it to be true; in any case he was not
thoroughly convinced. That I do not know, however.
Then in the spring of 1943, when the snow had melted, the bones which
had been found there were brought to me, and I then telephoned to the
officer in charge of war graves and told him that apparently there were
some soldiers’ graves here. That was before Professor Butz had visited
me.
THE PRESIDENT: Did you make any report in writing?
AHRENS: No, I did not do that.
THE PRESIDENT: Never?
AHRENS: No, I was not in any way concerned with this matter.
THE PRESIDENT: The witness can retire.
DR. STAHMER: Then, as another witness, I should like to call Lieutenant
Reinhard von Eichborn.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes.
[_The witness Von Eichborn took the stand._]
Will you state your full name please.
REINHARD VON EICHBORN (Witness): Reinhard von Eichborn.
THE PRESIDENT: Will you repeat this oath after me: I swear by God—the
Almighty and Omniscient—that I will speak the pure truth—and will
withhold and add nothing.
[_The witness repeated the oath._]
THE PRESIDENT: You may sit down.
DR. STAHMER: Witness, what is your occupation?
VON EICHBORN: Assistant judge.
DR. STAHMER: Were you called up for service in the German Armed Forces
during this war?
VON EICHBORN: Yes, in August 1939.
DR. STAHMER: And what was your unit?
VON EICHBORN: Army Group Signal Regiment 537.
DR. STAHMER: And what was your rank?
VON EICHBORN: At the outbreak of the war, platoon leader and lieutenant.
DR. STAHMER: And at the end?
VON EICHBORN: First lieutenant.
DR. STAHMER: Were you on the Eastern Front during the war?
VON EICHBORN: Yes, from the beginning.
DR. STAHMER: With your regiment?
VON EICHBORN: No, from 1940 onward, on the staff of Army Group Center.
DR. STAHMER: Apart from this Regiment 537, was there an Engineer
Battalion 537?
VON EICHBORN: In the sphere of the Army Group Center there was no
Engineer Battalion 537.
DR. STAHMER: When did you arrive with your unit in the vicinity of
Katyn?
VON EICHBORN: About 20 September the staff of Army Group Center
transferred its headquarters to Smolensk, that is to say in the Smolensk
region.
DR. STAHMER: Where had you been stationed before?
VON EICHBORN: How am I to understand this question?
DR. STAHMER: Where did you come from?
VON EICHBORN: We came from Borisov.
THE PRESIDENT: One moment. The witness said 20 September. That does not
identify the year.
DR. STAHMER: In what year was this 20 September?
VON EICHBORN: 20 September 1941.
DR. STAHMER: Was Regiment 537 already there at that time?
VON EICHBORN: The staff of Regiment 537 was transferred at about the
same time together with the staff of the army group to the place where
the headquarters of the army group was. Advance units had already been
stationed there previously, in order to set up communication facilities.
DR. STAHMER: And where was this staff accommodated?
VON EICHBORN: The staff of Army Group Signal Regiment 537 was
accommodated in the so-called Dnieper Castle.
DR. STAHMER: Where was the advance unit?
VON EICHBORN: The advance unit may have occupied this building, too—or
at least a part of this advance unit did—to safeguard this building for
the regimental staff.
DR. STAHMER: Do you know who was in command of this advance unit?
VON EICHBORN: Lieutenant Hodt was in command of this advance unit.
DR. STAHMER: When did this advance unit come to Katyn?
VON EICHBORN: Smolensk fell on about 17 July 1941. The army group had
planned to put up its headquarters in the immediate vicinity of
Smolensk, and, after this group had selected its quarters, this region
was seized immediately after the fall of the city. The advance unit
arrived at the same time as this area was seized, and that was probably
in the second half of July of 1941.
DR. STAHMER: Therefore the advance unit was there from July of 1941
until 20 September 1941?
VON EICHBORN: Yes.
DR. STAHMER: And the entire staff was there from 20 September 1941?
VON EICHBORN: Yes. It may be that part of the staff arrived somewhat
later, but the majority of the staff arrived on 20 September.
THE PRESIDENT: Are you speaking of the staff of the army group or the
staff of the signal regiment?
VON EICHBORN: I am speaking of both staffs, because the moving of large
staffs such as that of an army group could not be undertaken in 1 day;
usually 2 to 3 days were needed for that. The operations of the signal
corps had to be assured, and therefore the regiment had to leave some of
the staff behind until the entire staff had been moved.
DR. STAHMER: Where was the advance unit accommodated?
VON EICHBORN: At least part of the advance unit was accommodated in the
Dnieper Castle. Some of the others were in the neighborhood of those
places where later on the companies were billeted. The reason for that
was to keep the billets ready for this regiment until the bulk of it had
been moved.
DR. STAHMER: How about the Regimental Staff 537?
VON EICHBORN: That was in the Dnieper Castle.
DR. STAHMER: Can you give us the names of the officers who belonged to
the regimental staff?
VON EICHBORN: At that time there was Lieutenant Colonel Bedenck, the
commanding officer; Lieutenant Rex, adjutant; Lieutenant Hodt, orderly
officer; and a Captain Schäfer, who was a telephone expert. It may be
that one or two others were there as well, but I can no longer remember
their names.
DR. STAHMER: The preceding witness has already told us about the tasks
of the regimental staff. How were the activities of the regimental staff
controlled?
VON EICHBORN: The regiment, which consisted of 10 to 12 companies, had
to give an exact report each evening as to what work had been allotted
to the various companies. This was necessary as we had to know what
forces were available in case of emergency, for undertaking any new
tasks.
DR. STAHMER: How far away from the Dnieper Castle were you billeted?
VON EICHBORN: Approximately 4 to 5 kilometers. I cannot give you the
exact distance as I always made it by car, but it would be about 4 to 5
kilometers.
DR. STAHMER: Did you frequently go to Dnieper Castle?
VON EICHBORN: Very frequently when I was off duty, as I had belonged to
this regiment and knew most of the officers, with whom I was on friendly
terms.
DR. STAHMER: Can you tell us about the kind and extent of the traffic to
the Dnieper Castle?
VON EICHBORN: In order to judge this you have to differentiate between
persons and things. So far as people were concerned, the traffic was
very lively because the regiment had to be very centrally organized in
order to be equal to its tasks. Therefore, many couriers came and
commanders of the various companies frequently came to visit the
regimental staff.
On the other hand there was a heavy traffic of trucks and passenger
cars, because the regiment tried to improve its billets there; and since
we remained there for some time all sorts of building alterations were
carried out in the house.
DR. STAHMER: Did you hear anything about there being three Russian camps
with captured Polish officers, 25 to 45 kilometers west of Smolensk,
which had allegedly fallen into German hands?
VON EICHBORN: I never heard anything about any kind of Polish officers’
camps or Polish prisoner-of-war camps.
DR. STAHMER: Did your army group receive reports about the capture of
such Polish officers?
VON EICHBORN: No. I would have noticed that, since the number of
prisoners, and especially the number of officers, was always submitted
to me in the evening reports of the armies which took these prisoners.
It was our responsibility to receive these signal reports and we
therefore saw them every evening.
DR. STAHMER: You did not receive a report to that effect?
VON EICHBORN: I neither saw such a report from an army, which would have
issued it, nor did I ever receive a report from an army group which
would have had to transmit this report in their evening bulletin to the
High Command of the Army (OKH).
DR. STAHMER: Could a report like that have been handed in from another
source or been sent to another office?
VON EICHBORN: The official channel in the Army was very stringent, and
the staffs saw to it that official channels were strictly adhered to. In
any case the armies were always required to make the detailed reports,
following the lines stipulated in the form sheets and this applied
especially to the figures concerning prisoners. Therefore, it is quite
out of the question that if such a number of officers had fallen into
the hands of an army, it would not have reported the matter through the
appropriate channel.
DR. STAHMER: You said, just a little while ago, that you were in
particularly close relationship with the officers of this regiment. Did
you ever hear that Polish prisoners of war, officers, were shot at some
time or other in the Katyn forest at the instigation of Regiment 537
under Colonel Bedenck or under Colonel Ahrens?
VON EICHBORN: I knew nearly all the officers of the regiment, as I
myself had been over a year with the regiment, and I was on such
familiar terms with most of the officers that they told me everything
that took place, even anything of an unofficial nature. Therefore, it is
quite out of the question that such an important matter should not have
come to my knowledge. From the nature of the whole character moulding in
the regiment, it is quite impossible that there should not have been at
least one who would have come to tell me about it immediately.
DR. STAHMER: Were all the operational orders for Regiment 537 officially
known to you?
VON EICHBORN: The operational orders for this army group signal regiment
were twofold: The orders which concerned only the wireless company and
those which applied to the nine telephone companies. Since I was a
telephone expert, it was quite natural for me to draft these orders and
submit them to my superior, General Oberhäuser. Therefore, each order
which was issued had either been drafted by me or I had seen it
beforehand.
DR. STAHMER: Was there ever at any time an order given out by your
office to shoot Polish prisoners of war?
VON EICHBORN: Such an order was neither given to the regiment by our
office nor by any other office. Neither did we receive a report to this
effect, nor did we hear about things like that through any other
channel.
DR. STAHMER: If an order like that came through official channels, it
could come only through you?
VON EICHBORN: This order would have necessitated a great many members of
the regiment being taken away from their own duties, which were to
safeguard the system of communications. As we were very short of
signallers, we had to know what almost every man in the regiment was
doing. It would have been quite out of the question for any member of
the regiment to have been taken away from such a duty without our
knowledge.
DR. STAHMER: I have no further questions, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Kranzbühler, whom are you appearing on behalf of?
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: For Grossadmiral Dönitz, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: There is no charge made against Grossadmiral Dönitz in
connection with this offense at all.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: Mr. President, the exhumations and the
propaganda connected with them occurred during the period when
Grossadmiral Dönitz was Commander-in-Chief of the Navy. The Prosecution
alleges that at that time Grossadmiral Dönitz was a member of the
Cabinet and had participated in all acts taken by the Government.
Therefore, I must consider him as being implicated in all the problems
arising out of the Katyn case.
THE PRESIDENT: That would mean that we should have to hear examination
from everybody who was connected with the Government. And the Tribunal
has already pointed out, with reference to Admiral Raeder, that his case
was not connected with this matter. It is only when a case is directly
connected with the matter that counsel for the individual defendants are
allowed to cross-examine, in addition to the defendant’s counsel who
calls the witness. If there is any suggestion that you want to make to
the counsel who is calling the witness, you can make it to him, but you
are not entitled...
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: But I am asking your permission to put two
or three questions to this witness.
THE PRESIDENT: If you have any special questions to put, you may suggest
them to Dr. Stahmer, and Dr. Stahmer will put them. Dr. Kranzbühler, if
you want to put any questions, you may put them to Dr. Stahmer, and he
will put them to the witness.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: Mr. President, I did not quite understand.
Shall I propose to Dr. Stahmer to put the questions or...
THE PRESIDENT: If you cannot do it verbally, you may do it in writing,
and you may do it later on. But I really do not think there can be any
questions which are so difficult to suggest to Dr. Stahmer as all that.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: They can also be put through Dr. Stahmer. I
was only thinking that I would save some time by putting the questions
myself.
THE PRESIDENT: I told you if you wish to ask any questions, you must ask
them through Dr. Stahmer.
FLOTTENRICHTER KRANZBÜHLER: Thank you, Mr. President.
THE PRESIDENT: In the meantime, the Tribunal will go on with the
cross-examination, and any questions which you wish to put can be put in
re-examination.
Does the Prosecution wish to cross-examine?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Witness, I am interested to know your exact
function in the army. Were you in charge of teleprinter communications
at the headquarters of Army Group Center or were you a wireless expert?
VON EICHBORN: No, Mr. Prosecutor, you are wrong. I was the telephone
expert of Army Group Center, not the wireless expert.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: That is exactly what I am asking you. The
translation was evidently incorrect. So you were in charge of telephone
communications, were you not?
VON EICHBORN: Yes; you are right.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Ordinary telegrams, or ciphered telegrams?
VON EICHBORN: The task of a telephone expert connected with an army
group consisted in keeping the telephone lines intact...
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: No, I am not interested in the tasks in a
general way. I would like to know whether these were secret ciphered
telegrams or the ordinary army mail, army communications which were not
secret.
VON EICHBORN: There were two kinds of telegrams, open and secret.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Were secret telegrams transmitted by you, too?
VON EICHBORN: Both came through me.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Consequently, all communications between the
Wehrmacht, between Army units and the highest police authorities also
passed through you; is that correct?
VON EICHBORN: The most important telegrams, and especially the secret
ones were submitted to the telephone expert.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes. Consequently, the correspondence between
the police authorities and the Armed Forces units passed through you; is
that correct? I am asking you this question for a second time.
VON EICHBORN: I must answer with the reservation that the messages did
not pass through the telephone expert, but only the most important
secret teletype matters were submitted to him—not the whole
correspondence, because that went also through the mail as well as by
courier service.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: That is clear. Do you know in this case that in
September and October 1941 there were special detachments in Smolensk
whose duty, in close co-operation with the Army, was to carry out the
so-called purge of the prisoner-of-war camps and the extermination of
prisoners of war?
DR. LATERNSER: Mr. President, I must decisively object to this
questioning of the witness. This questioning can have only the purpose
of determining the relations between the General Staff and the OKW and
any commands of the Security Service. Therefore, they are accusing the
General Staff and the OKW; and if I, Mr. President, as defense counsel
for the General Staff and the OKW am not permitted to put questions,
then on the basis of equal treatment, the same rules must apply to the
Prosecution as well.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: May I, Mr. President, make a short statement?
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Smirnov, the question is competent.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I beg your pardon.
THE PRESIDENT: I said the question was competent. You may ask the
question.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: I would like to ask you the following question,
Witness. Since all secret teletypes passed through you, did you ever
encounter among these telegrams any from the so-called 1st Einsatzgruppe
“B”—that was the so-called first command—or from the Special Command
“Moscow” which at that time was located at Smolensk and kept in reserve
in anticipation of better times? The latter had the order to perpetrate
mass murders in Moscow. Both commands were located at Smolensk at that
time.
VON EICHBORN: No such reports came into my hands. I can fully explain
this to you, Mr. Prosecutor. When any detachments of this sort had been
established in the area of Army Group Center, these detachments had
their own wireless stations. It was only later on in the course of the
Russian campaign that these posts had teletype facilities as well; then
they used the army group network. However, that only happened later.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Consequently, the telegrams of those special
units which, by order of high police authorities, were assigned to carry
out special actions in co-operation with military units, did not pass
through your hands in September and October of 1941?
VON EICHBORN: That is correct. At that time, there were no teletype
facilities and offices for such special units, even if they were in that
area at all.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Mr. President, this document was already
presented to the Court together with the Extraordinary State Commission
Report, Document Number USSR-3. If the High Tribunal will permit it, I
should like to present to the Tribunal and to the Defense photostatic
copies of one of the documents which was attached to the report of the
Extraordinary State Commission. If the Tribunal will look at Page 2 of
this document, it will see that the Special Command “Moscow” and the
Einsatzgruppe “B” were both located in Smolensk. It says on the first
page that these detachments together with units of the Armed Forces,
were assigned to carry out mass killings in the camps. If the Tribunal
will permit me, I shall submit this document now...
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Smirnov, that is a matter of argument. We shall
take judicial notice of it, of course, of everything which is in the
Soviet Government’s publication. And I understand you to say that this
document is a part of the Soviet Government communication or Soviet
Government report.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, Mr. President; but I would like to ask
permission to present an original German document, a secret document,
which states that in the Smolensk area there were two large special
commands whose duties were to carry out mass murders in the camps, and
that these actions had to be carried out together with the Armed Forces
units which had to co-operate with them.
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Smirnov, is this document which you have just
handed up to us a part of the report USSR-3?
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Yes, Mr. President, it is a part of the report,
Document USSR-3, called “Special Directives of the Hitler Government
Concerning the Annihilation of Prisoners of War.” I would like to ask
the Tribunal to allow me to present one of the original documents even
if the report, USSR-3, has been already submitted in full.
It says there that these special units were located in Smolensk and were
assigned together with the Armed Forces units to carry out mass killings
in the camps.
THE PRESIDENT: Yes, Colonel Smirnov. This document is already in
evidence, if the Tribunal understands correctly.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Thank you, Mr. President.
[_Turning to the witness._] Consequently, we may consider it as an
established fact that the correspondence, the telegraphic messages of
these special detachments did not pass through your hands; is that
correct?
THE PRESIDENT: He has said that twice already.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Excuse me, Mr. President.
[_Turning to the witness._] Why did you assert with such certainty that
there were no reports about the killing of the Poles? You know that the
killing of the Polish prisoners of war was a special action, and any
report about this action would have to pass through your hands? Is that
correct?
VON EICHBORN: I answered the prosecutor—rather, I answered Dr.
Stahmer—that if in the area of Army Group Signal Regiment 537 killings
of that sort had taken place, I would undoubtedly have known about them.
I did not state what the prosecutor is now trying to ascribe to me.
THE PRESIDENT: Colonel Smirnov, the Tribunal think you had better read
this passage from this document, which is in the German language, to the
Tribunal so that it will go into the record.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: In this document, Mr. President, it is stated...
THE PRESIDENT: Go on, Colonel Smirnov.
MR. COUNSELLOR SMIRNOV: Thank you, Mr. President.
This document is dated “Berlin, 29 October 1941.” It is headed, “The
Chief of the Security Police and of the Security Service.” It has a
classification, “Top Secret; Urgent letter; Operational Order
Number-14.” Reference is made to decrees of 17 July and 12 September
1941. I shall now read a few short sentences, and I shall begin with the
first sentence:
“In the appendix, I am sending directions for the evacuation of
Soviet civilian prisoners and prisoners of war out of permanent
prisoner-of-war camps and transit camps in the rear of the
Army...
“These directives have been worked out in collaboration with the
Army High Command. The Army High. Command has notified the
commanders of the armies in the rear as well as the local
commanders of the prisoner-of-war camps and of the transit
camps.
“The task force groups, depending on the size of the camp in
their territory, are setting up special commands in sufficient
strength under the leadership of an SS leader. The commands are
instructed immediately to start work in the camps.”