[315] The Rosses of Ross-shire are rather mixed up here. At this time

there were two distinct races of Ross in the county, which should not

be confounded. The Celtic family of Ross, of whom the ancient head

was the Earl of Ross, was originally known as the clan Ghille-andrais

(servants of St. Andrew). The earldom passed by marriage of heiresses

in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, first to the Leslies and

afterwards to the Macdonalds, Lords of the Isles. The chiefship of the

clan, however, went to the heir male, Ross of Balnagowan. In the year

1711, David Ross, the last of the Celtic family of Balnagowan, died.

The natural heir was Ross of Pitcalnie, his next of kin. Pitcalnie was

a Roman Catholic or Episcopalian, anyhow he was not a Presbyterian,

and Balnagowan was influenced by his wife, Lady Anne (daughter of the

4th Earl of Moray), a bigoted Presbyterian, to disinherit the natural

heir and bequeath the property to General the Hon. Charles Ross,

a younger son of George, 11th Lord Ross of Halkhead, in Ayrshire.

(Fraser-Mackintosh, _Antiq. Notes_, p. 66.) The family which thus

became Ross of Balnagowan had no connection with the Celtic clan of the

same name, but was descended from a Norman family named de Ros. In 1745

Balnagowan with its great territorial influence had come to George,

13th Lord Ross, and the Master of Ross his eldest son (afterwards 14th

and last Lord Ross) received the command of one of the independent

companies raised in 1745. He was garrisoning Inverness Castle (then

called Fort George) when it was captured by the Jacobites, 20th Feb.

’46; he remained a prisoner on parole until the end of the campaign.

He was one of the very few officers who did not break his parole. (Cf.

_post_, pp. 207, 364.)

The Rosses of Inverchasley and Pitcalnie, who belonged to the ancient

Celtic clan Ghille-andrais, sided with the Government, but ‘young

Pitcalnie,’ Malcolm Ross, who was a grand-nephew of President Duncan

Forbes, went over to the Jacobites. He had served as ensign in

Loudoun’s regiment at Prestonpans, where he was taken prisoner by

the Jacobites and released on parole. He seems to have been the only

Government officer who deserted to the Jacobites. His name was included

in the list of attainders.

[316] Macleod of Geanies was representative of the Macleods of Assynt

(see _ante_, p. 74). John, a brother of Neil Macleod (tried for the

betrayal of Montrose), left Assynt and settled in Easter Ross where his

son Donald, an officer in the Scots Brigade in Holland, purchased the

estate of Geanies. Donald’s son Hugh was laird in 1745; his wife was a

niece of President Duncan Forbes of Culloden.

[317] See _post_, p. 143 _et seq._

[318] This refers to the fiasco known as the ‘Rout of Moy’ (16th Feb.

’46), when by a stratagem, a blacksmith and a few other retainers of

Lady Mackintosh, made Loudoun believe that the whole Jacobite army was

upon him; he fled back to Inverness, whence he retreated across the

Kessock Ferry to Ross-shire. The principal, perhaps the only, victim of

the expedition, was Donald Ban MacCrimmon, Macleod’s famous piper, who

was shot by the blacksmith. Cf. _post_, p. 145. (For details, see Home,

_Hist. Reb._, ch. ix.; _L. in M._, 149, etc.)

[319] George Grant of Culbin, brother of Sir James Grant of Grant,

major in the Highland Regiment (Black Watch). He surrendered Inverness

Castle (then called Fort George) to Prince Charles, 20th February, for

which he was subsequently tried by court-martial, and dismissed the

service.

[320] See _ante_, p. 75.

[321] Now called Strathavon (pronounced Stratha’an), Banffshire. It

is generally called Strathdawn or Strathdown in documents of this

date; perhaps from the local pronunciation, plus the archaic ‘d’ which

occasionally appears in place-names, _e.g._ Strathdearn for the valley

of the Earn or Findhorn. There was an ancient church of Dounan in the

valley perhaps from the same root.

[322] George Forbes of Skeleter; m. Glenbucket’s daughter Christiana

Gordon. He escaped to France after Culloden, joined Lord Ogilvie’s

Scots regiment in the French service: he never returned.

[323] William (Duff) of Braco and Dipple; b. 1697; d. 1763; M.P.

Banffshire 1727-34; created Baron Braco of Kilbride 1735; and in 1759

Viscount Macduff and Earl Fife--all these titles being in the peerage

of Ireland; m. (1) Janet, d. of 4th Earl of Findlater; and (2) Jean,

d. of Sir James Grant of Grant. He, his father, and his grandfather

made enormous purchases of land in Aberdeen, Banff, and Moray shires,

particularly on the forfeitures after Mar’s rising in 1715. He joined

Cumberland in 1746.

[324] Among the Jacobite prisoners who pled guilty is ‘Robert

Forbes, printer, son to New.’ (_Scots Mag._, viii. p. 438.) At his

trial it is stated that he was a farmer. His home was at Corse in

the parish of Coull, Deeside. He was captain in one of Lord Lewis

Gordon’s battalions, and was one of the officers left at Carlisle and

captured there. He was sentenced to death but was not executed; of his

subsequent career I have no knowledge.

[325] Cope reached Aberdeen 11th Sept., and left it by sea 15th Sept.

1745.

[326] Johnshaven, a fishing port on the Kincardine coast, about

twenty-five miles south of Aberdeen; Torry and Foothy (Footdee),

fishing villages near the mouth of the Dee, Aberdeen.

[327] James Moir of Stonywood, an estate on Donside three miles above

Aberdeen. He was very active in the Jacobite cause, and while the

Prince was in England raised a battalion, of which Lord Lewis Gordon

was titular colonel. After Culloden he escaped to Sweden, where he

resided until 1762, when he was permitted to return to Stonywood. He

died in 1782. His correspondence in 1745-46 is printed in the _Spalding

Club Misc._, vol. i.

[328] York Street cadys = messenger-porters of a low street in Aberdeen.

[329] Francis Farquharson of Monaltrie, near Ballater on the Dee, the

‘Baron ban’ of the ’45, raised a regiment from Deeside and Braemar.

He was made prisoner at Culloden, tried at London, and condemned to

death, but reprieved. He was kept prisoner in England, latterly with

considerable liberty at Berkhampstead, Herts. He was liberated in

1766, and returned to Monaltrie, where he devoted the rest of his

life to improving the social and material condition of his country.

He introduced into Aberdeenshire improved methods of farming, which

he had carefully studied while in exile in England. His name is still

cherished in the county as the man who did much to make Aberdeen the

great farming county it became. He died in 1791.

[330] The Duke of Perth had twice to flee from Drummond Castle; first

in March 1744, immediately after the failure of the projected French

invasion. A party of 36 dragoons and 150 foot was sent from Stirling

under Lieut.-Col. Whitney (afterwards killed at Falkirk) to surround

the castle, but the Duke escaped (_Chron. Atholl and Tullib._, ii.

473). The second time was in July 1745, referred to _post_, p. 271,

_n._ 2. This occasion was a treacherous attempt of his neighbour, Sir

Patrick Murray of Ochtertyre, and Campbell of Inverawe, both officers

of the Highland regiment (Black Watch), to capture him while dining at

Drummond Castle. The story is detailed in _The Lyon_, i. 290.

[331] Now spelt Balmoral, the King’s home on Deeside. The laird was

badly wounded at Falkirk and took no further part in the campaign.

[332] Hamilton’s home was Sanstoun, now called Huntly Lodge, beside

old Huntly Castle. He was left governor of Carlisle when the Jacobite

army left it on their way south (21st Nov.), and on their return in

December Hamilton was made governor of the Castle, while Towneley, an

Englishman, was left governor of the town. Carlisle surrendered to

Cumberland 30th December. Both Towneley and Hamilton were hanged on

Kennington Common. (See also _post_, p. 173.)

[333] His home was Dunbennan, close to Huntly; the whole ‘toun’ was

burnt down in 1746.

[334] James Petrie, advocate in Aberdeen; joined the local bar 1743;

appointed sheriff-depute 8th May 1744. The last deed ascertained to

have been lodged before him is dated 23rd September 1745. Petrie went

into hiding after the ’45. As he was not specially excluded from

the Act of Indemnity of 1747, he was able to resume practice at the

Aberdeen bar by taking the oath of allegiance, which he did in April

1748. (Littlejohn, _Rec. Sheriff-Court of Aberdeen_, iii. 116.)

[335] Alexander, 4th Lord Forbes of Pitsligo; b. 1678; suc. 1691;

attainted 1746; hid in his own country of Buchan, and was never

captured; d. 1762.

[336] Boyne, a district in the north of Banffshire. The Enzie,

north-western Banffshire, with part of Morayshire between the Spey and

the Buckie Burn.

[337] William Moir of Lonmay, Lady Erroll’s factor, was Stonywood’s

brother. He acted as deputy-governor of Aberdeen during the Jacobite

occupation.

[338] Mary (Hay), Countess of Erroll in her own right, the last of the

Hays of Erroll. She married Alexander Falconer, but left no issue.

On her death in 1758, she was succeeded in the Errol title by James

(Boyd), Lord Boyd (son of the Earl of Kilmarnock, executed in 1746),

whose mother was the daughter and sole heiress of Lady Erroll’s sister

Margaret, wife of the attainted Earl of Linlithgow and Callander. He

assumed the name of Hay.

[339] George (Gordon), 3rd earl; b. 1722; suc. his father 30th March

1745; d. 1801. His mother was Lady Anna Murray (d. 1725), a sister of

Lord George Murray; his stepmother, Lady Anne Gordon, sister of Lord

Lewis Gordon. The Duchess of Gordon was his sister.

[340] James (Ogilvy), 5th earl; b. 1689; suc. 1730; d. 1764. He had

been imprisoned in 1715, on the outbreak of Mar’s rising.

[341] John (Keith), 3rd earl; b. 1699; suc. 1718; d. 1772. His wife was

a d. of Erskine of Grange, Lord Mar’s brother. His father, 2nd earl,

was out in ’15.

[342] James (Forbes), 16th lord; b. 1689; suc. 1734; d. 1761. His first

wife was sister of Lord Pitsligo; his second wife, a sister of Sir Wm.

Gordon of Park, both ardent Jacobite leaders.

[343] Alexander (Fraser), 12th lord; b. c. 1684; suc. 1715; d. 1748.

‘He was a supporter of the Hanoverian Government, but took no active

part in public affairs.’ (_Scots Peerage_, vii. 446.)

[344] See _ante_, p. 113, _n._ 3.

[345] Buchan, northern Aberdeenshire and part of eastern Banffshire;

Formartine, the district south of Buchan, between the sea and the Don.

[346] The laird of Leys was then Sir Alexander Burnett, 4th bart.; d.

1758.

[347] Rev. George Law, of Aberdeen; acted as chaplain to Stonywood’s

regiment; made prisoner at Culloden; tried at Southwark in December,

and acquitted. I am not aware of any active part taken by Seaton. It

is mentioned that the French officers were made burghers of Aberdeen

in December, and that Seaton received a similar honour; also that in

February his lodging was ransacked and ‘some papers, mistically written

for five or six years back, found.’ (_Spald. Club. Misc._, i. 360 and

385.)

[348] Fourth son of Alexander, 2nd Duke of Gordon; b. _c._ 1724;

lieutenant in the Navy, but joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh. Was

appointed by him Lord-Lieut. of Banff and Aberdeen shires. Escaped

after Culloden, and died at Montreuil, 1754.

[349] At Fountainhall, East Lothian, twelve miles from Edinburgh.

The Duchess was Henrietta Mordaunt, daughter of the celebrated Earl

of Peterborough. On her husband’s death in 1728, she brought up her

numerous children as Protestants, though her husband’s family was

hereditarily Catholic. For this she received, in 1735, a pension of

£1000 a year, which it is said she forfeited for entertaining Prince

Charles to breakfast on the roadside as he passed her gates. Her son,

the 3rd duke, took no active part in the ’45, but his influence was

against his brother and the Jacobites. He seems to have remained in

Gordon Castle down to March, but he left it on the 8th, ‘in the most

secret manner he could,’ probably to avoid meeting Prince Charles, who

visited the castle a few days later. The Duke then joined Cumberland in

Aberdeen. (_S.M._, viii. 138.)

[350] William Baird (b. 1701; d. 1777) of Auchmeddan, in the

Aberdeenshire parish of Aberdour, on the borders of Banff, the last

of an ancient family, of which the baroneted families of New Byth and

Saughton are cadets. His wife was a sister of the 1st Earl Fife, then

Lord Braco. He was author of a genealogical history of the Bairds

(reprinted, London, 1870) and another of the Duffs, which was privately

printed in 1869.

[351] Charles Gordon of Blelack, near Aboyne, Deeside.

[352] A district of Aberdeenshire, south of Strathbogie and south-west

of Formartine, comprising the valleys of the Urie and the Gadie.

[353] Lord John Drummond landed a force of about 800 men, composed of

his own French regiments of Royal Scots and a piquet of fifty men from

each of the six Irish regiments in the French service. They landed on

22nd November at Montrose, Stonehaven, and Peterhead. Two of Drummond’s

transports were captured by English men-of-war; among the prisoners so

taken was Alexander Macdonell, ‘Young Glengarry,’ Mr. Lang’s Pickle the

Spy.

[354] These were Lord John Drummond, brother of the titular Duke

of Perth, and Lord Lewis Drummond. The latter (1709-92), the

lieut.-colonel of Lord John Drummond’s French Royal Scots, was the

second son of John (Drummond), 2nd (but attainted) Earl of Melfort,

whose father had been created Duke of Melfort by James VII. while in

exile in 1692, and Duke of Melfort in the French peerage by Louis XIV.

in 1701. Lord Lewis lost a leg at Culloden. He died in Paris, 1792.

[355] These manifestoes are printed _post_, pp. 292, 293.

John Haliburton was an officer in the French service; he arrived at

Inverness with despatches two days before the battle of Culloden.

(_Murray’s Mem._, p. 433.) After Culloden he assisted in the

distribution of the money (of which Cluny’s treasure was a part) landed

by the French ships at Lochnanuagh in May 1746. (_Albemarle Papers_, p.

338.)

[356] This highland dress for lowland men is detailed by Lord Lewis

Gordon to Stonywood as ‘plaid, short cloaths, hose, and shoes.’

(_Spald. Club Misc._, 408.)

[357] John (Campbell), 4th Earl of Loudoun; b. 1705; suc. 1731; d.

1782. Raised a regiment of Highlanders in 1745 (disbanded 1748).

Adjutant-general to Sir John Cope at Prestonpans; sent to Inverness

to command the troops in the North, October 1745; commander-in-chief

in America 1756, but recalled the same year; general, and colonel 3rd

(Scots) Guards 1770.

[358] ‘_Order of the Rt. Hon. the Ld. Lewis Gordon, lord-lieutenant

of the counties, and governor of the towns of Aberdeen and

Bamff._--Whereas I desired and ordered J. Moir of Stonywood, to

intimate to all the gentlemen and their doers, within the said

counties of Aberdeen and Bamff, to send into the town of Aberdeen, a

well-bodied man for each 100l. Scots, their valued rent, sufficiently

cloathed, and in consequence of my order he wrote circular letters to

all the heritors in the above counties, desiring them to send in a man

sufficiently cloathed, &c. for each 100l. Scots of their valued rent;

which desire they have not complied with: Therefore I order and command

you, to take a sufficient party of my men, and go to all the lands

within the above counties, and require from the heritors, factors, or

tenants, as you shall think most proper, an able-bodied man for his

m---- K---- J----’s service, with sufficient Highland cloaths, plaid

and arms, for each 100l. of their valued rent, or the sum of 5l. sterl.

money for each of the above men, to be paid to J. M. of Stonywood, or

his order of Aberdeen: and in case of refusal of the men or money,

you are forthwith to burn all the houses, corn and planting upon the

foresaid estates; and to begin with the heritor or factor residing on

the lands; and not to leave the said lands until the above execution

be done, unless they produce Stonywood’s lines, shewing they have

delivered him the men or the money. Given at Aberdeen this 12th day of

December, 1745.

Subscrib’d LEWIS GORDON.’

[359] See _ante_, p. 103.

[360] Of Monymusk, 2nd bart.; b. 1696; d. 1778; M.P. for Aberdeen.

[361] A brother of the laird of Castlehill, Inverness, in whose house

Prince Charles stayed in February 1746. He was a captain in Lord

John Drummond’s French regiment of Royal Scots. After Culloden he

was treated as a prisoner of war. By 1749 he had become lieut.-col.

of the regiment. (_L. in M._, ii. 286.) The laird of Castlehill was

Sheriff-depute of Inverness-shire, and was not a Jacobite.

[362] Highland squatters. ‘Humly’ is the ordinary north-country term

for hornless cattle. Robert Jamieson in a note to Letter XXII. in the

5th edition of Burt’s _Letters from the North of Scotland_, published

in 1818, says: ‘In the days of our grandfathers the lower class of

highlanders were, by their lowland neighbours (in the north-east

lowlands at least), denominated _humblies_, from their wearing no

covering on their head but their hair, which at a more early period

they probably matted and felted.’

[363] Donald Ban MacCrimmon, of the celebrated race of hereditary

pipers to the chiefs of Macleod. This is the only mention I can recall

of this pleasant story of his relations with his brother musicians.

There is an exceedingly picturesque account (perhaps more picturesque

than authentic) of MacCrimmon’s descent from a musician of Cremona,

given in the _Celtic Review_, ii. 76, 1906. Though MacCrimmon escaped

death at Inverurie, he was killed in the fiasco at Moy on 16th

February. (See _ante_, p. 108.)

When leaving Dunvegan for the anti-Jacobite campaign of ’45-’46, he had

a presentiment that he would never return, and composed the words and

music of a celebrated lament, which was translated or paraphrased by

Sir Walter Scott:--

Farewell to each cliff on which breakers are foaming,

Farewell each dark glen in which red-deer are roaming,

Farewell, lonely Skye, to lake, mountain, and river,

Macleod may return, but MacCrimmon shall never.

The Banshee’s wild voice sings the death dirge before me,

And the pall of the dead for a mantle hangs o’er me;

But my heart shall not fly, and my nerve shall not quiver,

Though devoted I go--to return again, never!

[364] Sir Alexander Bannerman, 3rd bart., of Elsick, Kincardineshire

(the Mearns). His mother was a Macdonald of Sleat. He escaped to

France; died in Paris 1747.

[365] This seems to be a mistake. Lord Ogilvie’s regiment marched

to the north through Ogilvie’s country from Perth, by Cupar Angus,

Cortachy, Clova, Glenmuick, Logie Colston, and Tarland, to Keith.

(_Spalding Club Misc._, i. 332.)

[366] ‘Kelly’s’ probably means John Roy Stewart’s regiment, which was

originally intended for the Earl of Kellie.

[367] Now spelt Clatt. Rev. Patrick Reid; ord. 1723; d. 1759.

[368] John Baggot, a Franco-Irishman, commanded the Prince’s Hussars

(raised at Edinburgh), of which John Murray of Broughton was titular

colonel. By the French Ambassador he is returned after Culloden as

‘_blessé assez considérablement mais sans danger de la vie_.’ (Cottin,

_Un Protégé de Bachaumont_, p. 62.)

[369] Rev. William Taylor; ord. 1737; d. 1797, aged eighty-nine.

[370] On 22nd Feb., three troops (about 130 men) of Fitzjames’s

regiment of horse landed at Aberdeen from France but without horses.

There was great difficulty in mounting the men. Kilmarnock’s horse

(sometimes called Strathallan’s, or the Perthshire Squadron) were

dismounted and the horses given to the French cavalry, while the

men were formed into foot-guards. By this time, says Maxwell of

Kirkconnell, Pitsligo’s horse was dwindled away to nothing, and many of

its members had joined infantry corps. Two of Fitzjames’s transports,

the _Bourbon_ and the _Charité_, with 359 of all ranks, including the

Comte de Fitzjames, were captured by English cruisers.

[371] On 21st Feb. a picquet of 42 men of Berwick’s (French) regiment

landed at Peterhead.

[372] I can trace no record of this landing. It may refer to Berwick’s

picquets (see p. 151), or it may be a mistake.

[373] William Henry (Ker) (1710-75), afterwards 4th Marquess of

Lothian; captain 1st Guards (Grenadiers) 1741; aide-de-camp to

Cumberland at Fontenoy; lieut.-colonel in Lord Mark Ker’s Dragoons

(11th Hussars) 1745; commanded the cavalry of the left wing at

Culloden. His brother, Lord Robert Ker, a captain in Barrel’s regiment,

was killed in the battle.

[374] Humphrey Bland (1686-1763), author of _A Treatise on Discipline_.

At this time he was a major-general and colonel of the dragoon regiment

now the 3rd Hussars. He was governor of Edinburgh Castle from 1752 till

his death. He became Commander-in-Chief in Scotland in 1753.

[375] Probably a mistake for lieut.-colonel (the command is too great

for a subaltern’s), and evidently means Robert Rich (1714-85), son of

Field-Marshal Sir Robert Rich, whom he succeeded as 5th bart. in 1768.

Rich was at this time lieut.-colonel of Barrel’s regiment the 4th (now

the K. O. Royal Lancaster regiment). At Culloden Rich was badly wounded

and lost his hand.

[376] See _post_, p. 307.

[377] Probably means ‘light-footed laddies.’ Cf. _Oxford Dict._, s.v.

‘leger.’

[378] Robert Hunter of Burnside, Monifieth, was captain in the Prince’s

Life-Guards, and was very active throughout the campaign. He escaped

to Bergen in Norway after Culloden, and for a time was held prisoner

there, but apparently soon released, for in October he is on French

King’s pension list for 1800 livres as a ‘_gentilhomme eccossois arrivé

depuis peu en France_.’

[379] This took place on 17th March. The officer commanding the

Jacobite party was Major Nicolas Glascoe, a lieutenant in Dillon’s

Irish-French regiment. He acted as major and military instructor to

the 2nd battalion of Lord Ogilvie’s regiment. He was made prisoner

after Culloden, and tried at London in November, but pleading that he

was born in France and held a French commission, he was released as a

rebel, the irons were knocked off his legs, and he was treated as a

prisoner of war.

[380] The husbands of these ladies were all in the Jacobite army.

[381] Cullen House was the home of Lord Findlater.

[382] William Thornton, of Thornville, near Knaresborough, raised

and equipped a company, known as the ‘Yorkshire Blues,’ at his own

expense in October 1745. He joined Wade’s army at Newcastle, and

his company was attached to Pulteney’s regiment (13th, now Prince

Albert’s Own Somersetshire Light Infantry), which was below strength.

His henchman and servant was John Metcalf, better known as ‘Blind

Jack of Knaresborough,’ afterwards celebrated as a civil engineer

and maker of roads, but at this time a horse-coper and itinerant

musician. At Falkirk the company served as escort to the artillery

which covered itself with disgrace. Blind Jack fought at the battle

in which his master and Lieutenant Crofts were taken prisoners. After

the battle Blind Jack retreated to Edinburgh along with the remains

of the company, now reduced to forty-eight from an original strength

of sixty-four. In a quaint little book, _The Life of John Metcalf_

(3rd edition, Leeds, 1802), there is a long and graphic account of

how this blind man succeeded in rescuing his master. Donning a ‘plaid

waist-coat,’ the Jacobite uniform, he made his way from Edinburgh to

the battle field, where among the marauders hunting for plunder he

found the wife of Lord George Murray’s cook, who gave him ‘a token’ for

her husband. Giving out that he wished to be employed as a musician

to Prince Charles, he made his way to Lord George Murray’s quarters

at Falkirk, where that General gave him a glass of wine, and he had

a conversation with several of the Jacobite leaders. Confined on

suspicion for some days, he was acquitted by a court-martial. Finding

his captain, he had him disguised as a Highlander and managed to escape

with him. How Crofts and Simson escaped I do not know. The rev. ensign

was Patrick Simson, minister of Fala, near Dalkeith (b. 1713; ord.

1743; transferred to Clunie, Dunkeld, 1759; d. 1771). How he joined

Thornton’s ‘Blues’ I do not know; one would rather have expected to

find him in the Glasgow regiment (see _post_, p. 198). The original

ensign of the company had died at Newcastle, and Thornton may have

appointed Simson when in Edinburgh. Simson had the reputation of being

a sportsman, particularly an angler. (Scott, _Fasti_.) The _Dict. of

Nat. Biog._ says that Blind Jack fought at Culloden, but it is not so

stated in the life quoted above, and if this passage is correct it

precludes the possibility. There is no mention in the _Life_ of this

incident at Ellon, nor any account of the company leaving the army.

[383] Cumberland left Aberdeen on April 8th.

[384] Meaning ‘a verminous swarm of red-coats.’

[385] A very considerable list of houses burnt in Aberdeen and Banff

shires is given in the _Lyon in Mourning_, ii. 334, 335.

[386] ‘_By the Earl of Ancrum, Aid de Camp to His Majesty, and

commanding the forces on the Eastern coast of North-Britain._ Whereas

arms have been found in several houses, contrary to his Royal Highness

the Duke’s proclamation, this is therefore to give notice, That

where-ever arms of any kind are found, that the house, and all houses

belonging to the proprietor or his tenants, shall be immediately burnt

to ashes; and that as some arms have been found under ground, that if

any shall be discovered for the future, the adjacent houses and fields

shall be immediately laid waste and destroyed.’

[_Lord Loudoun’s orders_]:--‘Whereas great part of the King’s arms

belonging to the regiment commanded by the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Loudon,

were taken away by the rebels in Sutherland, and by them distributed to

people of different parts of the country; who, notwithstanding the many

orders published by his Royal Highness the Duke, still detain them in

their possession: These are to advertise such as do not deliver them

in to the storehouse at Inverness, or to the commanding officer of any

part of his Majesty’s forces who happens to be in their neighbourhood,

by the first day of August, that the possessors where-ever they are

found, whether civil or military, and of what rank soever, shall be

prosecuted with the utmost rigour, as the law in that case directs.’

[387] This was an incident that occasioned fierce indignation in

Aberdeen. August 1st was the date of the accession of the Hanoverian

dynasty. Lord Ancram ordered the bells to be rung and the houses

to be illuminated. It had not been the custom to illuminate, and

the magistrates only ordered the bells to be rung. The soldiers

of Fleming’s regiment (36th, now the Worcestershire), egged on by

their officers, broke the windows, stoned the inhabitants, and did

damage to the extent of £130, a large sum in those days to a town of

the size of Aberdeen. In spite of the pretensions of the military

authorities, who maintained that they were not liable to the civil

government, the magistrates arrested a Captain Morgan and other

officers, who were ringleaders in the riot. Morgan had been very

active in hunting fugitive Jacobites, and his commanding officer, who

calls Aberdeen ‘this infamous town,’ attributes his arrest to this

cause. Representations were made to the Lord Justice-Clerk and to

Lord Albemarle, the Commander-in-chief in Scotland, who both took a

serious view of the case, the former writing to the latter that ‘the

officers in the army were trampling on those very laws that they so

lately defended at the expence of their blood.’ Ancram was rebuked

by Albemarle, and removed from Aberdeen; though the trouble still

smouldered it was temporarily patched up. (_Alb. Pap._, p. 27 _seq._;

_Scots Mag._, viii. 393.) Six months later the regiment left Aberdeen,

marching out (it is said) to the tune ‘We’ll gang nae mair to yon

toun.’ Cf. _post_, p. 189.

[388] Hugh (Abercromby-Sempill), fifth son of Anne, Baroness Sempill,

and Francis Abercromby of Fetterneir. Succeeded his brother as 11th

Lord Sempill 1727; served at Malplaquet, 1709, as an ensign; succeeded

Lord Crawford as colonel of the Highland Regiment (Black Watch), 1741;

colonel of the 25th (K. O. Scottish Borderers) 1745; brigadier-general

1745; commanded the left wing at Culloden; superseded Lord Ancram at

Aberdeen 12th August, 1746; and died there 25th November following.

[389] Should be 25th; Sunday 24th was spent at Kendal, and Lancaster

was reached the following day. (_L. in M._, ii. 120, 193.)

[390] I have little doubt that this name is a mistake for Geohagan, an

Irishman, captain in Lally’s regiment, to whom, Lord Elcho states, the

Prince gave a commission to raise an English regiment. The officers

of the army remonstrated, and the commission was withdrawn. (Elcho,

_Affairs of Scotland_, p. 327.) Geohagan was one of the French officers

taken prisoner at Carlisle.

[391] Not identified.

[392] David Morgan was a Welshman from Monmouthshire, a

barrister-at-law. He joined the Prince at Preston on 27th November,

along with William Vaughan and Francis Towneley, all being from

Wales. When at Derby it was determined to return to Scotland Morgan

refused to go, saying, ‘it were better to be hanged in England than

starved in Scotland’ (_Tales of a Grandfather_). He left the army at

Ashbourne, on 6th December, to go to London to procure intelligence,

with the knowledge and consent of the Prince and of Sheridan (_Murray’s

Memorials_, 434). At his trial he pled that he had escaped as soon as

it was in his power, but this plea was repelled. He was executed at

Kennington Common on 30th July, along with Towneley, and seven other

English officers. Morgan is thus described in the _Compleat History of

the Trials of the Rebels_ (p. 170): ‘David Morgan was about 51 Years

of Age, born in Wales, and bred to the Law, and had frequently (as a

Barrister) attended the Courts at Westminster-Hall, and elsewhere. He

was a Person of a very mean Look, and seldom kept Company with any

Gentlemen of his Neighbourhood; and if it had not been for his Estate,

he might have starv’d, for he was so very lofty, and of so bad a

Temper, that no body but such as were beholden to him cared to employ

him. This Morgan was possessed of a very good Estate in St. Leonard’s,

Shoreditch, but he let it all run to Ruin, because he would not pay

the Ground-Rent. The Rebels call’d Morgan the Pretender’s Counsellor,

and his Advice was consulted on every Occasion. Even after he was

condemn’d, he was haughty and insolent beyond expression; and the

very Afternoon before his Execution, he grumbled to pay the Cook who

dress’d his Dinner, and said she was very extravagant in her Demands.

The Morning (about Six o’Clock) before he went to Execution, he order’d

Coffee to be made, and bid them take Care to make it very good and

strong, for he had never drank any since he had been in that Prison

fit to come near a Gentleman; and because it was ready before he was

unlock’d, he seem’d angry, and in a great Passion.’

Morgan was the author of a rather dull satirical political poem of 630

verses, entitled _The Country Bard or the Modern Courtiers, inscribed

to H.R.H. the Prince of Wales_, a quarto originally printed in 1741,

and republished in 1746 after his execution. It is prefaced by a

dedicatory letter to Sir Watkin Williams Wynn, the Welsh Jacobite

baronet. In his dying declaration, handed to the sheriff on the

scaffold, Morgan writes that he is a member of the Church of England,

and that he has fully set forth his faith in a poem of two books

entitled _The Christian Test or the Coalition of Faith and Reason_, the

first of which he had already published, and the latter he bequeathed

to his daughter to be published by her. Morgan seems to have had a

certain notoriety as member of a Jacobite club at Westminster, judging

by a very coarse _jeu d’esprit_ bearing the title _A Faithful Narrative

of the wonderful and surprising Appearance of Counsellor Morgan’s ghost

at the meeting ... giving a full and true Account of the Behaviour of

the Club on that occasion_.... This folio, for it has that dignity, is

followed by another entitled _An Appeal from the late David Morgan,

Esq., Barrister-at-Law ... against a late Scurrilous Paper_.... My

copy of the second pamphlet bears the note in contemporary handwriting

‘By one Fielding a concealer of the Law,’ and it is possible it may be

by Henry Fielding, who at this time gave himself to ironical writing

of this kind in the _True Patriot_ and the _Jacobite’s Journal_. Both

pamphlets are full of topical allusions and scarcely concealed names.

Morgan was also the subject of a brutally coarse print entitled ‘An

Exact Description of the Solemn Procession of Councellor Morgan’s ghost

to the Rump of the Westminster Independents.’

[393] The only elucidation of this I can suggest is from a passage in

the _Appeal_ above mentioned in which Morgan’s ghost is made to visit

his friends, but ‘with neither a greyhound upon his breast nor a writ

in his hand,’ perhaps suggesting that in life he was in the habit of

carrying writs and being accompanied by a greyhound.

[394] The colonel appointed was Francis Towneley, an English Roman

Catholic; b. 1709; fifth son of Charles Towneley of Towneley Hall,

Lancashire; went to France 1728, and entered the French army; served

at the siege of Philipsbourg under the Duke of Berwick, but after the

peace following the War of the Polish Succession, returned to England,

and lived privately in Wales until 1745. The French king sent him a

colonel’s commission about the time of the intended invasion of 1744.

(See _Towneley MSS._, privately printed.) He was given command of the

Manchester regiment, as told here; was left governor of the town of

Carlisle when the army retreated to Scotland in December; entirely

opposed to surrendering to Cumberland, flying into a passion with

Hamilton, the governor of the castle (see pp. 118, 193), and declaring

‘that it was better to die by the sword than to fall into the hands

of those damned Hanovarians.’ (_Evidence at Trial._) At Hamilton’s

trial evidence was given that he too desired to hold out to the last,

but was overruled by his officers. Towneley was tried at Southwark in

July 1746; pled that his French commission entitled him to be treated

as a prisoner of war, not a rebel; but this was repelled as, being an

Englishman born, it was illegal to serve a sovereign at war with the

British king; executed on Kennington Common, July 30th, and Hamilton on

Nov. 15th.

[395] The Prince’s Life Guards: there were two troops, one commanded by

Lord Elcho, the other by Colonel Elphinstone, afterwards Lord Balmerino.

[396] The army left Manchester on 1st December. The quarrel which

caused Lord George Murray’s resignation of his commission as

lieut.-gen. took place at Carlisle on 15th November, when the command

was given to the Duke of Perth. Daniel cannot be correct in stating

that Lord George was not reinstated until the army was at Manchester;

the quarrel was made up before leaving Carlisle on November 20th, when

Lord George led the van. Daniel, who did not join the army until the

24th or 25th, is probably writing from hazy recollection of what he had

been told.

[397] Weir or Vere was the principal witness at the trials of the

officers taken prisoner at Carlisle.

[398] Jean Louis Ligonnier, generally termed Sir John Ligonier, K.B., a

naturalised French Protestant; b. at Castres, France, 1680; emigrated

to Dublin; fought under Marlborough through most of his campaigns;

major-general 1739; lieut.-general 1743; commanded the infantry at

Fontenoy; commanded the army sent to Staffordshire to oppose the

Jacobites, until relieved by the Duke of Cumberland, 27th November;

commander-in-chief 1757; created Viscount Ligonier 1757; Earl Ligonier

1766; field-marshal 1760; d. 1770. He had a brother Francis, who

succeeded Colonel Gardiner in command of the Dragoon regiment, now 13th

Hussars. Francis Ligonier, though suffering from pleurisy, fought at

Falkirk, caught more cold, and died a few days later.

[399] 6th December 1745 (Black Friday).

[400] The journals of the day and most authorities estimate the number

at about 800. They consisted of Lord John Drummond’s own French

regiment, ‘the Royal Scots,’ and the Irish picquets, or 50 men picked

from each of the six Irish regiments in the French service. Two of the

transports were taken on the voyage and 260 of all ranks made prisoner.

On the eve of Culloden, the French envoy reported to his government

that the numbers of French troops then were: Irish Picquets reduced

to a half but recruited by 148 prisoners and deserters up to 260 men;

Royal Scots about 350; detachment of Berwick’s regiment (p. 151) 42;

Fitzjames’s horse 131; making a total of about 780. (Cottin, _op. cit._

p. 36.)

[401] See _ante_, p. 143.

[402] ‘Tuesday, 10th December.--They have ordered a contribution of

£5000 for the insolence of the mob, but with much ado they have got it

to one-half, to raise it by one o’clock.’ (_Journal of Elizabeth Byrom,

Manchester, in 1745._)

[403] Hon. Arthur Elphinstone; b. 1688; held captain’s commission in

Shannon’s foot (25th, now King’s Own Scottish Borderers), which he

resigned in 1716 to join Mar’s Jacobite army; served in the French

army; on a pardon being offered to him he declined to accept it until

he had received the Chevalier’s consent, which was given; joined Prince

Charles at Edinburgh; received the command of the second troop of Life

Guards; on the death of his brother, 5th January 1746, he succeeded as

6th Lord Balmerino and 5th Lord Coupar; the army was then at Stirling.

The day after Culloden he surrendered to the Grants. Tried by the House

of Lords and condemned to death; beheaded, 18th August 1746.

[404] Col. James Alex. Grant or Grante, a member of the staff of the

French Royal Observatory. He landed at Montrose in October along with

the French envoy. He served as master of ordnance to Prince Charles.

He planned the siege of Carlisle, which succeeded. He communicated

a plan for the siege of Stirling Castle, which was abandoned, as it

exposed the town to destruction, and the charge was given to another

French engineer, Mirabel de Gordon, who utterly failed. Grant planned

the siege of Fort Augustus, which succeeded. He then planned the siege

of Fort William, but was disabled at the outset by a contusion from a

spent cannon ball: Mirabel was given charge of the siege, and again

signally failed. Grant prepared an elaborate map of the expedition,

published in French, English, and Italian editions, which are all

described in the _Itinerary_, pp. 104-107.

[405] The Yorkshire Hunters, a corps of volunteer cavalry, which did

not distinguish itself greatly. Its war-song, set to music, will be

found in the _Gentleman’s Magazine_, December 1745.

[406] Daniel probably means the Dutch troops, some of which landed at

Berwick and the Tyne in Sept. ’45. The Hessians did not come over until

Feb. ’46.

[407] See _ante_, p. 150.

[408] Should be Cluny Macpherson.

[409] This is the celebrated ‘Skirmish of Clifton,’ fought 18th

December; described by Sir Walter Scott in _Waverley_, chap. lix. and

note. Both sides claimed the victory. The late Chancellor Ferguson

wrote an exhaustive monograph on the subject (Kendal, 1889) showing

that both were technically right. The Jacobite rear-guard fought to

protect the army’s retreat to Carlisle, and entirely succeeded in their

object; Cumberland’s troops retained possession of the field, but

were too crippled to pursue. Daniel, I think, shows a certain animus

in entirely ignoring Lord George Murray, who directed this action and

fought it with great bravery and skill.

[410] At the surrender of Carlisle to Cumberland on 30th December the

following officers were captured:--

_English_, 20 officers and 1 chaplain--of these 9 officers and the

chaplain were executed;

_Scots_, 17 officers and 1 surgeon--of these 5 officers were executed;

_French_, 3 officers, who were treated as prisoners of war.

In addition 93 English, 256 Scots, 5 French non-commissioned officers

and men were taken prisoner.

[411] This date is wrong; it should be 20th December, the Prince’s

birthday and the day he left Carlisle. The date is often given as 31st

December, which is the New Style equivalent. Old Style was used in

Great Britain until 1752.

[412] The Rev. John Bisset, one of the ministers of St. Nicholas

Church, Aberdeen, from 1728 to 1756. He was a man of strong personality

who spoke his mind, and was not very popular with his brethren. Bisset

kept a Diary during the Rising of ’45, most of which is printed in the

_Spalding Club Misc._, vol. i. In that volume there is no reference to

this sermon, nor do I know when it was preached. It is referred to in

general terms by the late Mr. Watt in his _County History of Aberdeen

and Banff_, p. 303. The sermon was probably printed or Daniel could

not have quoted it, but Mr. P. J. Anderson, who has kindly searched

the Aberdeen University Library, cannot find a copy. Bisset, though

uncompromisingly inimical to the Jacobites, declined an official

meeting with the Duke of Cumberland as a member of the Aberdeen Synod,

but he obtained a private interview as ‘he had reasons for being

alone.’ Bisset so deeply offended the duke that he refused ever after

to enter a Presbyterian church. (Henderson, _Hist. of the Rebellion_,

5th ed., p. 307.)

[413] This refers to the Prince’s army. The Prince himself was never in

Aberdeen.

[414] A party of Dumfries townsfolk had cut off a detachment of the

Jacobite army’s baggage during the advance to England in November. As

a reprisal Prince Charles fined the town £2000. Only £1100 could be

raised in the time given, so he carried off the provost and another

citizen as security till the balance was paid. (_Scots Mag._, vii. 533,

581.)

[415] The army began to arrive on Christmas Day. Charles himself

entered on foot at the head of the clans on 26th December. He remained

in Glasgow until 3rd January.

[416] A very different story is told by Provost Cochrane of Glasgow,

who wrote: ‘Our very ladys had not the curiosity to go near him, and

declined going to a ball held by his chiefs. Very few were at the

windows when he made his appearance, and such as were declared him not

handsome. This no doubt fretted.’ (_Cochrane Correspondence_, Maitland

Club, p. 63.) Probably both versions have a certain amount of truth,

and the situation must have been similar to that of an earlier royalist

leader when riding through Edinburgh:--

‘As he rode down the sanctified bends of the Bow,

Ilk carline was flyting and shaking her pow;

But the young plants of grace they looked couthie and slee,

Thinking, luck to thy bonnet, thou Bonny Dundee!’

[417] The Prince’s Master of the Household says: ‘The Prince dressed

more elegantly when in Glasgow than he did in any other place

whatsomever.’ Lord Elcho says he was ‘dress’d in the French dress.’

[418] Mirabel de Gordon, a French engineer, who completely failed

at the siege of Stirling, as he afterwards did at the siege of Fort

William. Lord George Murray says of him that he understood his

business, but was so volatile he could not be depended upon: Lord

Macleod states that he was always drunk.

[419] Brown was a French-Irishman, a captain in Lally’s regiment, who

came over with the French envoy in October. He was left in Carlisle,

but escaped at the surrender. After Falkirk he was sent to France to

carry the news of the victory to Louis XV., who made him a colonel

in the French army. He returned to Scotland in March in the _Hazard_

sloop, which was driven ashore by four men-of-war at Tongue in

Sutherland, when the passengers and crew were captured by Lord Reay and

his militia.

[420] Probably William Maxwell of Carruchan, Kirkcudbrightshire, who

acted as chief engineer in the defence of Carlisle against the Duke of

Cumberland.

[421] See _ante_, pp. 173, 187. Whatever may have been expected or

mentioned verbally, Cumberland’s written conditions were: ‘All the

terms H.R.H. will or can grant to the rebel garrison at Carlisle are

that they shall not be put to the sword, but be reserved for the king’s

pleasure.’

[422] Lord George Murray was criticised at the time, even by his

friends, for being on foot fighting with his men instead of being on

horseback as a general watching the action and controlling events.

(Elcho, _Affairs of Scotland_, p. 376.) Criticism was also extended to

other generals and staff-officers, particularly to O’Sullivan, who was

never seen during the action and was accused of cowardice.

[423] Sir Robert Munro of Foulis, 24th baron and 5th bart.; b. 1684;

suc. 1729; M.P. for Wick Burghs 1710-41. His mother was an aunt of

Duncan Forbes of Culloden. Entered the army early, and was captain

in the Royal Scots by 1705; served under Marlborough in Flanders,

where he made a lifelong friendship with Colonel Gardiner (killed

at Prestonpans); a commissioner of the Forfeited Estates Commission

1716-40; appointed lieut.-colonel and commandant of the new Highland

Regiment (Black Watch) when embodied 1740; fought at Fontenoy; promoted

in June 1745 to be colonel in the 37th (now the Hampshire Regiment),

which he commanded at Falkirk.

Dr. Duncan Munro (b. 1687), Sir Robert’s brother, had been a doctor

in India but retired home in 1726. He accompanied his brother from

fraternal affection in the hope of being of use to him, for the colonel

was very corpulent.

For George of Culcairn, a third brother, who fell a victim in ’46, see

_ante_, p. 103.

[424] I am not aware of any ministers killed, though there may have

been some in the Glasgow and Paisley volunteer or militia regiments,

which suffered severely. In the Glasgow regiment, commanded by the Earl

of Home, was John Home, afterwards celebrated as author of _Douglas_

and of a _History of the Rebellion_. He was lieutenant, and during

the battle in command of a company of Edinburgh volunteers. Home

with several other volunteers was taken prisoner and lodged in Doune

Castle. One of the prisoners was the Rev. John Witherspoon (1723-94),

then minister of Beith, near Paisley; afterwards in 1768 president of

Princeton College, New Jersey, a leader in the American Revolution, and

a very active member of the first congress of the United States. Home

gives a graphic account of their escape in his history. Later in the

year Home became minister of Athelstaneford in East Lothian.

[425] Lockhart was a major in Cholmondeley’s regiment, the 34th (now

the Border Regiment). He was taken prisoner at Falkirk and released

on parole. After Culloden he especially distinguished himself by

extraordinary barbarity and the perpetration of terrible cruelties on

the hunted fugitives. For instances refer to the _Lyon in Mourning_.

[426] Every man of common sense who has the least Idea of Military

Matters must well know that, where there is only a small Body of

Cavalry attached to an army of light Infantry, as in this case, such

Cavalry must be inevitably harrassed because there are not many bodies

of horse to relieve each other. [Note in the Drummond Castle MS.]

[427] A village between Stirling and Bannockburn; spelt St. Ninians,

but locally pronounced St. Ringans.

[428] John Baggot, see _ante_, p. 150.

[429] See _ante_, p. 101.

[430] Gordon Castle.

[431] See _ante_, p. 151.

[432] This is a vague and incorrect report, probably the camp rumour,

of Lord George Murray’s doings at this time. By a remarkable secret

march from Inverness, he simultaneously surprised, on 17th March, a

large number of military posts garrisoned by the Government militia in

Perthshire, taking 300 prisoners. He then laid siege to Blair Castle,

defended by Sir Andrew Agnew, but his guns were too small to hurt the

old castle. He probably would have starved out the garrison, but the

advance of Cumberland’s army caused his recall to Inverness.

[433] This being from an enemy is perhaps the most flattering tribute

to President Forbes’s achievement for his Government.

[434] Cf. _post_, p. 364.

[435] See _ante_, p. 155.

[436] See _ante_, p. 157.

[437] Cumberland left Aberdeen on 8th April.

[438] Lady Catherine Gordon, daughter of the 2nd Earl of Aberdeen.

[439] See _post_, p. 230.

[440] 15th April.

[441] This is a calumny founded on ignorance of what was passing at

a distance from the local situation of the writer--Lord George was

leading the van to the attack of the Enemy’s Camp, which would have

been surprised if the rear division had not hung back, and retarded

the advance of the van ’till it was too late to storm. [Note in the

Drummond Castle MS.]

[442] The fact was directly the Reverse--Lord George had used every

endeavour to induce the Prince to cross the River, and occupy strong

ground which Brigadier Stapleton[656] and Colonel Kerr[657] had

examined two days before at his Lordships desire. [Note in the Drummond

Castle MS.][658]

[443] Ruthven in Badenoch, on the east side of the Spey, near Kingussie.

[444] Daniel is a little out in his recollection of time. Culloden was

fought on 16th April, while he left Scotland on 4th May (see p. 223),

only eighteen days after the battle.

[445] This gold was 40,000 louis d’ors. Part of it, ‘Cluny’s Treasure,’

was concealed in Loch Arkaig, and left there for nine years under the

care of Cluny Macpherson.

[446] The British ships were the _Greyhound_, the _Baltimore_, and the

_Terror_. (_S. M._, viii. 238.)

[447] William Harrison, a native of Strathbogie, who, when most of

his brethren had been taken prisoner or driven from their charges,

went to the sheriff of Argyllshire, ‘told him frankly that he was a

Catholic priest, but had neither done nor meant harm to anybody, and

begged protection. The sheriff was well pleased with his confidence,

and gave him a paper signed by himself requiring of everybody to allow

him to go about his lawful business unmolested. In consequence of this,

Mr. Harrison, in the summers of 1746 and 1747, visited almost all the

Catholics in the Highlands, administering the sacraments, and exhorting

the people to patience and perseverance in the faith.’ (Bishop Geddes’s

MS.)

[448] The ships left Lochnanuagh on May 4th. (_L. in M._, iii. 383;

_Scots Mag._, viii. 239.)

[449] Son of Thomas Sheridan, a fellow of Trinity College, Dublin,

D.C.L. (Oxon.) and F.R.S., an Irish Protestant who followed James II.

into exile and became his private secretary. His wife (it is said)

was a natural daughter of the king. The son, Sir Thomas, who was a

Catholic, was engaged in the ’15; appointed tutor to Prince Charles

1724 or ’25, and created a baronet ’26. Attended the Prince at the

siege of Gaeta ’34. In April ’44 after the abandonment of the French

invasion the Prince asked for him, and his father reluctantly sent

Sheridan to France, warning his son to be careful in his dealings with

him. Sheridan accompanied the Prince to Scotland and acted as his

private secretary throughout the campaign. On arrival in France in ’46

he was summoned to Rome by the Chevalier; accused of deserting the

Prince but exhibited his written orders to leave. He died at Rome a few

months later, his death being variously attributed to mortification at

the Chevalier’s reproaches, or to grief at the Prince’s disasters.

[450] He had accompanied the Marquis d’Eguilles to Scotland as

interpreter.

[451] John Hay of Restalrig, near Edinburgh, brother of Thomas Hay,

Lord Huntington, who married the sister of John Murray of Broughton

(see p. 49). He was an Edinburgh Writer to the Signet, admitted 1726;

Substitute-Keeper of the Signet 1725-41 and 1742-46; fiscal 1732-34;

treasurer 1736-46. He acted as treasurer to the Prince, and when

Murray of Broughton fell ill at Inverness in March he succeeded him

as Secretary. Lord George Murray attributed much of the disaster of

Culloden to his neglect or inefficiency in provisioning the army, a

duty which Murray had always performed well. Hay held a colonel’s

commission in the Jacobite army. He attached himself to Prince Charles

after leaving Scotland, became major-domo of his household when he went

to Rome after his father’s death in 1766; created a Jacobite baronet in

that year; dismissed in 1768; returned to Scotland 1771; died 1784.

[452] Alexander Macleod, an Edinburgh advocate, was aide-de-camp to the

Prince throughout the campaign. His father, John, also an advocate, was

a grandson of Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and was a first cousin of

Lady Clanranald. He had purchased Muiravonside in Stirlingshire, two

miles from Linlithgow. Alexander was sent from Edinburgh in September

to summon to the Prince’s standard Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat

and Macleod of Macleod, both his near kinsmen. This mission, in which

he failed owing to the stronger influence of Duncan Forbes, brought

on him the special anger of the Government. He was attainted, and for

thirty-two years he wandered in the wildest regions of the Western

Highlands and Islands. He received a pardon in 1778, and died in 1784.

He was in Raasay when Dr. Johnson and Boswell visited that island

in September 1773. He was generally known as Sandie Macleod in the

Islands, and had also acquired the nickname of M‘Cruslick, signifying a

cross between Proteus and Don Quixote. He possessed the most boisterous

spirits, which delighted Johnson and irritated Boswell.

[453] See _post_, p. 230, _n._ 2.

[454] Allan Macdowell is a mistake for Macdonell or rather Macdonald,

as his name is afterwards correctly spelled. He was a ‘native of the

Isles’ and a clansman of Clanranald’s; he went out with the clan as

chaplain when the standard was raised, and continued with the army

until the end of the campaign. He also acted as confessor to the

Prince. He and Æneas M‘Gillis, the chaplain of Glengarry’s men, were

the only priests that accompanied the Highlanders to Prestonpans.

They wore the Highland dress, with sword and pistol, and were styled

captains. At the battle of Falkirk Mr. Macdonald rode along the line

and gave his blessing, which the Catholics received kneeling. From

Culloden he accompanied the Prince in his flight and in the earlier

part of his wanderings, leaving him at Scalpa. Later on he was

apprehended in South Uist, and sent with some other priests to London

in Ferguson’s ship the _Furness_. He and four other clergymen were

examined by the Duke of Newcastle, who informed them that they might

leave the country on finding bail for £1000 each not to return. They

pointed out that the bail was quite beyond their power, on which the

Duke smilingly replied that they were honest men and he would take each

man’s bail for the other. Macdonald went to Paris, and in 1748 to Rome,

where he lived for many years. (Bishop Geddes’s MS.) I do not know if

he ever returned.

[455] _Sic_ in _N. M. Mag._ Most likely an error caused by careless

transcription and meant to read, ‘to Gortlick’s house [not horge] a

gentleman of the name of Thomas Fraser.’ Gortlick, more generally spelt

Gortuleg, belonged to Thomas Fraser, a cadet of Lovat’s. It was in

this house and on this occasion that Prince Charles had his memorable

meeting with Lord Lovat which is dramatically described by Mrs. Grant

of Laggan. (See _Wariston’s Diary and Other Papers_, p. 265, Scot.

Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.)

[456] Stratherrick.

[457] Neil, who at this period is writing from hearsay, is quite wrong

here. Glengarry was not at home and the house was ‘without meat, drink,

fire or candle, except some firr-sticks!’ Had Ned Bourke not netted a

couple of salmon, there would have been nothing to eat. (_L. in M._, i.

89, 191.)

[458] Angus MacEachain (or Macdonald) was a son-in-law of Angus

Macdonald of Borradale. He had served in the campaign as a surgeon in

Glengarry’s regiment.

The family of MacEachain-Macdonald of Drimindarach, Arisaig, was a

branch of the Clanranalds, descended from Eachain (or Hector), a

younger son of Roderick, 2nd Clanranald. Neil MacEachain was of the

MacEachains of Howbeg, a junior branch of the sept. Both families have

long since resumed their earlier name, Macdonald, dropping the name

MacEachain.

[459] This was the Prince’s second visit to Borradale House on

Lochnanuagh. It was here he stayed on his first landing in July 1745.

He came again to Borradale in July 1746, after his wanderings in the

Hebrides, by which time the house had been burned down by Cumberland’s

soldiers; he finally returned to Borradale on 19th September, whence

he sailed for France the following day. Angus Macdonald, the tacksman

of Borradale, was a son of the 5th laird of Glenaladale, a cadet of

Clanranald’s, and was a first cousin of Flora Macdonald. Borradale’s

descendant, Colonel John Andrew Macdonald, is to-day laird of

Glenaladale.

[460] Captain Felix O’Neille, born at Rome, son of a brigadier in the

Spanish service. He served in the Spanish army until 1744, when he

joined Lally’s French-Irish regiment as captain. Was sent to Scotland

with despatches from the Duc de Richelieu in March 1746. After Culloden

he accompanied Prince Charles during the first two months of his

wanderings and shared his discomforts. He was captured in Benbecula by

Captain John Ferguson of the _Furness_. He was confined in Edinburgh

Castle until February 1747, when he was released on parole and

subsequently exchanged (_Scots Mag._, ix. 92). He wrote a journal of

his wanderings, which is printed in _The Lyon_, i. 102, 365.

[461] John William O’Sullivan; b. in Co. Kerry, 1700; educated in

France and Rome for the priesthood, and, it is said (Fielding’s _True

Patriot_), took orders. Entered the family of Maréchal de Maillebois

as tutor, afterwards secretary. Joined the French army and served

under Maillebois in Corsica; afterwards in Italy and on the Rhine.

Recommended to D’Argenson as an officer ‘who understood the irregular

art of war better than any other man in Europe, nor was his knowledge

in the regular much inferior to that of the best general living.’

Entered the household of Prince Charles about 1744; accompanied him to

Scotland and acted as adjutant-general, as well as private adviser,

during the campaign. Was with the Prince in his wanderings until 20th

June. Escaped to France in a French cutter. Knighted by the Chevalier

about Christmas 1746, and created by him a baronet of Ireland 1753.

Date of death not ascertained.

[462] Donald Macleod of Gualtergil, on Dunvegan Loch, Skye, the

faithful ‘Palinurus’ of Prince Charles from 21st April to 20th June. He

was captured in Benbecula in July, and taken to London in Ferguson’s

ship; released June ’47; died at Gualtergil in May ’49, aged 72. His

wife was a sister of Macdonald of Borradale and a first cousin of Flora

Macdonald.

[463] It seems absurd to write of seizing the boat and stealing away.

In addition to the Prince’s five attendants, O’Sullivan, O’Neil, Allan

Macdonald, Ned Bourke, and Donald Macleod, there was a crew of seven

boatmen, probably the servants of Borradale who must have known. It is

true, however, that the Prince’s intended departure was concealed from

most of the Jacobite officers assembled in Arisaig.

[464] Neil is right as to the day of the week, but wrong as to the day

of the month. It should be Sunday, 27th April. See _Itinerary_.

[465] Rev. John Macaulay, son of the Rev. Aulay Macaulay, minister of

Harris, was ordained parish minister of South Uist in May 1745. He was

subsequently minister of Lismore and Appin 1755; Inverary 1765, and

finally of Cardross 1775. He died 1789. At Inveraray he had a good deal

of intercourse with Dr. Johnson in 1773, duly recorded by Boswell in

the _Tour to the Hebrides_. John Macaulay was the father of Zachary

Macaulay, and grandfather of Lord Macaulay.

[466] _i.e._ Neil MacEachain.

[467] Rev. Aulay Macaulay, formerly of Tyree; appointed to Harris 1712;

died 1758; aged about eighty-five.

[468] Rev. Colin Mackenzie was not minister of Stornoway but of Lochs,

the parish to the south of Stornoway.

[469] Should be 30th April.

[470] Donald Campbell was the brother-in-law of Hugh Macdonald of

Baleshare and of Donald Roy Macdonald, the former of whom is mentioned

later on; the latter, though of the family of Sleat, had served in

Glengarry’s regiment. Donald Roy took over charge of the Prince when he

said farewell to Flora Macdonald at Portree in Skye. (_L. in M._, ii.

21.) An anecdote of Campbell’s fidelity to the Prince when he protected

him against a party headed by Aulay Macaulay the minister is given in

the _Itinerary_. Neil MacEachain does not love Donald Campbell, but Ned

Bourke, who was one of the party, calls him ‘one of the best, honestest

fellows that ever drew breath.’ (_L. in M._, i. 191.)

[471] Lady Kildin should be spelt Kildun. This lady was the wife of

Colin Mackenzie of Kildun, a grandson of the 2nd Earl of Seaforth.

Mackenzie’s sister was the second wife of Donald, 16th Clanranald,

the mother of Macdonald of Boisdale, and stepmother of old Clanranald

of the ’45. From private letters belonging to Frances, Lady Muir

Mackenzie, I find that Colin Mackenzie was then in London.

[472] Neil MacEachain is all wrong here in the sequence of events and

in his dates. He was writing from hearsay only. The true sequence will

be found with authorities for the same in the _Itinerary_, pp. 48-50.

[473] A quarter of a peck of oatmeal not threshed, but burnt out of the

ear.

[474] This was strictly in accordance with Hebridean honesty, continued

to this day. The Prince desired to leave money on the rocks to pay for

the fish, but O’Sullivan and O’Neille (_not_ the islanders) dissuaded

him. Cf. _L. in M._, i. 172.

[475] Prince Charles landed in Benbecula, Clanranald’s island, on 11th

May, and from this time onward Neil writes from knowledge, not hearsay.

[476] South Uist.

[477] Ranald was afterwards taken prisoner and sent to London.

[478] Corradale is a picturesque valley situated in the mountainous

part of South Uist, which occupies the middle of the east side of the

island, whose northern, western, and southern confines are wonderfully

flat. Corradale lies about the middle of this district, running

north-west from the sea, between the mountains Hekla and Benmore, each

about 2000 feet high. If approached by sea it was easy for a fugitive

to get away to inaccessible hiding-places in the mountains, while

if attacked from the land he could escape by sea. Prince Charles’s

lodging was a forester’s house not far from the shore. On the north

side of the glen, close to the sea, there is a fairly commodious cave,

traditionally but erroneously the dwelling-place of the Prince. This

cave was probably the rock under which Neil left the Prince while he

looked for strangers. Considering the weather to be expected in this

island, there can be little doubt that the Prince often sat there for

shelter while he looked out for passing ships, as the cave commands an

excellent view of the offing to the south-east.

[479] The actual stay at Corradale was from 14th May to 5th June,

although the Prince was in South Uist until 24th June. For details, see

the _Itinerary_.

[480] See _ante_, p. 213, and Introduction.

[481] Moidart.

[482] In _Ordnance Survey_ Glen Quoich, to the west of Loch Garry. I

have no knowledge of the actions here referred to.

[483] Donald Macdonald, second son of Clanranald, served as captain

in his brother ‘Young Clanranald’s’ regiment throughout the campaign.

His mother was Margaret, d. of William Macleod of Luskintyre, son of

Sir Norman Macleod of Bernera, and Catherine, d. of Sir James ‘Mor’

Macdonald of Sleat, 2nd bart. Donald’s uncle, Alexander Macleod, was at

this time laird of Luskintyre in Harris. Donald was afterwards captured

and imprisoned in Edinburgh Castle, but discharged without trial. In

1756 he joined Fraser’s Highlanders (the Master of Lovat’s); fought

with Wolfe at Quebec and was killed in a subsequent action.

[484] _i.e._ Boisdale.

[485] Hugh Macdonald of Baleshare, an island to the south-west of

North Uist, was of the Sleat family, his father being a natural son

of Sir James ‘Mor,’ 2nd bart., and his mother a daughter of the 13th

Clanranald. As Sir Alexander of Sleat and Lady Clanranald were both

great-grandchildren of Sir James ‘Mor,’ they were nearly related to

Baleshare, being in the Scots phrase ‘first-cousins once removed.’

Baleshare’s sister was the wife of Donald Campbell, the Prince’s

host in Scalpa. Hugh of Baleshare had been sent to South Uist by

Lady Margaret Macdonald, the wife of Sir Alexander of Sleat then in

attendance on Cumberland at Fort Augustus, while his men were out

against the broken Jacobites. Lady Margaret had sent Baleshare secretly

with money and little luxuries to relieve the Prince’s discomfort and

to help him generally. At one time it was proposed that Baleshare

should conceal Prince Charles in his own island, but the scheme was

abandoned as it might compromise his chief, Sir Alexander.

[486] This power of drinking seems to have made a great impression.

Baleshare told Bishop Forbes that the Prince ‘still had the better

of us, and even of Boystill [Boysdale] himself, notwithstanding his

being as able a boulman as any in Scotland.’ It is generally assumed

that Prince Charles acquired his drinking habits as a result of his

hardships in Scotland, yet his anxious father had detected symptoms of

an over-fondness for wine even before he left Rome in 1744. In a letter

to Colonel O’Bryen (Lord Lismore), his envoy at the French Court, in

August 1745, the Old Chevalier writes: ‘La grande vivacité du Prince,

son penchant pour toutes sortes de divertissements, et un peu trop de

goût qu’il sembloit alors avoir pour le vin, leur ont faire croire

faussement qu’ils avoient gagné quelque chose sur son esprit et il

devint bientôt par là leur Héros.’ (Stuart Papers, Browne, _Hist. of

the High._, iii. 445.)

[487] See _post_, p. 249, _n._ 3.

[488] Should be Ulinish. He was a first cousin of Sir Alexander

Macdonald, whose mother was a Macleod of Greshornish. Alexander Macleod

was made sheriff-substitute in Skye in 1773. In 1791 he was alive and

in his 100th year.

[489] Captain John Ferguson was the fourth son of George Ferguson,

one of six brothers, members of a family long resident at Inverurie.

The eldest was the celebrated or notorious ‘Ferguson the Plotter’ of

the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries; other brothers

founded the families of Pitfour and Kinmundy. George lived and died

at Old Meldrum near Inverurie, so it may be supposed that his son,

John, was born there. Nothing is known of his early career, but in

1746 John Ferguson was in command of H.M.S. _Furness_, (which is

always spelt _Furnace_ in the Scottish journals and narratives of the

time), and was employed in hunting fugitive Jacobites. He was the

‘black captain’ of the ’45, one of the most active and ruthless of the

Government officers. His cruelties are a constant theme in Jacobite

annals (see the _Lyon_ from the index). Captain O’Neille, who was one

of his prisoners, states that Ferguson used him with the barbarity of a

pirate, stripped him, and ordered him to be put into a rack and whipped

by his hangman because he would not confess where he thought the Prince

was. (_L. in M._, i. 374.) Ferguson was promoted in the same year, by

the express interference and recommendation of the Duke of Cumberland,

to be captain of the _Nightingale_, a new frigate just launched. He

died in 1767. (_Records of Clan Ferguson_, p. 280.) Ferguson’s greatest

exploit was the capture of Lord Lovat, which was effected with skill.

Lovat had taken refuge in an island on Loch Morar, a fresh-water lake,

and had removed all the boats on the loch to the island. Ferguson

landed a party, who saw the fugitives, whom they could not reach, and

by whom they were greeted with cries of derision. He then sent a boat

ashore from his ship, carried it over a mile or so of rugged country,

and launched it on Loch Morar. Lovat’s party rowed rapidly up the loch,

and got on shore, but after three days’ concealment, the old lord,

unable from infirmities to continue the struggle, determined to give

himself up, sent word to his pursuers and surrendered to Captain Dugald

Campbell of Achacrossan of the Argyll Militia.

[490] Fuyia, which I have corrected from Fugia in the _N. M. Maga._, as

it is a manifest error of the copyist or printer. Fuyia gives the local

pronunciation of the name of the island, which is generally spelt Ouia

in the _Lyon_, and Wiay in the Ordnance Survey maps. It is spelt Fouay

on p. 253.

[491] Alexander Macdonald of Boisdale (Clanranald’s step-brother) was

carried prisoner to London, and kept there until July 1747, when he was

released.

[492] This was Boisdale’s third wife, Anne, daughter of Macneil of

Barra.

[493] Captain Carolina Frederick Scott shares with Ferguson and

Lockhart eternal infamy for his superlative cruelty to the hunted

Jacobites of the Western Highlands. I found his name and that of

Ferguson still perfectly remembered in the Outer Hebrides, and received

with execrations. He was an officer of Guise’s regiment, the 6th

(now the Royal Warwickshire). His satanic zeal, like Ferguson’s, was

rewarded with promotion. In November 1746 he was appointed major in

his regiment in the room of Major Wentworth, who was cashiered for

surrendering Fort Augustus to the Jacobites (March 5th), when three

companies of Guise’s regiment were made prisoners of war.

[494] Meaning Captain O’Neille.

[495] This is the Beinchillkoinnich of the _Lyon_ (i. 329), the Beinn

Ruigh Choinnich of the _Ordnance Survey_; a hill on the north side

of Loch Boisdale, 900 feet high, from whence the low-lying country

of South Uist can be viewed from sea to sea. On the northern spur

there is a cave accessible only by a precipitous narrow ledge, where

shelter from the weather could be had and an outlook to the Minch.

Local tradition associates this cave with the Prince. He possibly took

shelter there on this momentous day. South Uist, even in summer, is a

very rainy island.

[496] Hugh Macdonald of Armadale, in Skye, was Flora Macdonald’s

step-father. He was a grandson of Sir James ‘Mor’ Macdonald of

Sleat, and was thus a first cousin of Sir Alexander’s father, and of

Lady Clanranald’s father, as well as of Baleshare and Mrs. Campbell

of Scalpa. He was a captain in one of Sir Alexander Macdonald’s

independent companies out against Prince Charles. He had formerly been

an officer in the French army. (Henderson’s _Life of Cumberland_, p.

299.)

[497] Daughter of Alexander (Montgomerie), 9th Earl of Eglinton.

Married as his second wife to Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat; d. 1799.

[498] At Alisary, on the slopes of Sheaval, a hill to the south of

Loch Eynort, and rising to the north-east from Flora’s old home of

Milton (or Arrivoulin) on the low ground near the ocean. This was the

hill pasture of her brother’s farm to which the cattle were driven in

summer, while the owners occupied ‘shielings’ or temporary huts in the

neighbourhood. It was an excellent place to meet. The western side of

the island is a wide belt of dead level links formed by the sand thrown

up by the swell of the Atlantic, and known as ‘the Machar.’ No wayfarer

on the Machar could easily escape detection even if he were miles away,

and it was the night of the full moon. Flora’s shieling was near the

western end of the hill region of South Uist, and just about as far

west as the Prince could have dared to go without losing the shelter of

the hills.

[499] Benbecula, that part of the ‘Long Island’ lying between North and

South Uist, and joined to these islands by sea-fords passable only at

low tide and thus easily guarded.

[500] I found that the custom of nick-naming local notabilities after

distinguished statesmen still exists. When I was visiting these islands

fifteen years ago I met a crofter known as ‘Gladstone’ on account of

his financial ability and his persuasive powers of (Gaelic) oratory,

and there were others whose nick-names I have forgotten.

[501] I obtained a very interesting confirmation of this story from

an aged cailliach when in the islands. She told me that a family of

Campbells, who lived near Loch Eynort or Loch Skipport, had rowed

the Prince and Neil MacEachain to Benbecula, and that the Prince was

furiously angry with them; but her explanation of his anger was that

the boatmen were Campbells, a name not beloved in the Outer Hebrides:

no one had ever thought of the terrifying effect of a tidal island on a

stranger. Cf. R. L. Stevenson’s _Kidnapped_, ch. xiv.

[502] A tenant who takes stock from the landlord and shares with him in

the increase.

[503] Clanranald’s residence in Benbecula.

[504] A hill named Rueval, 400 feet above sea level, the only high

ground on a very flat island. A projecting rock, on the south side of

the hill, which gives considerable shelter and affords a wonderful view

of the country, is probably the spot where the Prince lay waiting for

Flora.

[505] John Campbell of Mamore; b. about 1693; d. 1770; suc. as

Duke of Argyll on the death of his cousin, the 3rd duke, in 1761.

He had command of the troops in the west of Scotland in 1745, with

headquarters at Dumbarton. He pursued Prince Charles through the

islands, hunting for him as far away as St. Kilda. He was on his way

back from that island when he nearly captured the Prince at Benbecula.

Many of the Jacobite prisoners passed through his hands, and, as a

rule, he was kind to them, contrasting favourably with such men as

Scott and Ferguson.

[506] Spelt Loch Uskavagh in the _Ordnance Survey_.

[507] _i.e._ Neil MacEachain.

[508] The home of Sir Alexander of Sleat at this time was Monkstat

House (also spelt Mongstat, Mougstot and other variations), in the

parish of Kilmuir, Trotternish. It was built on the site of an ancient

monastic foundation near the shores of a lake named Columbkill, since

then drained and parcelled into crofts. The ancient home of the

family was Duntulm Castle, about five miles north of Monkstat, but

during the troubles of the Revolution it is said to have been burnt

by a party landed from a warship. Local legendary lore gives various

other versions of the reason for abandoning Duntulm. By one account

the family was driven from the castle by the ghost of Donald Gorm, a

sixteenth-century ancestor. By another, it was owing to the death of

a child of the family, who was killed by a fall from a window of the

castle, which is built on the edge of a precipitous rock overhanging

the sea. Monkstat was built in its stead.

[509] Alexander Macdonald of Kingsburgh, a senior cadet of the Sleat

family, was the 6th in descent from James, a younger son of Donald

Gruamach, 6th in descent from John, Lord of the Isles and the Princess

Margaret. Kingsburgh was Sir Alexander’s factor in 1746. His house was

on Loch Snizort, about eight miles south of Monkstat.

[510] The garrison belonged to the Macleod Militia, and the officer in

command was Alexander, son of Donald Macleod of Balmeanach.

[511] Robert Craigie of Glendoick, Perthshire; b. 1685; advocate 1710;

Lord Advocate 1742-46; Lord President 1754; d. 1760.

[512] APP. 1. Printed in _Chiefs of Grant_, ii. 144. From Edinburgh,

telling of rumours of the Pretender’s eldest son who had sailed from

France. Requesting intelligence for government and expressing his

belief that Grant will do all in his power to support government.

[513] APP. 2. _C. of G._, ii. 146. Of Grant’s zeal for H. M. and

the government he never doubted. First intelligence ridiculously

exaggerated, and had delayed military advance, but now Cope will be

soon in your neighbourhood which ‘with the assistance of H. M. friends

it’s hoped will restore quiet to the country.’

[514] Near Aberfeldy; Cope reached it when marching to the Highlands

from Stirling on 23rd Aug. He reached Trinifuir the 24th; Dalnacardoch

25th; Dalwhinny 26th.

[515] App. 3. _Mr. Grant to Sir John Cope, dated 25th Aug._--Upon the

first Information I had of the Pretender’s son landing in the north

west Highlands I came to this part of the Country, and conveened all

the Gentlemen of my name, and gave them Directions to prepare as well

as they could to keep the Peace of the Country. I and my Friends have

had great vengeance denounced against us by those Clans, who are in

arms, for the appearance we made for the Government at the Revolution,

and in the year 1715. We have been preparing to defend ourselves the

best we could; But now all my Fears are dissipate, as I am informed you

are marching to attack those Rebells, when I think of your abilitys and

experience, no doubt can remain with me, but that the Highlanders will

run before you. I wish you from my heart all Success. I have sent the

Bearer a cousin of mine who has served several years in the army, to

give you all the Information he can, and to assure you of my zeal for

the Support of his Majestys Service and Government, I am with esteem,

Sir, etc.

[516] This date is wrong; Cope reached Ruthven 27th August; Dalrachny’s

(Carrbridge) 28th August; Inverness 29th August. (See _Itinerary_ and

authorities there quoted.)

[517] All this is disingenuous and quite anachronic. The Duke of Perth,

it is true, had fled from Drummond Castle on 24th July, and taken

refuge in Braemar, but he had left long before this, for he was back at

Machany in Perthshire on 9th August. (_Jac. Lairds of Gask_, pp. 103,

104.) Cluny Macpherson at this time had declared openly for government,

had accepted a commission as captain in Lord Loudoun’s Highland

regiment, and was now actually raising his men for King George. He was

seized by Lochiel on 28th August, carried prisoner to Perth, and not

released until the 9th or 10th September, when he undertook to join the

Prince. He returned to Badenoch, and not until then raised his men for

the Stuart Cause. The Mackintoshes at this time were arming for King

George, under their chief, who was a captain in the Highland regiment

(Black Watch); it was not until considerably later that they deserted

their chief to join Prince Charles under Lady Mackintosh.

[518] Alexander Brodie of Brodie, Morayshire; M.P. Inverness Burghs;

appointed Lyon-King-of-Arms 1727; d. 1754. His daughter married John,

eldest son of Macleod of the ’45.

[519] APP. 4. _C. of G._, ii. 149. A letter of indignant remonstrance.

Cope cannot attack highlanders in their passes or strongholds without

highlanders to flank the regular troops. If the king’s highland

friends fail him we are undone, and all of us must be at the mercy

of the rebels. The writer is told that Grant’s people refuse to join

him (Grant) if he joins Cope or marches out of his own country. Let

him beware of counsels that will lead to his ruin. Grant should not

give himself the airs of having a clan that can support and serve the

government if when it comes to the push they tell him they won’t go

along with him. Grant had written to Cope expressing his readiness

to join and assist him, but he would neither join him nor assist him

with one man, nor go near him, although Cope stopped at Aviemore and

spent the night at Dalrachny’s (Carrbridge) within ten miles of Grant.

Rose of Kilravock, Lord Moray, General Cope and President Forbes are

all disappointed with him. Grant’s uncle, the major (governor of Fort

George, Inverness Castle) is very angry. It would have been far better

if Grant had given no assurances if he were not sure he could fulfil

them. The writer is distressed about what people are saying of Grant

at Inverness. How glorious it would have been if he had been the first

man in the country to join the king’s forces. The President has got two

hundred stand of arms for the laird of Mackintosh, who is to join Cope

with two hundred men. Munro, Mackays, Sutherland, Seaforth and others

are raising their men for government. The writer is to meet Cope and

President Forbes on Tuesday (3rd September), what is he to say of or

for Grant at that interview?

A separate piece of paper contains this rider, ‘I would not have been

so strong if it had not been with a design, that you might show it to

those of your own people that I am told are not for leaving your own

countrey; so hope you’ll forgive any strong expressions, as my meaning

is to serve you.’

[520] Ludovick Grant’s uncle.

[521] APP. 5. _C. of G._, ii. 152. Duke of Gordon claims a right

to the superiority over Morange, and Glenbucket (the Duke’s former

commissioner) was threatening the people if they did not join him.

[522] App. 6. _C. of G._, ii. 155. Grant’s situation had made it

absolutely impossible to wait on Cope when in his neighbourhood;

tells of Glenbucket’s movements; also that very few have joined the

Pretender’s son north of Badenoch; Glenbucket only got 130 men from

Strathdoune (Strathavon) and Glenlivet.

[523] James Ogilvy, eldest son of the 5th Earl of Findlater and 2nd

Earl of Seafield; b. 1715; suc. as 6th Earl 1764; d. 1770. He was a

brother-in-law of Lord George Murray, being married to his step-sister

Lady Mary. He was also brother-in-law to Ludovick Grant, who married

(1735) Deskford’s sister, Lady Margaret, a union which two generations

later (1811) brought the Earldom of Seafield (but not of Findlater) to

the Grant family.

[524] APP. 7. _C. of G._, ii. 160. Protests against the granting of

one company only, but Lord Deskford has explained and he acquiesces;

he names as officers for the independent company--Capt., Grant of

Rothiemurchus; Lieut., Robert Grant, son of Easter Duthill; Ensign,

William Grant, yr., of Dellachapple.

[525] APP. 8. _C. of G._, ii. 160. (From Culloden.)

[526] APP. 9. _C. of G._, ii. 162. (From Culloden.)

[527] The Macphersons under Cluny joined the Prince at Edinburgh (nine

or ten marches distant) on 31st October. The Mackintoshes joined the

reserves at Perth (five marches) on 30th October.

[528] Accidentally shot at Falkirk the day after the battle.

[529] APP. 10. _Angus MacDonell, second son to Glengerry, to the

Baillie of Urquhart, dated Delchannie, 30th Sept._--This serves to

give you notice, that I am this far on my way to Glengerry, and being

clad with the Princes orders to burn and harrass all People that does

not immediately join the Standart and as I have particular orders to

raise your Country, I do by these begg the Favour of you on receipt of

this to have at least 100 men ready in 5 days after receipt of this to

join my Standart at Invergarry, and tho contrary to my Inclinations,

in case of not due Obedience to this my demand, I shall march to

your Country with the Gentlemen here in Company, Keppoch’s Brother

and Tirnadrish,[659] etc. and shall put my orders in Execution with

all Rigour. And as I have the Greatest Regard for Grant and all his

Concerns, I begg you’ll neither give your Country nor me any Trouble,

I do not chuse to give, and your ready Compliance with this will much

oblige him, who is sincerely, Dr. Sir, your most humble servant.

_P.S._--Let me have your answer p bearer, which will determine me how

to behave.

APP. 11. _Mr. Grant to the Gentlemen of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant,

6th Oct._--Auchmony has communicate to me the Subject you have had

lately under your deliberation. All the Return I will give you,

considering what I formerly wrote to my Chamberlain, and which he

communicate to you is this, That whoever among you dont comply with my

directions in this present conjuncture, which is to remain peaceable at

home, and to be ready to receive my Directions as your Superior, and as

Master of my own Estate, must resolve to obey me at your own Peril. And

as I have firmly determined that whosoever shall insult me or disturb

any part of my Estate shall meet with the Returns such an Insult shall

merite. I am hopefull none of my neighbours will act a part by me,

which I could not nor cannot allow myself to think them capable of. I

cannot conceive the least title any man can have to command any of my

vassals or Tenants, but myself, therefore whoever deserts me to follow

any other at this Time, I must look upon it as a disobedience to me,

which I will never forgive or forget to them and theirs. I am perfectly

persuaded all the tenants will adhere and keep firm to me, if they are

not led astray by bad advice, which I hope they will not follow.--I am,

Gentlemen, your Friend and will continue so, if not your own Fault.

APP. 12. _The Baillie of Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated Bellmackaen, 8th

Oct._--In obedience to your orders I convened all the Tenents of this

Country this day, in order to March them to Strathspey, and there was

only 60 or 70 of the Tenents, that agreed to go with me. Dell and I

came with all the men that joined us the length of Drumbuie, so far

on our way to Strathspey, and Coll MacDonald and all the Gentlemen of

this Country came up with us there, and one and all of the Gentlemen

but Sheuglie and his son swore publickly to the Tenents, if they did

not return immediately or two nights thereafter, that all their Corns

would be burnt and destroyed, and all their Cattle carried away. And

when the Tenents were so much threatned by the Gentlemen as well as by

Mr. MacDonald, they would not follow me one foot further. And upon the

Tenents returning Mr. MacDonald assured me, that this Country would be

quite safe from any hurt from him and not only so; but as some of the

Gentlemen that came north with him, had the same orders as he had to

destroy this Country, if we did not join them, he sincerely assured me,

he would do all he could to prevent these Gentlemen from coming. And if

he could not prevail upon them to keep back, that he would run me an

Express in a few days to put me on my guard, and acquaint me of their

coming; but one thing I assure you of e’er ten days that this Country

will be ruined. Lord Lovat has not appointed a day for his marching as

yet; for I am told that he has the Meal to make that he carrys along

with him for his Men’s subsistance. There is a Report here this day

that there is 2000 French landed at Cromarty last Saturday with Prince

Charles Brother. You’ll please let me have your advice how to behave;

for I am in a very bad situation. Please excuse this confused Letter,

being in haste and ever am, Honourable sir, Your most faithfull hubl

sert.

_P._ Auchmony[660] did not act a right part.

APP. 13. _Mr. Grant to the Chamberlain of Urquhart, dated Castle Grant,

10th Oct._--I received yours of the 8th this day about Dinner Time. I

am not at all surprised at the Conduct of the Gentlemen of Urquhart;

for as they seem determined to disobey my repeated Orders, they want

to prevail with my Tenents to do so likeways. However now that they

must have heard, that General Legonier with at least 18,000 of our

troops that have come from Flanders and the Dutch, and that there is

12,000 Danes, and the Remainder of the British Troops dayly expected,

and that nobody even at Edinburgh pretended to say, that the French

can spare any of their troops, I fancy they will soon see their Folly,

and they must be satisfied in a little Time, I will make them repent

their Conduct, and they will see the numbers they believed would join

the Rebells, dwindle to a very few, if any at all. Whenever you hear

any Motions among your neighbours make the best of your way for this

Place and see to bring these men with you, who were coming last day and

as many more as you can, and assure them I will see what Losses they

sustain repaid. And shall do all in my power afterwards to save them

when others must fly the country. Dont let any of the Gentlemen know

the day you design to march over with the men, other ways they might

bring a Possy to stop you, which will not be in their Power if you be

upon your Guard. I think you ought to have Spyes in the neighbouring

Countries. See that you get money from the Tenents, who are due, that

we may clear when you come over.

[530] APP. 14. _C. of G._, ii. 170. (From Inverness.) Claims Grant as

a relation and friend whom he finds, with great satisfaction, acting

so distinguished a part. The king has appointed Loudoun to command the

troops in this country; it gives him the greatest pleasure to know that

he has so powerful and faithful a friend to support him in time of need.

[531] APP. 15. _C. of G._, ii. 171. (From Culloden.) Urging Grant

to press forward his company; any expense after his men are brought

together shall be made good. Believes that ‘the thing will blow over

without much harm,’ but Grant should have his eye on as many of his

people as he can arm, to be ready for any emergency; ‘ways and means

shall be fallen on to subsist them.’

[532] APP. 16. _C. of G._, ii. 175. Mr. Grant’s heart is full of

zeal for the preservation of our religion and liberties, and will

exert himself to do everything in his power for H. M. service, and

is perfectly happy ‘that we who are the friends of government’ have

Loudoun to advise and direct us. The delay in his company’s joining

Loudoun is caused by all his clan vassals being ready, and he wishes

the company to be all volunteers. He foresees that there will be

occasion to convene all his men and he wants Rothiemurchus with him,

and asks for certain alterations in the commissions to his officers.

All the men of his company will have swords and most of them pistols

and dirks. Hopes to capture Capt. Gordon, who is levying cess on his

party as their arms will be useful. He is determined to let none of the

clans now in motion enter his county.

[533] APP. 17. _John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 21st

Oct._--The MacDonalds and Glenmoristones came into this Country

Saturdays night late, and Sundays morning. And this day we expected

the Master of Lovat with 200 men to join the MacDonalds, who were in

number six score, in order to spreath [ravage] the Country, if the

whole people did not join them. The countrymen were all acquainted to

meet this day at Milntown, but few of them attended. And as the Master

did not come this day, as he appointed, sent word that he would be here

tomorrow morning, so that I am made to understand, that they design to

raise all their Cattle, and by that method are of opinion, that the men

will come present, and condescend to march directly to the army before

their Effects are carried off, but I made the Bearer, who is the only

one I could trust in, advise the People to keep at a distance and allow

them to carry off their cattle, as I assured them that you would repay

them in what damage they might suffer that way. I cannot acquaint you

at this Time of the Gentlemens Disposition, but tomorrow I shall send

an Express, and give you a full account of our Fate. Belintombs house

was attacked; but I procured a party from the Colonel to guard it this

night. Is all on haste but that I remain as becometh, Hon^{ble} Sir

your most ob. humble servant.

I am informed they design to march by Inverlaidnan. Barrisdale came

this day from the north to this country; but did not bring any men

alongst with him.

APP. 18. _John Grant in Urquhart to Mr. Grant, dated 22nd Oct._--The

most of the Countrymen met this day at Bellymore where Barrisdale came

with a Commission from his Colonel to them, assuring if they did not

join him, that he was fully resolved to spreath the whole Country. They

all unanimously replyed that in any Event, they would not disobey their

masters orders and his positive commands to them to sit peaceable at

home, and swore that while there was a drop of Blood in their Bodys,

they would not allow the Macdonalds to carry off their Cattle. In a

short Time thereafter the Master of Lovat accompanied with all the

Stratherrick Gentlemen came to Milntown, and after a long Conference

with Mr. MacDonald of Barrisdale, he agreed that the MacDonalds in

the Country might be compelled to join the Colonel, as he was not

in readiness to march his men this week, but in the Event that this

did not satisfy Mr. MacDonald, he was to come in person with 200 men

tomorrow, to prevent their carrying off the Cattle, and secure the

rest of the men for his own use, as he believed he had a better Title

to them than any MacDonald in life. As they could not agree upon the

above terms, Barrisdale went with the Master to Castle Downie to know

my Lord’s sentiments, and act accordingly. As this happens to be the

case we are as yet uncertain of our Fate, but shall to the outmost of

our Power, resist the MacDonalds if not assisted by the Frasers Is all

but that I remain as becometh, Honourable Sir, Your most obed^t humble

serv^t.

[534] APP. 19. _C. of G._, ii. 179. (From Culloden.) A letter to Lord

Deskford from the Lord President countersigned by Lord Loudoun. In

addition to what Grant quotes, they cannot understand the unaccountable

folly of his people that they deliberate in entering the company and

hope that they may be persuaded to form it forthwith.

[535] APP. 20. _Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated St. Bridget,[661]

3rd Nov._--I take this opportunity to assure you of the Esteem and

Regard I have for yourself and all your Family, and that I shall be

always glad to do all in my Power to maintain the good Correspondence

that has so long subsisted between the Familys of Grant and Gordon.

And as you are very sensible of the Situation of Scotland at present,

I shall take this occasion of delivering you the Prince Regents

Complements, and how much he would be obliged to you for your aid at

this important Time; and if you dont appear active yourself, that

you would not oppose the rising of your Clan, which is so capable

of Serving the King and Country. I hope you will be so good, as to

consider this seriously, and to excuse this Liberty from a Friend,

who does it with a pure Intention of Serving his Country. I begg my

Complements to Lady Margaret and all your Family, as also to Lord and

Lady Findlater and Lord Deskfoord, to whom please tell, that what I am

to do for the Princes Cause in Banffshire, shall be executed in the

mildest and easiest manner in my Power. Glenbucket will deliver this

to you, and believe me to be, Dr. Sir, with great Sincerity Your most

affectionate ffriend and Servant.

[536] This was the ancestral home of the family of John Roy Stewart,

the Jacobite soldier-poet.

[537] APP. 21. _C. of G._, ii. 184. (From Inverness.) Grant’s company

had arrived the previous day, was a very good one, the best clothed

Loudoun had seen. Was sorry that Lord Lewis Gordon had risen, but the

Duke (of Gordon) had given orders to his people not to join him. Few

had done so. If Grant were attacked his own power should make Lord

Lewis repent; if not strong enough Loudoun would do what he could for

him.

[538] APP. 22. _C. of G._, ii. 183. (From Culloden.)

[539] APP. 23. _C. of G._, ii. 186. (From Castle Grant.)

[540] APP. 24. _C. of G._, ii. 187. (From Inverness.) Lord Loudoun

declines to send the company back to Mr. Grant, as he proposes to march

through Stratherrick to Fort Augustus.

[541] Thomas Grant of Achoynanie, Keith, afterwards of Arndilly, a

cadet of Grant of Grant, best known as the early patron of James

Ferguson the astronomer. (Henderson, _Life of Ferguson_, p. 18.)

[542] Alexander Grant of Tochineal, near Cullen.

[543] APP. 25. _Lord Lewis Gordon to Thomas Grant of Auchynany, dated

Huntly Castle, 6th Dec._--As Lord Lieutenant of the Countys of Aberdeen

and Banff, I am to raise a man for each £100 of valued Rent within the

same, and where Fractions happen the same is to yield a Man. I hope,

therefore, you will be so good as to send to Keith Tuesday next such

a number of ablebodied men, as will answer to the Valuation of your

estate well cloathed in short cloaths, Plaid, new Shoes, and three

pair of hose and accoutred with shoulder belt, gun, pistol and sword.

I have appointed a proper officer to attend at Keith the above day

for receiving the men. I need not tell a man of your good sense and

knowledge the hazard of not complying with the demand. Your Prudence

will no doubt direct you to avoid hardships of military execution,

wherein you’ll extremely oblige, Sir, your most humble servant.

APP. 26. _C. of G._, ii. 190. _Thomas Grant of Auchynanie to Mr. Grant,

11th Dec._ (From Arndillie.) Lord Lewis Gordon has only 300 men, and

of these only 100 have joined: mostly herds and hire-men from about

Strathbogie and unacquainted with the use of arms; many of them are

pressed and intend to desert; 100 or 150 of Grant’s men would drive

them to the devil, and capture Lord Lewis and his prime minister

Abbachy (Gordon of Avochie). Lord Findlater’s tenants and the people

of Keith are being ruined by Abbachy and look to Grant as their only

saviour. If Lord Loudoun would take possession of old Balveny Castle it

would spoil Lord Lewis’s recruiting.

APP. 27. _Lord Findlater’s Steward[542] to his Lordship, dated 11th

Dec._--I had a Letter from John Saunders in Keith upon Sabbath day

night, informing me that there had 60 of Lord Lewis men come to that

place upon Saturdays night, under command of one White and that he and

others in that place much wanted advice what to do. To whom I wrote for

Answer, that I had a letter from Lord Lewis Gordon for your Lordship,

which I forwarded by Express, was very peremptor, Lord Lewis had given

no orders for making the least demand upon your Lordships Estate before

its Return, so I expected that none concerned in him, would offer to do

it before that Time, yet notwithstanding thereof, I had the inclosed

this day from William Taylor, to which I answered that as I sent Lord

Lewis Letter to your Lordship per Express, I could neither give answer

nor advice to his Letter, but that I expected that none concerned in

Lord Lewis would have made any demand of your Lop. Estate before I had

your Answer. As likeways that they would have defered compounding the

matter untill that Time. David Tulloch[662] is just now at Banff with

about 60 or 80 men and as I am told demands no fewer Levies from that

Town as 200 men. Birkenbush was here last night, and told me that as

it is not in his power to get your Lordships Estate saved in such a

way as he would have desired has utterly refused having any Concern in

uplifting the Levies from that Bounds, for which I have been very angry

at him; but it cannot now help. To appearance Mr. Tulloch or Abbachy

will be soon here, and unless your Lordship fall upon some shift for

relief to us, we shall suffer extremely.

[544] APP. 28. _C. of G._, ii. 192. (From Castle Grant.)

[545] APP. 29. _Earl of Findlater to Mr. Grant, dated 13th Dec._--After

despatching the short letter I wrote you this morning, which is

inclosed, I received the Inclosed from the President. All that I shall

say is, that all their Proceedings will not secure our Safety unless

a Sufficient right and Trusty Party is left in Banffshire for Lord

Lewis’s small partys will stir as soon as they are past, if there is

not force enough to suppress them. You know the State of my health

makes it impossible for me to attend Lord Loudoun and make things

agreeable to him as I would wish. I have writ to Tochineil[663] and

John and William Ogilvies Sheriffs deputes to do their duty the best

they can in all respects; but I am not without my own Fears that Fear

and trembling for after Consequences may make some if not all of them

extremely unwilling to act. Perhaps even they may decline it. You

know you have full Power in everything that concerns me, to do what

you think proper and I have full confidence you will do whatever you

think right; but least some thing more formal should be requisite, with

regard to the office of Sheriff I hereby give you full Power to act

as Sheriff Depute of Banffshire and to employ such substitutes under

you as you shall think fitt, for which this shall be to you and them a

sufficient warrant and Commission, I always am most affectionately and

entirely yours.

_P._--My son intends to go down by Forress to wait of Lord Loudoun

tomorrow; but as he continues extremely ill off the Cold I am uncertain

if he will be really able to go. I begg you will send the Inclosed to

Tochineil by some sturdy clever Man because the bearer is feckless and

too well known, and may be searched for Letters. It contains orders for

Tochineil, John and William Ogilvies to attend my Lord Loudoun. Keep

the Presidents letter. Your wife opened the inclosed from Robert Grant.

[546] APP. 30. _C. of G._, ii. 189. (From Culloden.) This letter

contains a postscript saying that Lord Loudoun ‘had prevailed with Lord

Lovat to come in with him to town [Inverness] to reside at liberty

there till the present confusions are over, to deliver up what arms he

has, and to sign all proper orders to his clan to remain quiet. Loudoun

brings him on with him to-day 11th [Dec.] 9 a clock in the morning.’

[547] Boat o’ Bridge, the ferry on the Spey near the mouth of the

Mulben burn, now superseded by a road and a railway bridge.

[548] Sir Harry Innes of Innes (Morayshire), 5th bart. Suc. 1721; d.

1762. He was a brother-in-law of Ludovick Grant, married to his sister

Anne. Innes’s son James suc. as Duke of Roxburghe on the death of the

4th duke in 1805.

[549] APP. 31. _C. of G._, ii. 193. (From Elgin.) Macleod will most

cheerfully act in conjunction with Grant in everything thought proper.

[550] Bog, the local name for the site of Gordon Castle, built on the

Bog o’ Gight (windy bog). The ferry there was known as the Boat o’ Bog;

it is now superseded by Fochabers Bridge.

[551] APP. 32. _Mr. Grant to M‘Leod, dated 15th Dec._--I have just

now the Pleasure of yours by our Friend Sir Harry Innes. I shall as

soon as I get my Men conveened march to Fochabers and endeavour to get

Possession of the Boats, and shall do all in my Power to secure the

passage for the Men under your Command. I am hopefull the Rebells wont

be able to give much disturbance.

[552] APP. 33. _Lord Lewis Gordon to Mr. Grant, dated Fyvie, 16th

Dec._--I was a little surprised this morning to hear that you had

marched a body of your Men to the low Country so far as Mulben. Your

Reason for such Proceedings I cant find out, as you have not got the

least disturbance from the Prince, or any of his Friends, since his

Royal Highness arrival in Scotland. And for my part I have not given

you the least disturbance, since my coming to the North. So far from

it, that I have given positive orders to the Gentlemen employed by

me to raise the Levies, not to meddle with any of your Estate no not

so much as to raise a man from a little Place called Delnaboe, which

holds of the Duke of Gordon, to the men of which last place, I had a

natural Title. I now desire to know, if you are to take any Concern

in protecting the Estates of any but your own. If that is the case, I

must take my Measures accordingly, and as the Consequence must be fatal

you have none to blame but yourself. I am this minute writing to Lord

John Drummond that he may march his Troops directly to this Country to

join the men I have already raised; but if you withdraw your men, and

give no further disturbance, it may move me to alter my Resolutions

with respect to you. I wrote you a Letter from Strathdoune but was

not favoured with any Return, but must insist on an answer to this in

writing or by some Gentleman of Character. Offer my Complements to Lady

Margaret and your young Family.--I am with much Respect, etc.

_Copy Printed Declaration of Lord John Drummond, Commander-in-Chief

of his Most Christian Majesty’s Forces in Scotland._--We, Lord John

Drummond, Commander-in-Chief of his most Christian Majesty’s Forces

in Scotland, do hereby declare, that we are come to this kingdom with

written orders to make war against the King of England, Elector of

Hannover, and all his adherents, and that the positive orders we have

from his most Christian Majesty are to attack all his ennemys in this

Kingdom, whom he has declared to be those, who will not immediately

join or assist as far as will ly in their power, the Prince of

Wales, Regent of Scotland his Ally, and whom he is resolved with the

concurrence of the King of Spain to support in the taking possession of

Scotland, England and Ireland, if necessary at the expence of all the

men and money he is master of, to which three Kingdoms the Family of

Stewart have so just and indisputable a title. And his most Christian

Majesty’s positive orders are, that his ennemys should be used in this

Kingdom in proportion to the harm they do, or intend to his Royal

Highness’s cause. Given at Montrose, the 2nd day of December 1745 years.

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