FOOTNOTES:

[1] In this narrative, unless otherwise indicated, events occurring in

Great Britain are given in old style dates, those on the Continent in

new style.

[2] Original information on the Scots Plot is to be found in _The Life

of Lord Lovat written by Himself_, London, 1797; _A Collection of

Original Papers about the Scots Plot_, London, 1704; _Original Papers_,

ed. by Jas. Macpherson, London, 1775; _Major Fraser’s Manuscript_, ed.

by Alex. Fergusson, Edinburgh, 1889; _The Lockhart Papers_, London,

1817; and an eclectic account in Hill Burton’s _Life of Lovat_, London,

1847. Extracts from many of the original authorities on this and

subsequent incidents are given usefully and ingeniously in consecutive

narrative form by Professor Sanford Terry in _The Chevalier de St.

George_, London, 1901.

[3] Original information: _Histoire des Revolutions d’Ecosse et

d’Irlande_: The Hague, 1758, of which there is a Dublin reprint of

1761; _The Secret History of Colonel Hooke’s Negotiations in Scotland

in 1707_, of which there are London, Edinburgh and Dublin editions,

all of 1760 (it is practically a translation of the _Histoire des

Revolutions_); _The Correspondence of Colonel Nathaniel Hooke_, an

exhaustive work edited by Rev. W. D. Macray: Roxburghe Club, 1870. A

not very friendly account of Hooke’s mission is given in the _Lockhart

Papers_. The military state of Scotland at the time is to be found in

_An Account of the late Scotch Invasion as it was opened by My lord

Haversham in the House of Lords_: London, 1709. The story of the naval

expedition is given in _Mémoires du Comte de Forbin_ (Amsterdam, 1730),

of which there is an English translation; the third edition is dated

London, 1740.

[4] The possibility of treachery was suggested by Hooke, and his story

is to be found in a Gask MS. Hooke, who had been bred to the sea, found

the steersman going on the wrong course. He was put right, but as soon

as Hooke’s back was turned he went wrong again. See _Jacobite Lairds of

Gask_, p. 15: London, 1870.

[5] _Esmond_, bk. III. chap. i.

[6] The authorities on the ’Fifteen are to be found noted in most

standard histories.

[7] This statement bears the authority of a MS. in the Bibliothèque

Nationale, and a casual reference in a letter of Bishop Atterbury’s.

(See Martin Haile, _James Francis Edward, the Old Chevalier_: London,

1907, p. 210.)

[8] A full account from the original authorities of Clementina’s

rescue and marriage is to be found in _Narratives of the Detention,

Liberation, and Marriage of Maria Clementina Stuart_, edited by J. T.

Gilbert, LL.D.: Dublin, 1894.

[9] _Clementina_, by A. E. W. Mason.

[10] The best account of this expedition is in Mr. W. K. Dickson’s

exceedingly clear and exhaustive introduction to _The Jacobite

Attempt_, Scottish History Society, vol. xix.: Edinburgh, 1895. All the

original authorities for this incident and the preceding Swedish plot

are indicated in the Notes.

[11] Original authorities: _Life of Christopher Layer_: Norwich, 1723;

Howell’s _State Trials_, vol. xvi. A full account is given by Lord

Mahon, _History of England_, chap. xii. The dispositions by the Court

at Rome are to be found in _James Francis Edward_, M. Haile; and _The

King over the Water_ (London, 1907), A. Shield and Andrew Lang.

[12] Hon. Arthur Dillon, second surviving son of Theobald, seventh

Viscount Dillon. Born at Roscommon, 1670. His father raised a regiment

for James II. at the Revolution, which Arthur accompanied to France,

where he became its colonel, 1690. Served in Spain, Germany, and

Italy. Lieut.-General under the Duke of Berwick at Barcelona, 1714.

Created viscount (Jacobite) in the peerage of Ireland, 1717. Created

earl (Jacobite) in the peerage of Scotland, 1721. Made Knight of the

Thistle, 1722. Died at Paris, 1733.--Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_.

[13] Shield and Lang, _The King over the Water_, pp. 360, 363.

[14] Mahon, _History of England_, chap. xii.

[15] Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_, p. 16.

[16] It is worthy of note that although the new _Scots Peerage_ as

a rule chronicles the Jacobite titles conferred on Scottish nobles,

there is no mention of this peerage to Sir James Grant in that work

(see _Scots Peerage_, vol. vii. pp. 480-483), nor is it referred to in

his biography in the Grant family history (Sir W. Fraser, _The Chiefs

of Grant_, vol. i. pp. 371-392). For the action of the Grants in the

’Forty-five, see _infra_, p. 269 _et seq._

[17] _The Lockhart Papers_ are the principal authority for Jacobite

history in Scotland from 1702 to 1728.

[18] James Urquhart was the only son of Jonathan Urquhart of Cromarty

and his wife Lady Jean Graham, daughter of the second Marquis of

Montrose. Jonathan was the last of the Urquharts who owned the estate

of Cromarty, famous owing to its possession by Sir Thomas Urquhart, the

translator of Rabelais. Jonathan’s affairs having got into disorder,

he sold his ancestral property to George Mackenzie, Viscount Tarbat,

who was created Earl of Cromartie in 1703. James Urquhart married Anne

Rollo, daughter of Robert Rollo of Powhouse, and had an only child,

Grizel, who died unmarried. Colonel Urquhart ‘was a man of noble

spirit, great honour, and integrity; he served in the wars both in

Spain and Flanders with great reputation, but left the Army, and lived

a retired life.... In him ended the whole male line of John, only son

of the first marriage of John, tutor of Cromarty ... the representation

devolved upon William Urquhart of Meldrum’ (Douglas, _Baronage_).

Colonel Urquhart was born in 1691, and died on January 3rd, 1741

(Family papers). His appointment as Jacobite Agent for Scotland is

dated May 28th, 1736 (Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_, p. 234).

[19] Not the famous conqueror of Almanza, who was killed in the War of

the Polish Succession when besieging Philipsburg, on June 28th, 1734,

but his son, known until then as the Duke of Liria.

[20] His commission as colonel is dated October 22nd, 1715.--Ruvigny,

_Jacobite Peerage_, p. 244.

[21] For general information about Gordon of Glenbucket, the reader is

referred to Mr. J. M. Bulloch’s monumental work, _The House of Gordon_

(New Spalding Club, Aberdeen, 1912). For Glenbucket’s character and his

actions in 1745, see _infra_, p. 113 _et seq._ It is remarkable how the

designation ‘of Glenbucket’ has adhered to the family for generations,

although the land from which it was derived was parted with a hundred

and seventy-nine years ago. Gordon’s descendants are still tenants of

the farm of St. Bridget’s, in Glenlivet, which was old Glenbucket’s

home in 1745, and are still termed ‘Glenbucket’ in the district.

For the Macdonell marriages see the genealogies in _History of Clan

Donald_, vol. iii.

[22] M. Haile, _James Francis Edward_, p. 367.

[23] French historians generally blame Fleury for his timidity, and

ascribe to him the decline of the splendid French navy, which he

allowed to fall into decay for fear of English jealousy.

[24] The commission is dated January 28th, 1738. See Stuart Papers in

Browne’s _History of the Highlands_, vol. iv. p. 21.

[25] See _infra_, p. 25.

[26] The terms of this message are given from a state paper in the

French Archives of which the following is an extract: ‘il manda en

Angleterre que le zèle de ses sujets écossais était si vif, qu’il lui

semblait qu’on pourrait opposer les Montagnards de ce pays à la plupart

des troupes que le gouvernement avait alors sur pied, et qu’il y aurait

lieu de tout espérer même sans secours étranger, pourvu que les Anglais

affidés prissent de leur côté de justes mesures.’ See Colin, _Louis XV.

et les Jacobites_, p. 1.

[27] For Sempill’s descent and claim to the title, see Appendix, p. 421.

[28] See _infra_, p. 21.

[29] See _infra_, p. 25.

[30] A. G. M. Macgregor, _History of the Clan Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 358.

[31] Of the Associators only three were ‘out’ in the ’Forty-five:

the Duke of Perth, Lovat, and Lochiel. Lord John Drummond, who was

brother-in-law of Traquair, remained inactive. Prince Charles spent the

night of February 2nd, 1746, at his house, Fairnton, now Ferntower,

near Crieff. Lord Traquair remained in England; he was arrested at

Great Stoughton in Huntingdonshire, on July 29th, 1746, and committed

to the Tower; but was released without trial before August 1748.

Traquair’s brother, John Stuart, married in 1740 and retired from the

Concert then. Sir James Campbell was too old for action. Macgregor of

Balhaldies was in Paris during the campaign.

[32] The name ‘Macgregor’ was then proscribed, and all members of the

clan had to adopt another name; that adopted by Balhaldy’s branch

was ‘Drummond.’ Balhaldy’s father, Alexander, was a man of some

consequence. He had been a trader about Stirling, and made some money,

and he married a daughter of Sir Ewen Cameron of Lochiel, his son

Balhaldy being thus a first cousin of Lochiel of the ’45. In 1714 the

Clan Gregor being chiefless, certain of its leading members elected

Alexander to be hereditary chief. (A. G. M. Macgregor, _Hist. of Clan

Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 270.) He was created a Scots baronet by the

Chevalier in 1740, and he died at Balhaldie House, Dunblane, in 1749.

His son, William, was born in 1698. Though never in Scotland after

1743 he was attainted in 1746, and specially exempted from the act of

indemnity of 1747. He married Janet, daughter of Laurence Oliphant of

Gask, at Paris in January 1758. He died near Paris in 1765.

[33] The designation Balhaldy is spelt variously in contemporary

documents, Bohaldy, Bochaldie, Bahady, etc. Cf. R. L. Stevenson’s

_Catriona_, last chapter.

[34] War was declared with Spain, October 19th, 1739.

[35] Abridged from a State Paper in the French archives, of which

portions are printed in Capitaine J. Colin’s _Louis XV. et les

Jacobites_: Paris, 1901.

[36] The Emperor Charles VI. died on October 20th, 1740, and France

interfered in the War of the Austrian Succession the following August.

[37] Colin, p. 7.

[38] A. G. M. Macgregor, _Hist. of Clan Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 359.

[39] Colin, p. 8.

[40] Lord Marischal wrote to the Chevalier in June 1740, telling him

that the King of Spain had refused an audience to the Duke of Ormonde

on this account. Mahon, _Hist. of England_, 3rd ed., vol. iii. App. p.

iv.

[41] Se _infra_, pp. 12, 22.

[42] ‘Le roi très chrétien, touché du zèle des Ecossais, était porté à

leur accorder les secours dont ils avaient besoin: qu’en conséquence,

Sa Majesté voulait bien faire transporter dans ce royaume toutes les

troupes irlandaises qui étaitent à son service, avec les armes et

munitions et les 20,000 livres sterling qu’on demandait pour aider les

montagnards à se mettre en campagne’ (Colin, p. 8).

[43] This document is printed by the special permission of the French

Government. The original signed and sealed with seven seals is

preserved in the National Archives in Paris.

[44] It was very disappointing to find that no trace of this list of

Highland chiefs referred to could be discovered.

[45] Balhaldy’s Memorial, _History of Clan Gregor_, vol. ii. p. 359.

[46] See Appendix, p. 422.

[47] He died on January 29th (18th O.S.).

[48] That Fleury had proposed something is most probable. He had for

some time been complaining of the ‘insults’--what to-day we call

pin-pricks--with which the British Government had been annoying France

in a time of peace. These pin-pricks culminated in June 1742 when a

British army under Lord Stair landed in the Netherlands, with the

intention of thwarting the French in their campaign against Austria.

[49] _Infra_, p. 16 _n._

[50] ‘Il n’y a pas grand inconvénient que le ministre voie que le

rempart de la mer ne met pas entièrement l’Angleterre à couvert des

enterprises de la France.’

[51] Colin, p. 35.

[52] _Infra_, pp. 41, 42.

[53] _Memorials_, pp. 93, 428.

[54] _The Affairs of Scotland_, 1744-46, by Lord Elcho. Edited by Hon.

Evan Charteris: Edinburgh, 1907, p. 63. Lord Elcho gives a list of

members of the club who undertook to join the Prince in any event.

[55] _Memorials_, p. 64.

[56] Anxious to learn the sources of this information, I wrote to

the author of the volume to inquire, and received a courteous letter

informing me that these statements were made on the authority of the

Stuart Papers.

[57] _Memorials_, p. 444.

[58] _Infra_, p. 116.

[59] _Trial of Lord Lovat_, p. 36.

[60] _Memorials_, p. 50.

[61] _Life of the Duke of Cumberland_: London, 1766, p. 242.

[62] Lord Macleod wrote a Narrative of the campaign, including

the march to Thurso. It is printed in Sir Wm. Fraser’s _Earls of

Cromartie_, vol. ii. pp. 379 _et seq._

[63] P. 123.

[64] _Chiefs of Grant_, vol. ii. p. 155.

[65] Family information.

[66] See _The Earl of Aberdeen_, by the Hon. A. Gordon, p. 4: London,

1893.

[67] Cumin of Kininmont, Gordon of Cobairdie, and Erskine of Pittodrie.

[68] See _Blackwood’s Magazine_ for May 1829.

[69] _Scottish Historical Review_, vol. v. p. 288.

[70] _Chiefs of Grant_, vol. ii. p. 152.

[71] _Spalding Club Misc._, vol. i. p. 403.

[72] _Ibid._, p. 406.

[73] Compare p. 189.

[74] MS. Order Book in Editor’s possession. The story is told with

considerable fulness in Henderson’s _Life of Cumberland_ (p. 239),

where the schoolmaster’s name is given as Macaty, and where the blame

of the sentence is ascribed to Hawley. The punishment was five hundred

lashes at each of the cantonments.

[75] In a biographical appendix to his Life of Colonel Gardiner who was

killed at Prestonpans. (London, 1747.)

[76] Original correspondence on the relations between the Prince

and Lord George Murray, together with references to contemporary

authorities on the battle of Culloden, will be found in the _Itinerary

of Prince Charles Edward_, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxiii., 1897.

[77] Scottish History Society, vol. xxiii.

[78] For Flora Macdonald’s relationships, see Genealogical Table, p.

452.

[79] See _Lyon in Mourning_, vol. i p. 176.

[80] _Ibid._, vol. ii. p. 100.

[81] Cf. _infra_, p. 372 _n._ 2.

[82] Ruvigny, _Jacobite Peerage_.

[83] This letter, dated Kinlochiel, August 22nd, arrived after Sir

James Grant went to London, and was forwarded to him. He sent it

unopened to Lord Tweeddale, Secretary for Scotland. The letter is

preserved in the Tweeddale Archives.

[84] _Urquhart and Glenmoriston_: Inverness, 1893.

[85] P. 271.

[86] Pp. 275-276.

[87] Pp. 292-294.

[88] Pp. 307-309.

[89] _Chiefs of Grant_, vol. ii. p. 267.

[90] High Court Index Book No. 1.

[91] _Scots Magazine_, vol. ix. pp. 246, 247.

[92] The name in the original documents is spelt sometimes with one

s and sometimes with one t, sometimes with one or both these letters

doubled; occasionally he is called ‘Grosert.’ In modern times the name

is spelt Grosett by Miss Collins, a descendant of Walter. In the new

_Scots Peerage_ it is spelt Grosset, vol. i. p. 495.

[93] Newcastle Papers, British Museum, Add. MS. 32710, f. 491.

[94] Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., Bundle 98.

[95] Newcastle Papers, previously quoted.

[96] Family Papers.

[97] See pp. 336 and 402. Grossett’s statement, corroborated by

Fawkener and Sharpe, is elaborated in the Newcastle Papers quoted

above. ‘He performed his duties at great hazard to his life. The

Rebells robbed and plundered his house at Alloa and his house in the

country [Logie] to such a degree that they did not leave his infant

children even a shirt to shift them, and pursued his wife and daughter

to an uncle’s house, to whose estate they knew Mr. Grosett was to

succeed, plundered that house [Bredisholm, near Coatbridge], stript his

wife and daughter of the very clothes they had upon their backs and

used them otherwise in a most cruel and barbarous manner.’

[98] _Scots Magazine_, vol. vii. p. 538.

[99] Record Office, State Papers Dom., George II., bundle 91.

[100] This is one of the very rarest of Jacobite pamphlets. There is

a long account of the harsh proceedings of the Edinburgh magistrates

towards Robert Drummond, the Jacobite printer who published the poem,

in Hugo Arnot’s _History of Edinburgh_, 1778, book III. chap. iv. See

also _Book of the Old Edinburgh Club_, vol. viii., in which the poem is

reprinted for the first time.

[101] Mr. J. R. N. Macphail, K.C., has sent me a copy of Accusations

laid against Grossett in December 1747. These are nine in number:

he is accused (1) Of keeping an open trade at Alloa for smugglers

‘particularly in the tobacco way.’ (2) Of secreting the public revenue

for a tract of years and of vitiating and forging the accounts. (3) Of

granting land permits for wine to smugglers all over the kingdom. (4)

Of arranging false prices with merchants who purchased at roup goods

seized from smugglers. (5) Of suborning evidence even to perjury in

connection with the sale of goods taken from the Rebels. (6) Of being

an accomplice of smugglers in trade and profits. (7) Of passing goods

after seizure and of accepting a bribe. (8) Of mutilating the books of

the public office. (9) Of fraud, circumvention and oppression in many

different cases.

[102] _Scots Peerage_, vol. i. p. 495.

[103] The Jacobite accounts of this incident will be found in _Jacobite

Memoirs_, p. 47; in Maxwell of Kirkconnell’s _Narrative_, p. 94; and in

Sir William Fraser’s _The Earls of Cromartie_, vol. ii. p. 390.

[104] Home, _History of the Rebellion_, ch. viii.

[105] See Appendix, Cardinal York’s _Memorial_.

[106] _Lyon in Mourning_, vol. iii. p. 232.

[107] Lent to me by Lumisden’s great-grand-niece, Mrs. G. E. Forbes,

Edinburgh.

[108] The winter of 1741-42.

[109] Charles (Stuart), 5th Earl of Traquair; succeeded 1741; died 1764.

[110] See Appendix.

[111] William Macgregor or Drummond of Balhaldy.

[112] James Edgar, secretary to the Chevalier de St. George. A younger

son of David Edgar of Keithock, Forfarshire. Entered the Chevalier’s

service as secretary 1716, and held that office for forty-seven years.

Became Secretary of State in October 1763, and died 24th September

1764, predeceasing his master by fifteen months.

[113] Cardinal André Hercule de Fleury. Born 1653; became French prime

minister in 1726; died in January 1743.

[114] Donald Cameron, 19th of Lochiel, ‘the Gentle Lochiel’ of the ’45.

He succeeded his grandfather as chief of the Camerons in 1719, his

father John (who died 1748) having transferred his rights to his son.

Donald Cameron died in France, 1748.

[115] Sir James Campbell of Auchenbreck, 5th Baronet; died 1756;

father-in-law of Donald Cameron of Lochiel. His wife was Janet,

daughter of John Macleod of Macleod, and aunt of Norman Macleod the

chief in 1745.

[116] Charles (Douglas), 3rd Duke; born 1698; succeeded 1711; died 1778.

[117] William (Douglas), 3rd Earl of March; succeeded his cousin as 4th

Duke of Queensberry; died unmarried 1810. The ‘Old Q’ of George III.’s

reign.

[118] George (Keith), 10th and last Earl Marischal; born 1694;

succeeded 1712. Joined Lord Mar in 1715, and commanded the right

wing of the Jacobite army at Sheriffmuir. Forfeited and attainted.

Participated in the Spanish Invasion of 1719. See Dickson, _The

Jacobite Attempt of 1719_, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xix. In 1744 was

residing near Boulogne. Took no part in 1745. Entered service of

Frederick the Great. Pardoned by George II., 1759; died at Potsdam,

unmarried, 1778.

[119] James Keith, brother of the 10th Earl Marischal; born 1696.

Attainted for participation in the ’15. Entered the Spanish army, and

in 1728 the Russian army with the rank of major-general. Although an

attainted Jacobite, he visited London in 1740, and was received by

George II. as a Russian general (_Scots Mag._, vol. ii. p. 43). In 1747

entered service of Frederick the Great as field-marshal. Killed at the

battle of Hochkirchen 1758.

[120] And likewise to settle a correspondence with Scotland the manner

in which we had formerly conveyed Letters being very precarious and at

the same time so much suspected that the Government had caused search

the Ships in which the Letters generally came, but by good fortune

their happened none to be aboard that time.

[121] Æneas Macdonald, a banker in Paris, fourth son of Ranald

Macdonald third of Kinlochmoidart. Accompanied Prince Charles to

Scotland. Surrendered in 1746. Condemned to death but pardoned on

condition of residing out of the United Kingdom. Was killed in France

during the Revolution.

[122] Amelot de Chaillou. French foreign minister, 1737 to 1744.

[123] Katharine Darnley, half-sister of the Chevalier; daughter of

James II., by Katherine Sedley. Born 1682; died 1743. Third wife of

John Sheffield, 1st Duke of Buckingham, who died 1721.

[124] Colonel William Cecil. Long the Jacobite agent in England.

Relationship uncertain. In a memorandum in the French Foreign Office

he is called ‘oncle de Lord Salisbury.’ Was apprehended in 1744. His

deposition, in which he denies all knowledge of a plot, is given in

Fitzroy Bell’s _Murray’s Memorials_, p. 408.

[125] Secretary of the Duchess of Buckingham.

[126] Charles Smith, a merchant or banker in Boulogne. His wife,

daughter of Sir Hugh Paterson of Bannockburn (Prince Charles’s host

when besieging Stirling Castle in January 1746), was aunt to Clementina

Walkenshaw. Their son married the heiress of Seton of Touch. The

ceremony was performed by Mr. William Harper of Edinburgh at Linlithgow

on the day of the battle of Prestonpans. Charles Smith, who had come

to Scotland for the event, posted out from Edinburgh bearing the news

of the victory to the Jacobite congregation.--Ingram, _A Jacobite

Stronghold of the Church_, p. 47.

[127] I daresay the Cardinal never shed a tear on that Account nor

indeed allowing his concern to be never so great I think it reasonable

to believe so great a minister would act the part of a Child.

[128] If he had so mean an Opinion of these folks and their memorials

were so rediculous as they are represented he must either have been

quite doated and consequently not capable to understand anything

otherwise it would have been no difficult matter to make him sensible

of the absurdity of their proposals.

[129] Maréchal de Maillebois, a great-nephew of Colbert;

commander-in-chief in the War of the Austrian Succession.

[130] If this was the cause of his death I must be of the Opinion of

a great many that he was then become an old woman and incapable of

any enterprise that required Courage and Activity, and indeed all the

world with these two Gentlemen themselves owned him to be of a very

frightened timorous Disposition.

[131] It was at this Time Mr. Drummond told me the Story of the

Sweedish Troops and the Discoveries of it made by the Queen of Spain,

which I shall relate at large afterwards. (See _post_, p. 22.)

[132] This thought was the least reason could assign to Mr. Amalot

for my coming over, as I could not tell him it was owing to a letter

we had received from Mr. D[rummond], which I have repented of since,

for I told him if he was instructed by the Cardinal, as they said, he

certainly would have let me see that these Gentlemen had no reason to

give such encouragements, which would have at once shewed them in their

True Light. This Mr. Drummond and Lord Semple insisted I should say to

excite the French to Action and I then did not think it any great crime

to use them as they had often done us by imposing upon them.

[133] I shall leave it to the Reader to determine how far this answer

of Mr. Amelot agrees with what Mr. D[rummond] advances in his Letter

and if it be at all reasonable to imagine that the Cardinal had

resolved upon an Invasion when the person he had employed in this

affair had never read the Memorial given in concerning it nor even

understood the manner in which it was concerted and carried on in

Scotland and again whether or not Lord Semple had succeeded as he

braged in preventing much delay by perswading the Cardinal to make Mr.

Amelot privy to the whole affair.

[134] I mentioned before that the King had ordered a Sum not exceeding

£900 Ster yearly to be payed to Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] provided

money could be raised he had hitherto gott no more than £200 Lord

T[ra]q[uai]r had payed him so I was instructed to know why it was not

answered as promised, which I accordingly did, when Mr. Drummond said

he thought it very odd that the people in Scotland could not give him

that small pension when Lord T[ra]q[uai]r had offered Lord Semple

credit for £1,000 the year before when in London. I told him people

had little money to spare and that since the Gentlemen was in a manner

starving I would write to the King about it as directed, upon which he

said in a passion I had better not do it for it would hurt them in the

King’s Eyes as it must look bad that people who profered doing so much

could not advance such a trifle, and I remember he said the King would

not fail to look upon them as tamperers which I never did mention to

them looking upon it as the heat of passion. He then said as he had

all along made it his Business to advance their Interest and Honour,

he would fall upon a method of raising a sum of money to the Value of

5 or 6,000£ upon a bond payable at the Restoration with six per cent.

of Interest and that D[uke of] P[erth] L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r L[ochie]l

and I should bind for it and that he would even endeavour to gett an

equall sum for D[uke of] P[erth] on L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s particular

Use upon the same Conditions. As I then did not know my man I went on

to what he proposed and did not write to the King about it, neither did

I till after I found out the double fetch he had in it, he at this time

was applying to have a Pension settled upon himself which my writing

in behalf of Sir J[ames] C[ampbell] would certainly have prevented as

the King had ordered him to stay at home in the view of receiving the

forementioned Sum, then his proposing to raise this sum for the D[uke]

of P[erth]’s use was a means to encourage him to advance him £100,

which he desired I would tell his Grace he would draw upon him at my

leaving London, which he accordingly gott.

[135] During all the time I was at London after my return from Paris

I keept it secret from Coll. Cicel and Mr. Smith that I had ever been

there, and gave it out that I had been in Kent making a visit to one

Doctor Rutton, an old fellow student at Leyden, so upon the footing

of my not knowing anything that was passing I told Coll. Cicel in

Conversation upon my return to Scotland the King’s friends would

inquire of me if I had not been to waite of him and what news I had

gott so begg to know what I should say, he told me he at that time

could say nothing positively but if the French did not do something

soon the affairs of England in particular and Europe in general stood

in such a way that in three moneth time he would order affairs so as

to call the King over with his own attendance only this Vaunt was so

rediculous that I had great difficulty to keep my Countinance and gave

me a very low Opinion of every other thing he said.

[136] One evening after I had waited an hour in L[ord] T[ra]q[uai]r’s

lodgings at Edinburgh till such time as he should come in to talk with

me about his journey to London he told me he understood that I was no

friend to Bishop Keith, and upon asking what ground he had to think

so, he told me that one Mr. Gordon, a Roman Catholick Bishop, had

informed him of it, it seems Bishop Keith was of his acquaintance had

been complaining to him that I had not represented him in a favourable

Light. By which I conjectured that Keith had been applying that way

to be named Bishop of Edinburgh for how should L[ord] J[ohn] Drummond

have acquainted Lady Clanronald of Mr. Rattrae’s being named, which

was a thing entirely foreign to both him and her if Keith had not been

endeavouring to procure that preferment through the interest of the

Roman Catholicks,[649] and Lord Drummond did write to Lady Clanronald

that I had procured an order for Bishop Rattrae’s Election is certain,

for it was by her means quite well known in Edinburgh before I came

back from London and Lord T[ra]q[uai]r assured me from Bishop Gordon

that L[ord] J[ohn] had wrote it to Lady Clanranald.

[137] My Lord T[ra]q[uai]r made all the dispatch possible to settle his

affairs at home, being sensible how necessary it was for him to be att

London and sett out from his own house on the sixth of Aprile.

[138] For this ecclesiastical episode in Murray’s career, see Appendix.

[139] Thomas Rattray, D.D., laird of Craighall-Rattray, Perthshire.

Born 1684; consecrated bishop at large, 1727; afterwards Bishop of

Brechin, and subsequently of Dunkeld; Primus, 1739; died 1743.

[140] See Introduction, p. xxiii.

[141] Thomas Cochrane; 6th earl; died 1737.

[142] Robert Freebairn, consecrated bishop at large, 1722; Primus,

1731; Bishop of Edinburgh, 1733; died 1739.

[143] Drumelzier, a Peebleshire estate adjoining Broughton. The

proprietor was then Alexander Hay of Drumelzier, and Whittinghame,

East Lothian (the latter now the property of Rt. Hon. A. J. Balfour);

a grandson of the 1st Earl of Tweeddale, ancestor of the Hays of Duns:

born 1701; died 1789. He and his brother William were both Jacobites.

[144] I think there can be little doubt that this is the draft of

the lost letter searched for in vain by Mr. Fitzroy Bell at Windsor

(_Murray’s Memorials_, p. 50 _n_), and referred to by Mr. Lang

(_History of Scotland_, iv. 441).

[145] As Traquair left on April 6th (see _ante_, p. 17 and _post_, p.

23) this letter was probably written in that month. Narsom is a cipher

name for John Murray.

[146] Robert Keith, kinsman and tutor of the 10th Earl Marischal and

his brother: born 1681; consecrated bishop at large, 1727; Bishop of

Orkney, Caithness and the Isles, 1731; Superintendent of Fife, 1733;

succeeded Rattray as Primus, 1743; died 1757. Author of a _History of

Scotland_, and of the well-known _Catalogue of Scottish Bishops_.

[147] James (Barry), 4th Earl of Barrymore. Born 1667; died 1747. An

ardent Jacobite, who sent his son to join the French army when the

invasion of 1744 was expected.

[148] French minister in London.

[149] It wont be amiss to insert here the Story mentioned before

about the design of sending over some Swedish Troops which my Lord

T[ra]q[uai]r mentioned to me on his return from London the last time he

went up. Mr. Drummond told me at Paris as an Instance of the sincere

intention the Cardinal had to serve the King, that he was sensible of

the great hatred the English bore to the French and for that reason

proposed to the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, Campo Florido, that

provided his master would take 10,000 Swedes into his pay he would

endeavour to procure them by the means of some of the chief nobility,

the King[650] not being to be trusted on that head as he was looked

upon as friends to the Family of Hanover and would take care to have

them transported, that the Spanish Ambassador immediately wrote to his

Master who sent back an answer Willing to pay the Troops but upon some

condition which I now cannot charge my memory with, this the Cardinal

took highly amiss and told him that his Master was not to bargain

with in such cases, upon which the Spanish Ambassador immediately

dispatched a Courier, but before the return of it their was a paragraph

in the Amsterdam Gazette telling that the King of Spain and some of

his Ministers were carrying on a scheme of great consequence but being

known by the Queen was prevented. It seems as he said the Queen had

been informed of it by some of the Ministers and judging that should

it be putt in execution it would necessarily putt an end to war with

England that she was very fond of and to putt a stop to it she putt in

that paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette to the Cardinal which had its

object for their was not any more mention made of it.

[150] It was no great wonder then I was deceived of his Lordship having

not the least reason to suspect, and he a little shy cunning fellow on

all occasions professing an attachment to nothing but truth and most

disinterested loyalty.

[151] This must have proceded from wrong information for since that

time they have made considerable levys and everybody agrees their are

not above ten or eleven thousand in the Island.

[152] _i.e._ George II.

[153] This was in the year 1737. If Gordon of Glenbucket went over to

Rome, so far as ever I could learn without having any authority from

the Gentlemen in the Highlands, unless it was from his son-in-law

Glengary and General Gordon,[651] praying the King to come to Scotland

that all were ready to rise in arms; but His Majesty was too wise

to give in to such a rash and inconsiderate a project and sent over

Captain Will Hay[652] to have the Opinion of his friends by which he

might judge how far what Glenbucket had said was to be credited. Mr.

Hay sent for me then in Holland and insisted upon my coming which I

did, but I believe found few people of Glenbucket’s Opinion save the

late Lord Kinmore[653] who I went to the Country and brought to toun

to see him; but the case was now greatly altered as all the World were

becoming sensible of; that the Interest of Great Britain must ever be

sacrificed to that of Hanover as long as this family continued upon

the Throne; that Parliamentary Schemes were nothing but Chimerical,

together with the few Troops that were left in the Island and the

distance they were then from the Coast which prevented their coming

in time before the Country was reduced; as likewise the miserable

prospect of the Country being ruined by the vast standing Army that

would necessarily follow upon a peace as the Levys during the War would

be considerable and no prospect of a reduction after their Return but

rather a Certainty of their being continued; this seeming the fairest

opportunity to bring us under a military Government. These and many

other reasons made L[ochie]l be of Opinion that now was the time to

strike a bold stroke for the King, and by Sir A[lexander] M[acdonald]’s

letter to the Duke of P[erth], it would seem these reasons did

influence him and were sufficient Grounds for the proposal.

[154] John (Lindsay), 20th earl, born 1702. Entered Russian army; was

badly wounded at Krotzka, 1739, fighting the Turks, and never properly

recovered. First colonel of the 43rd (afterwards 42nd) Highlanders.

Brig.-gen. at Fontenoy; maj.-gen. 1745. Came to Scotland February 1746,

and commanded the Hessian troops under the Prince of Hesse in Stirling

and Perthshire. Died 1749.

[155] _Née_ Hon. Anne Stewart, daughter of Alexander, 6th Lord

Blantyre. Died March 1743.

[156] _i.e._ John Murray.

[157] This is evidently the letter that Murray complains bitterly

Traquair showed to Balhaldy, and on his advice destroyed (_Murray’s

Memorials_, pp. 58-60).

[158] This Letter I wrote in the smoothest stile possible purposely

to show him that the King’s friends were so far from having any

Inclination to Dictate to him, that on the Contrary they wished by

all means to have him Heartily to promote the Restoration, and shewed

the letter to Lord T[ra]q[uai]r and L[ochiel]l before I gave it his

Lordship to carry and they both approved of it.

[159] I had mentioned in my Letter to the King that the Ship by which

our Letters used to come was much suspected and had been searched, so

one of my Errands was to have a new Conveyance settled which was done

from London to Paris by Mr. D[rummond] but could be so easily done from

London here.

[160] His Grace the Duke of P[erth] when I had the honour of seeing him

at York on my Road, desired I would acquaint his Majesty that he had a

Scheme for taking Stirling Castle and desired His Majesty would impower

him upon the Seizing of it to give a commission to whom he should think

fitt to name as Governour for the Time it was garrisoned with his men

as they would the more willingly obey if the Commander was named by

him, but told me no particulars of his project neither did he since

when I told him what the King had wrote.

[161] Mr. Edgar having wrote about it in a former Letter occasioned my

telling him that it was borrowed by Lord T[ra]q[uair].

[162] A frequent cipher name for the Chevalier de St. George.

[163] Mr. Drummond told when at Paris that the method he had taken

with the Gentlemen of the highlands was this. He talked to them of the

situation of the Country and that a Restoration was the only thing

would save us, with a great deal more to this purpose, which brought

all those that inclined that way to declare how sensible they were

of it and that they were very willing to promote it so soon as an

Occasion should offer; upon which he told them that it was impossible

for the King to undertake any things not knowing who were his friends

and that he thought they should take care to acquaint the King of it,

then it was natural for them to say they were contented his Majesty

was informed it, but did not know of a method how; upon which he told

them that he would not absolutely promise, but would endeavour to fall

upon a method to acquaint him. This I took to be a safe way for the

person that engaged them and as his Majesty was not quite satisfied

with it as he said he desired me to write my Opinion of it which to

the best of my Remembrance was in a few words, that I thought no Body

would be so rediculous as to inform against themselves by telling they

had given a Commission to such a person to ye King as it must redound

to their own disadvantage for as their was none present when the

matter was spoke off to a person that was to deliver it had no more to

do but deny it and his not engaging absolutely to make it known was

keeping his correspondence a secret, for which reasons I was then of

opinion that the same method might be followed in the Low Country, but

upon trial found it almost impossible and dangerous, first, because

the Generallity are not so loyally inclined as in the Highlands and

consequently not so easily brought to speak their mind, and the next

place they have no following, they Generally tell you, of what use is

the King’s knowing that I wish him well, I am only single Person, that

can be of little Service, thirdly the present Government has been at

pain to perswade people; the King is betrayed and that passes at Rome,

but what they are fully informed off which makes people shy and affraid

to have any dealings that way as they are near the Court of Justice and

less able to shift for themselves, and fourthly, when a number of those

people come to be spoke to they will some of them especially who are

not brought all length in confidence impart to the other that such a

man talked so and so, whereby the thing may come to be known and render

it dangerous for the persons, all this occur’d to me upon serious

reflection and found the difficulty of it, upon talking to some with

folks here in that stile after my return and succeeded with none but

two Mr. N. of D--n and Mr. C--r of Cr--g--th,[654] the last of which

was drunk and repented next day for which I gave it up.

[164] A non-juring minister at Edinburgh; father of Lord Eskgrove.

[165] Sir Alexander Macdonald of Sleat (Skye), 7th baronet. His first

wife was Anne Erskine (died 1735), widow of James (Ogilvy), 4th _de

jure_ Earl of Airlie (died 1731). The Earl of Airlie mentioned here was

his brother, 5th _de jure_ earl (died 1761). He remained passive during

the ’45, but his son Lord Ogilvy raised two battalions for Prince

Charles.

[166] Henry, Duke of York, afterwards cardinal.

[167] I cannot now recollect from whom I had that information, but it

was such that in the time I had reason to Credit it.

[168] This was owing to Sir A[lexander] M[acdonald] having promised for

a number supperior to what Mr. Drummond had marked him down for and

at the same time as some folks were laying to his Charge we did not

believe it was thought fitt to say something favourable of him as we

had an entire confidence in his honesty.

[169] Bishop Rattray died at Edinburgh, May 12, 1743.

[170] Battle of Dettingen, fought 16th June old style, or 27th new

style, 1743.

[171] The Highland Regiment, originally the 43rd and afterwards the

42nd, was raised in the name of John, 20th Earl of Crawford (then lying

wounded at Belgrade), in 1739, and first embodied 1740. It was sent to

London in 1743, and there its members, who understood on enlistment

that their service was for the Highlands only, were persuaded that

the Government intended to send them to the plantations or to sell

them into slavery. When encamped at Highgate more than two hundred

of them left the camp by night in May 1743 and started to march to

Scotland. They were overtaken and surrounded when near Oundle in

Northamptonshire; they surrendered and were marched prisoners to the

Tower. Three of their leaders were executed, Corporals Samuel and

Malcolm Macpherson and private Farquhar Shaw, all of Clan Chattan.

[172] There had been heavy recruiting for the Scots Brigade in the

service of the Netherlands.

[173] Sir Thomas Gordon of Earlston, 3rd baronet, whose grandfather

(killed at Bothwell Bridge) and father were eminent Covenanter leaders.

Murray hoped to secure the adherence of the Cameronian Covenanters

through Gordon and Dr. Cochran (see p. 51) and others. Cf. _Murray’s

Memorials_, p. 54.

[174] Sir James Stewart; see Appendix.

[175] David (Wemyss), Lord Elcho, eldest son of James, 4th Earl of

Wemyss. Joined Prince Charles at Edinburgh and served through the

campaign. Forfeited, and lived in exile until his death in 1787. See

his Memoir by Hon. Evan Charteris, prefaced to _A Short Account of the

Affairs of Scotland_, 1744-46.

[176] Norman Macleod of Macleod, nineteenth chief; born 1706; died

1772. He engaged to join Prince Charles although he came alone; but he

changed his mind, was the first to communicate the Prince’s landing

to the Lord President, and was the vindictive foe of Prince Charles

throughout the whole adventure.

[177] This was Alexander (or Alistair), Lord Lovat’s second son, by his

wife Margaret Grant, sister of Sir James Grant of Grant. Born 1729,

died unmarried 1762.

The school at Prestonpans was kept by Mr. John Halket who had been

tutor in Lovat’s family at Castle Downie. Peggy Vint’s was a tavern in

Prestonpans. Alexander Carlyle gives an account of an extraordinary

carouse there in 1741, at which Lovat, Erskine of Grange, Halket, four

Fraser henchmen, young Lovat, Halket’s son, and Carlyle were present.

Lovat said Grace in French, and he ‘swore more than fifty dragoons’

at the fish. The claret was excellent and circulated fast. There was

a piper at the tavern, and the landlady’s daughter Kate was ‘very

alluring.’ Lovat, then seventy-five, and Grange not much younger,

warmed with wine, insisted on dancing a reel with Kate Vint: ‘this was

a scene not easily forgotten.’ A banquet at Grange’s house of Preston,

with a ‘new deluge of excellent claret,’ finished what Carlyle calls ‘a

very memorable day.’--Carlyle, _Autobiography_, p. 58.

[178] About this time Sir J. Ca[mpbe]ll had the misfortune to have

his house burnt and lost everything in it, even to his Body Cloaks.

The deplorable situation he was in, never having received any of the

money promised him save 200£ call for immediate assistance, and still

the more so, that he had from time to time borrowed Money upon his

Honour to Return it in such a time, as he had always reason to expect

his pension wou’d answer, his failing in which necessarly weakened his

Interest in the Country, for two reasons: 1st that he had no money

to enable him to entertain and visit his neighbours, and 2ndly So he

was not able to keep his word to them from whom he had borrowed it.

Both shaggerined him and naturally made him the less confided in other

matters, for which reasons I wrote presently to my Lord T[ra]q[uai]r,

to write Mr. Drummond then at London, that the money might be gott

as he then had the bond I mentioned before in his Custody, but he

still putt it off by saying that nothing could be done in it till he

went over, as the money was to be gott in france, which was a most

rediculous reason, for he told me in paris that it was through Lord

Semple he was to find it, which had it been the Case there was no

occasion for the things being delayed till he went over, as he was to

have no influence but ought to have sent it to Lord Semple. However

I don’t believe it will be found upon inquiring yt, Lord Semple knew

any thing of the matter for Mr. Drummond would not agree that I should

mention the thing to him when at paris, so that I am fully convinced

that it was as I have said befor, all a fetch to prevent writing to

the King about it, for fear that he should be disapointed of the 4,000

Livres a year he has since got settled upon him.

[179] Lord Lovat must surely have been deceiving or deceived. It was

the proud boast of the Monroes that the clan had remained constant to

Covenanting principles and to the Protestant succession, being the only

Whig clan that never wavered. The Munroes were the only Highlanders who

joined Cope on his march to Inverness in 1745.

[180] John Boyle, 5th earl; succeeded as 5th Earl of Cork, 1751; a man

of letters; friend of Swift, Pope, and Johnson; died 1762.

[181] Of Wynnstay, 3rd Baronet, M.P. for Denbigh, an ardent Jacobite,

almost openly avowed.

[182] 7th February 1744.

[183] He is marry’d to a sister of mine, and upon the Change of the

Ministry was made keeper of the Signet, through the Marquiss of

Tweedales Interest in the Room of Mr. Mcmillan the Writer.

[184] Thomas Hay of Huntington, East Lothian, advocate; Keeper of

the Signet, 1742-46; raised to the Bench as Lord Huntington 1754.

His brother, John Hay of Restalrig, W.S., succeeded John Murray as

Secretary to Prince Charles on Murray’s falling ill at Inverness, in

1746.

[185] Robert Dundas of Arniston, first President Dundas; born 1685;

was Lord Advocate, 1720-25; raised to the Bench as Lord Arniston 1737;

became Lord President on the death of Duncan Forbes of Culloden 1748;

died 1753. He was the father of Henry (Dundas), 1st Lord Melville.

[186] Sir John Inglis of Cramond, Postmaster-General of Scotland.

[187] Alexander Arbuthnott of Knox, merchant in Edinburgh; grandson of

the 1st Viscount Arbuthnott; became Commissioner of Customs 1742; died

1769.

[188] Andrew Fletcher, Lord Milton, nephew of Andrew Fletcher of

Saltoun the great opposer of the Union. Born 1692; elevated to Scottish

Bench 1724; Lord-Justice-Clerk 1735-48; died 1766.

[189] Joshua Guest, born 1660; Lieut.-General 1745; died 1747. This

is the only categorical statement which I am aware of that Guest was

Commander-in-Chief in Scotland before the appointment of Sir John Cope

(18th February 1744). Cf. _Book of Old Edinburgh Club_, 1909, p. 17.

[190] Hunter of Polmood was buried in Drumelzier Churchyard on

Thursday, February 23, 1744, which dates this incident. His son,

Charles Hunter, was married to Murray’s sister, Veronica.

[191] William M‘Dougall, wine merchant in Edinburgh, a brother-in-law

of John Murray’s. See _Memorials_, pp. 66, 301, 311.

[192] Probably Dr. Cochran of Roughfoil, a physician in Edinburgh. He

may have been a connection of Murray’s, whose aunt Margaret was married

to Alex. Cochran of Barbachlaw. Cf. _Memorials_, pp. 38, 54.

[193] John M‘Leod of Muiravonside, Stirlingshire, an advocate. His son,

Alexander, was A.D.C. to Prince Charles.

[194] Hartree, a Peeblesshire estate, in Kilbucho Parish, about seven

miles from Broughton. The laird of Hartree, John Dickson, was married

to Murray’s aunt Anne.

[195] French Fleet wrecked, 25th February old style, 7th March new

style, 1744.

[196] On this occasion, as on a subsequent escape from capture, the

Duke took refuge in the Invercauld country. See _post_, p, 271.

[197] Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel, a cadet of Appin. He led out

the Stewarts of Appin in 1745. Fled to France after Culloden, and

died 1757. (He is the chief for whom Alan Breck collected rents. See

_Kidnapped_, by R. L. Stevenson, chap. ix.)

[198] Balhaldy.

[199] Probably House of Commons.

[200] Balhaldy.

[201] Balhaldy.

[202] The names in this letter have been deciphered partly by

comparison with other ciphers; partly from information given by Murray

in his Memorials; occasionally by conjecture, in which last case the

word ‘probably’ is prefixed.

[203] Sempill or Balhaldy.

[204] Probably 21st September 1744. Murray wrote two letters to Prince

Charles from Senlis, on 21st September (which was a Wednesday). Both

are given in _Murray’s Memorials_, pp. 376, 379.

[205] Probably Captain Clephan of Villegass’s Regiment, the second

Scots regiment in the service of the Netherlands. See _Murray’s

Memorials_, pp. 101, etc., for this, and following notes.

[206] Prince Charles.

[207] Rotterdam.

[208] Captain Anderson, also of Villegass’s Regiment.

[209] Officers of his regiment (probably).

[210] Colyear’s, that is the regiment of the Hon. W. P. Colyear, son of

the 1st Earl of Portmore, Colonel of the third Scots regiment in the

Netherlands.

[211] Lord Elcho.

[212] Prince Charles.

[213] Probably 30th September 1744.

[214] Dr. Barry.

[215] Probably Adam Cockburn, a hosier in Johnstone’s Court, Charing

Cross. See _Murray’s Memorials_, p. 454.

[216] Not quite intelligible, something probably omitted, but

apparently meaning that letters for the Prince are to be addressed to

the care of ‘Morris,’ an occasional pseudonym for Charles Smith of

Boulogne.

[217] Prince Charles.

[218] The King of France.

[219] Probably the English.

[220] Probably the Scots.

[221] A Restoration.

[222] Earl of Traquair.

[223] Scotland.

[224] Scotland.

[225] Perhaps ‘Skye’ referring to the clan of Sir Alexander Macdonald,

who was then in collusion with the Jacobites.

[226] Prince Charles.

[227] Probably Nisbet of Dirleton. See _Murray’s Memorials_, p. 103.

[228] Probably England.

[229] Earl of Traquair.

[230] Sir James Steuart.

[231] Duke of Perth.

[232] Lochiel.

[233] Duke of Perth.

[234] Earl of Traquair.

[235] Prince Charles.

[236] Probably English and Scots.

[237] Macleod of Macleod.

[238] Sir James Steuart.

[239] Probably young Glengarry (whom Mr. Andrew Lang identifies as

Pickle the Spy).

[240] _N.B._--I am satisfyd the reason for their so doing was that they

found themselves blown, and imagined Mr. Burnet would soon drop them,

for which they were resolved to prevent him by refusing to Act, and

thereby give themselves the Air of significancy. As for the reason they

give, in my Opinion it is inexpressibly frivelous and even betraying

of their own want of a hearty Zeal, for their Masters Interest. For

had I, either from Roguery, Ignorance, or folly, deceived Mr. Burnet

in what I said, it was no reason for their Giving up a Scheme of such

Extensive consequence, which plainly shows its not from principle they

Act. At the same time I cannot see the least ground to believe they

had any scheme going on, as they kept no correspondance with any of

the Ministers save Mr. Orri,[655] as I was informed whose department

did not lead him to treat of such like matters, neither was there then

the least thing for an Expedition. As to my advice to Mr. Burnet, it

is sufficient he knew it to be in every sense absolutely false, but

the view they had in so doing is too obvious not to be seen through.

They knew Kinny was just going over, and, as he is a man of Consequence

in the Country, could they have influenced him against me they would

thereby have broke the force of my Representations, being satisfied

I would not fail in my arrival here to make known their shameful

procedure to Mr. Edwards friends, and I must observe since at it was a

very convenient time as Mr. Burnet seemed resolved to make the Money

they promised to procure for Arms, the touchstone of their Veracity,

and the frenches sincerity, so that their refusing to act at that time

prevented the Sd--v believing them baffled men.

[241] Captain John Drummond, a nephew of Balhaldy’s.

[242] Prince Charles.

[243] Prince Charles.

[244] King.

[245] Rome.

[246] The Chevalier de St. George.

[247] Duke of Perth.

[248] Earl of Traquair.

[249] Lochiel.

[250] Scotland.

[251] James Fea of Clestrain (or Clesterton), in Stronsay, constituted

himself a Jacobite leader in Orkney and attempted to raise men for

the Prince. In March 1746 when Lord Macleod took his regiment to

Thurso, Mackenzie of Ardloch, invited by Fea, went over to Stromness

to raise men and money. None of the islanders were willing to go out,

and Ardloch declined to take unwilling recruits although Fea offered

to press some men. Ardloch, however, carried off £145 of cess and a

quantity of smuggled brandy. For his indiscretion, Fea’s house of Sound

in the island of Shapinsay was burnt down in May by the crews of a

squadron sent to hunt down Jacobites, while Fea concealed himself in

Caithness until the passing of the Act of Indemnity. (See Allan Fea,

_The Real Captain Cleveland_, p. 175; _L. in M._, ii. 337.)

[252] A battle fought at Altimarlach three miles west of Wick, in 1680,

between George Sinclair of Keiss, afterwards 7th Earl of Caithness and

Sir John Campbell of Glenurchy, afterwards 1st Earl of Breadalbane.

Sinclair’s kinsman the 6th earl, falling into debt and having no

children, had disponed his titles, property and heritable jurisdictions

to Sir John Campbell, the principal creditor, who married the earl’s

widow in 1678, having managed the previous year to secure a patent

from Charles II. as Earl of Caithness. Sinclair of Keiss resisted his

claims by force, and Campbell marched an army of his own men and some

royal troops to Caithness. The first advantage was with the Sinclairs,

who celebrated the event with drunken revelry aggravated by finding

a whisky-laden ship strategically stranded by the Campbells in Wick

harbour. Next day the Sinclairs were defeated. It was on this occasion

that the air ‘The Campbells are coming’ was composed by Finlay Macivor

the celebrated piper of Breadalbane. (Calder, _Hist. of Caithness_, p.

162.) The courts found later that Keiss (grandson of the 5th earl) was

entitled to the Caithness earldom; Sir John Campbell was compensated by

being created Earl of Breadalbane in 1681, but with the precedency of

the Caithness grant 1677.

[253] This Mr. Gilchrist is scathingly treated in _The Lyon_ (iii.

36). He went ‘to Edinburgh and thence to London to misrepresent and

asperse the bulk of the Caithness gentry as enemies to the present

establishment.’ He is further said to have collected 250 guineas

for himself and to have made his friends ‘believe that he could not

continue in Caithness for the wicked Jacobites who had threatened to

take away his life and destroy his family.’ The writer, a non-juring

minister, who had been a prisoner in London, adds sententiously ‘Honest

Whigry that never thinks shame of lying for worldly interest!’

[254] George Sinclair of Geese, afterwards captured at Dunrobin, was

the only Caithness Sinclair of position who joined the Jacobite army.

Lord Macleod marched through Caithness in March 1746, but though

the proprietors professed Jacobite sympathies, very few joined his

standard. (Fraser, _The Earls of Cromartie_, ii. 398.)

[255] Sir James Stewart of Burray, Orkney, took no active part in the

Rising, but he was apprehended on suspicion in May 1746, and taken

prisoner to London, where he died of fever in the New Gaol, Southwark,

the following August.

[256] George (Mackay), 3rd Lord Reay, b. 1678; suc. his grandfather

_c._ 1680; supported government in 1715; was largely instrumental in

establishing the presbytery of Tongue 1725; d. 1748.

[257] William (Gordon-Sutherland), 16th earl; b. 1708; suc. his

grandfather 1720; d. 1750. His wife was Lady Elizabeth Wemyss, aunt

of Lord Elcho of the ’45. His father acted vigorously against the

Jacobites in ’15 and ’19.

[258] Assynt in ancient times was the territory of the MacNicols

(or MacRyculs or Nicolsons), but in the time of David II. Torquil

Macleod IV., of Lewis, married the heiress and obtained the lands.

The MacNicols emigrated to Skye, where they have been for centuries.

Macleod’s second son inherited Assynt, and there were twelve Macleod

lairds. The last of these was Neil Macleod who was tried in 1666, and

again in 1674, for betraying the great Marquis of Montrose and other

crimes. He was acquitted, but, probably owing to the expense of the

trials, he fell into debt, and was driven from his lands which were

acquired by the Mackenzies. _Cf._ p. 107, _n._ 1.

[259] See _post_, p. 96.

[260] The writer is wrong here. It was the first earl’s grandfather,

Sir Roderick Mackenzie (1579-1626), the terrible Tutor of Kintail who

married Margaret heiress of Torquil Macleod of Lewis and Cogeach.

George (Mackenzie), 1st Earl of Cromarty (1630-1714), was the

antiquary. He was an original member of the Royal Society (London),

founded 1662.

[261] See _post_, p. 104.

[262] A battle at Sgeir na Caillich on Lochalsh, between the Straits

of Kylerhea and Kyleakin. According to the Clan Donald historians,

the battle was fought in 1603. It was not Glengarry (Donald, 7th of

Glengarry, who died in 1645, aged 102), but his eldest son Angus,

‘Young Glengarry,’ who was killed.

[263] Now called Glenshiel. The church was erected in the hamlet of

Muick.

[264] It is hardly likely that the Macraes will accept this suggestion

of descent without strong corroboration which does not seem to exist.

A very different origin is given by the Rev. Roderick Morison,

minister of Kintail in 1793: ‘It is generally allowed that the Mac

Raes emigrated from the braes of Aird, on the Lovat estate, to this

place, though what induced them to prefer the mountains to the plains

is not universally agreed upon, yet certain it is, that long after

their residence in Kintail, they maintained a firm alliance with the

Frasers of Aird. The tradition which prevails, that an inscription was

set up nigh the entrance to Lovat House, bearing “That no Mac Rae must

lodge without, when a Fraser resides within,” is not wholly without

foundation. When the Mac Raes first entered Kintail, there were several

clans inhabiting it, particularly the Mac Aulays, of whom no vestige

now remains. The Mac Lennans, a small tribe in the parish of Glensheal,

were the only people that would not yield. These Mac Lennans, at the

battle of Auldearn, were intrusted with Seaforth’s colours. The novelty

of the preferment roused them to action and stubborn resistance, which

proved fatal to the clan, for many were slain; and their widows, 18

in number, were afterwards married to Mac Raes. The boundaries which

divide the Mac Raes from the Mac Lennans are marked by a river which

runs into Lochduich; but common observation may easily trace a line

of distinction from the difference in their language and accent.’ Mr.

Morison gives the derivation of the name as _Mhac Ragh_, the son of

good fortune, applied by the founder to his son after some successful

exploits.--(_Statistical Account of Scotland_, vi. 242; the story of

the great slaughter of Maclellans at Auldearn is modified by latest

investigators.) The word _Ragh_ or _Rath_ may mean either ‘good

fortune’ or ‘grace,’ and the latest clan historian, Rev. Alex. Macrae,

is of opinion that the name has an ecclesiastical origin as the ‘son of

grace’ applied to a holy man of old. Relying on tradition, he inclines

to believe that the Macraes were from Clunes in the Aird and were of

common origin with the Mackenzies and Macleans.

The Kintail Macraes were not out in ’45. There was, however, a certain

Captain MacRaw in Glengarry’s regiment; he attended Prince Charles when

in Lochaber during his wanderings; also a Lieut. Alexander M‘Ra from

Banff; and one of the French officers taken prisoner at sea on the

voyage to Scotland, was Captain James Macraith of Berwick’s regiment.

Gilchrist Macgrath or M‘Kra entertained the Prince in Glen Shiel in

his wanderings. Murdoch M‘Raw, ‘nearest relation to the chieftain of

that name,’ was barbarously hanged as a spy at Inverness protesting his

innocence. (_L. in M._, i. 205, 342; iii. 378; ii. 205, 299.)

[265] See Dickson, _The Jacobite Attempt of 1719_ (Scot. Hist. Soc.,

vol. xix.).

[266] The Long Island is the name given to the chain of the outer

Hebrides from the Butt of Lewis to Barra Head, comprising Lewis and

Harris, North Uist, Benbecula, South Uist, Eriska, Barra and Mingulay.

[267] The story of the transference of the lands of the ancient and

powerful family of Macleod of Lewis to the Mackenzies is one of the

most pitiful in Highland history. Towards the middle of the sixteenth

century, Roderick (or Ruari) Macleod, the last undisputed Macleod of

Lewis, married, as his first wife, a natural daughter of John Mackenzie

of Kintail. The wife eloped, the son, named Torquil Connanach, was

repudiated. Torquil was brought up at Strath Connan (hence his

‘to-name’) by the Mackenzies, who embraced his cause. From that moment

the family of Lewis was doomed. Partly by purchase, partly by marriage,

but largely by intrigue and violence the lands of Macleod were acquired

by the Mackenzies. Lewis was driven to anarchy; feuds of the worst type

ensued, father against sons, brothers murdering brothers. Government

interfered; Lewis was forfeited and parcelled out among Lowland

colonist-adventurers, who were thwarted by the Mackenzies, and at last

were glad to go, and in 1610 to dispose of their rights to Mackenzie,

who had become Lord Kintail the previous year. Any rights that remained

to his cousin Torquil Macleod were made over to the Mackenzies.

Meantime, in 1605, Kintail’s brother Roderick had married the daughter

and heiress of Torquil, and became possessed of the mainland property

of Coigeach. As soon as the Mackenzies obtained the island, they

promptly restored order; the remaining members of the old Macleod

family were murdered or driven out under a commission of fire and

sword. Kintail’s son became an earl in 1623, and took his title from

Loch Seaforth in Lewis, while his uncle Roderick, tutor of Kintail,

terrible and ruthless (of whom the Gaelic proverb says ‘there are two

things worse than the Tutor of Kintail, frost in spring and mist in

the dog-days’), built a castle in Strathpeffer, which he called Castle

Leod, and when his grandson obtained the earldom of Cromarty in 1685,

the second title then assumed was that of ‘Lord Macleod,’ to show that

the heritage of the old family of Macleod of Lewis remained with him.

[268] Roderick Macneill of Barra was from home when Prince Charles

landed in the neighbouring island of Eriska, July ’45. He took no

active part in the rising but was arrested on suspicion in July ’46,

taken to London, released in ’47.

[269] For the Macdonald divisions and claims, see Appendix,

[270] John Mackinnon of Mackinnon was the only one of the three

Skye chiefs who went out. He joined with his clan at Edinburgh, and

served throughout the campaign, but was absent on duty in Sutherland

when Culloden was fought. He was attainted. Prince Charles went to

him in his wanderings, and the chief conducted him from Skye to the

mainland, for which service he was made prisoner, taken to London, but

released in July ’47. He died in Skye, in ’56, aged 75 years. He was a

son-in-law of Archbishop Sharpe of St. Andrews.

[271] This is a reference to the well-known story of the conversion of

the islanders. The laird, a man ‘much respected,’ an elder of the kirk,

reproved by the General Assembly for allowing his people to remain

in popery, retrieved his character by driving his tenants from the

Catholic chapel to the Protestant church with the vigorous application

of a gold-headed cane, called by the Highlanders a yellow stick: from

this the Presbyterian religion became known in the islands as Creidimh

a bhata bhui, the creed of the yellow stick. Cf. Bellesheim’s _Hist.

Cath. Church Scot._ (iv. 188).

[272] Called the Parish of the Small Isles.

[273] Modernly, Loch Hourn = Hell Loch.

[274] Scotus and Barisdale were brothers, both being uncles of the

chief of Glengarry. The elder, Angus Macdonell of Scotus, was an old

man in ’45, and died the following year. He remained at home, but

his eldest son Donald went out with Glengarry. Donald fell wounded

at Culloden, and was supposed to have died on the field. The clan

historians, however, state that evidence has been found in the Stuart

Papers at Windsor that certain marauders landed from a ship at night,

carried off a number of wounded, among them Donald of Scotus, who

after various adventures was captured by Turkish pirates, and held in

bondage ever afterwards. (_History of Clan Donald_, iii. 324.) Two

of Scotus’s younger sons John and Allan were captains in Glengarry’s

regiment. Donald’s eldest son Ranald fought on the Government side in

’45 in Loudoun’s regiment. Ranald’s grandson succeeded in 1868 as 18th

hereditary chief of Glengarry.

For Macdonell of Barisdale, see _post_, p. 96.

[275] The _Morar_ family was really not a cadet, but the senior branch

of the Clanranald family, descended from the eldest son of Dougall, 6th

Clanranald, who was deposed by the clan for cruelty and oppression, and

his children excluded for ever from the chiefship, which was conferred

on his uncle. Dougall was assassinated in 1520; his family, on whom the

lands of Morar were conferred, were known as the ‘MacDhughail Mhorair.’

In 1745 the laird of Morar was Allan, whose mother was a Macdonald of

Sleat. He must have been an elderly man, as his wife was an aunt of

Lochiel’s, the youngest daughter of Sir Ewan Cameron by his third wife,

daughter of the Quaker David Barclay of Urie. Morar was one of the

first to meet the Prince on his reaching Lochnanuagh in July ’45. He

served as lieut-colonel of the Clanranald regiment. Prince Charles in

his wanderings came to him for hospitality in July ’46, and Morar could

only give him a cave to sleep in as his house had been burned down. His

reception of the Prince, prompted it is said by young Clanranald, was

very cold, and he was the object of fierce invective by the chief of

Mackinnon, and of sorrowful reproach by Charles himself. (_L. in M._,

iii. 187.) According to the clan historians, Morar had the reputation

of being ‘an unmanly, drunken creature all his life.’ (_Hist. Cl.

Donald_, iii. 256.)

Mr. Andrew Lang says that Morar was the author of the _Journal and

Memorial of P---- C---- Expedition into Scotland_ (printed in the

_Lockhart Papers_), which is a principal source of knowledge of the

early days of the adventure. Mr. Lang did not remember his authority,

but was certain of its authenticity. (I had been assured in Moidart

that the _Journal_ was by young Ranald of Kinloch-Moidart, but without

proof.) Allan of Morar died in 1756. His eldest son, John, was ‘out,’

but in what capacity he served I have failed to trace. Morar’s

step-brother, John of Guidale, was a captain in the Clanranald regiment.

Another step-brother was Hugh Macdonald, who had been educated for the

Church in France. He was reported to Rome as a ‘scion of one of the

noblest branches of the Macdonalds.... He himself is distinguished

even more for his zeal and piety than for his honourable birth, and

is also a man of singular prudence and modesty.’ (Bellesheim, iv.

386.) He was consecrated Bishop of Diana _in partibus_ in 1731, and

appointed vicar-apostolic of the Highlands. The Bishop visited the

Prince on board ship on his first arrival, and implored him to return.

When the Standard was raised in Glenfinnan it was blessed by Bishop

Hugh. What part he took during the campaign I do not know, but after

the debacle, he accompanied Lord Lovat in his hiding in Morar. When the

fugitives were pounced upon by Ferguson’s party (see _post_, pp. 90,

244) Lovat was captured, but the Bishop escaped and went to France, in

September, along with Prince Charles. He returned to Scotland in 1749,

when he had an interview with Bishop Forbes, who veils his identity by

calling him ‘Mr. Hugh.’ (_L. in M._, iii. 50.) He was betrayed in July

1755, and arrested, released on bail, and obliged to reside at Duns

until the following February, when he was sentenced by the High Court

to perpetual banishment. (_Scots. Mag._, xvii. 358, xviii. 100.) By

connivance of the authorities, the sentence was not enforced, and he

remained in Scotland until his death, which occurred in Glengarry in

1773.

The _Kinlochmoidart_ family descends from the 9th Clanranald (d.

1593). The laird in 1745 was Donald Macdonald; his mother was Margaret

Cameron, the only sister of Lochiel of the ’45; his wife was a daughter

of Stewart of Appin. Donald, as a boy, had fought at Sheriffmuir.

His brother Æneas, a banker in Paris, came over from France with

Prince Charles. On arrival in Scotland Æneas was sent to summon the

laird. Kinlochmoidart, who was given a commission as colonel and made

aide-de-camp to the Prince, was at once despatched to summon his uncle

Lochiel, and other Jacobite leaders. Prince Charles lived in his

house from August 11th to 18th. When a captive the following year,

Kinlochmoidart was asked what made him embark in the adventure, ‘Lord,

man’ he replied, ‘what could I do when the young lad came to my house.’

(_Carlisle in 1745_, p. 266.) It is interesting from the point of view

of Highland hospitality to compare this reply with the advice given to

Prince Charles by Clanranald’s brother, Boisdale, who had an interview

with the Prince at Eriska on his first arrival, but refused to rise.

When he found it impossible to dissuade the Prince from his enterprise

he ‘insisted that he ought to land on the estate of Macdonald of

Sleat or in that of Macleod, for if he trusted himself to them in the

beginning they would certainly join him which otherwise they would

not do. The Prince would not follow this counsel, being influenced by

others.’ (Bishop Geddes’s MS.) Kinlochmoidart was made prisoner at

Lesmahagow in Lanarkshire, in November ’45, while returning to the army

from an unsuccessful mission to Sir Alexander of Sleat and Macleod. The

principal agent in his capture was a divinity student, Thomas Lining,

afterwards rewarded with the living of Lesmahagow. The chieftain was

tried at Carlisle, and there hanged on 18th October ’46. His head was

fixed on the Scots Gate, where it remained for many years. His house

was burned down.

Kinlochmoidart’s family was deeply implicated in the Rising. Four

of his brothers served in Clanranald’s regiment: John, a doctor of

medicine, who was one of Ferguson’s victims in the _Furness_; he

afterwards returned to Moidart; Ranald, whose chivalrous championship

of the Prince’s cause, gave the first note of enthusiasm to the

adventure (Home, _Hist. Reb._, p. 39); Allan, who fled to France and

perished in the Revolution; James, who was captured at Culloden, but

escaped; he was exempted from the general pardon, and is supposed

to have gone to America. A fifth brother, Æneas the Paris banker,

was captured, tried, and sentenced to death. He escaped from Newgate

by throwing snuff in the turnkey’s eyes, but being shod with loose

slippers he tripped when flying along Warwick Lane and was retaken. He

received a conditional pardon, returned to France, and was killed in

the Revolution.

[276] The property was acquired in 1726 by Sir David Murray of Stanhope

(Peeblesshire) 2nd bart., the father of John Murray of Broughton. He

died in 1729, but the work of developing the lead mines and minerals

was carried on by his son, Sir James. In 1745 the proprietor was Sir

David Murray, 4th bart., nephew of Sir James, He was ‘out,’ served as

aide-de-camp to the Prince, and fought at Falkirk and Culloden. He was

captured at Whitby endeavouring to escape; was tried at York; sentenced

to death; conditionally pardoned; and died an exile in 1770. The

forfeited estate in Ardnamurchan was sold for £33,700.

[277] Of Torcastle, fourth son of Sir Ewan Cameron. He was attainted.

After Culloden he remained in Lochaber, and was agent for distributing

money to the Camerons. At the end of ’47 he was still free, having

evaded all attempts at capture (_Albemarle Papers_); of his subsequent

career I have no knowledge.

[278] Sir Hector Maclean of Duart (Mull), 5th bart., who was major of

Lord John Drummond’s French regiment of Royal Scots, had been sent from

France to Edinburgh in May, and was made prisoner there in June, and

removed to London. He was tried for his life, but on proving that he

was born in Calais he was treated as a prisoner of war. Charles Maclean

of Drimnin (Morvern) joined the Prince after the battle of Falkirk; at

Culloden, where Drimnin was killed, his Macleans were formed into a

regiment with the Maclachlans, commanded by the chief of Maclachlan.

Allan Maclean of Brolas, who succeeded Sir Hector in 1750, as 6th

bart., joined the Government side. (_Scots Mag._, viii. 141.)

[279] Lachlan MacLachlan; was commissary general in the Jacobite army;

killed at Culloden.

[280] For the Maclean and Maclachlan gentlemen, see Appendix.

[281] Rev. John Maclachlan of Kilchoan, ‘chaplain general of the

clans,’ friend and correspondent of Bishop Forbes. Writing to the

Bishop in 1748, he says, ‘I live for the most part now like a hermite,

because all my late charge almost were kill’d in battle, scatter’d

abroad or are cow’d at home. (_L. in M._, ii. 210.)

[282] Dugald Stewart, 8th chief of Appin and last of the direct male

line. Although a Jacobite, and created a peer, as Lord Appin, by James,

in 1743, he did not join Prince Charles. His clan, one of the first

to rise, was led out by his kinsman Charles Stewart, 5th of Ardshiel.

Dugald Stewart sold Appin in 1765, and died 1769.

[283] Alexander Macdonald of Glencoe was attainted; he surrendered some

time after Culloden; he was in prison as late as 1750; date of release

or of death not ascertained. Two brothers, James and Donald, went out

with him in ’45.

[284] Lochiel’s brother, Alexander Cameron, third son of John of

Lochiel, joined the Church of Rome, and became a Jesuit. I have failed

to trace what part he took during the campaign; but in July 1746 he

was arrested at Morar and put on board the _Furness_, the ship of the

notorious Captain Ferguson. Father Cameron was carried to the Thames;

he suffered great hardships, and died at Gravesend on board ship.

(_Albemarle Papers_, p. 408; _L. in M._, i. 312.)

[285] The last clan battle of importance, known as the Battle of

Mulroy, fought in Glenroy, August 1688. The Mackintoshes, who had

obtained charters of Keppoch’s country, were ever at feud with Keppoch,

who legally owned none of the land his clan occupied. It is said that

on this occasion Macdonell of Keppoch (‘Coll of the Cows’) treated his

prisoner Mackintosh so kindly that the latter in gratitude offered

him a charter of the lands in dispute. Keppoch declined, saying, that

he would never consent to hold by sheepskin what he had won by the

sword. (_Hist. of Clan Donald_, ii. 645.) Murray of Broughton, however,

states that as the result of this battle Mackintosh granted Keppoch an

advantageous lease, which was still running in 1745. (_Memorials_, p.

443.)

[286] In 1745 the chief of Keppoch, Alexander (son of Coll), was a

Protestant. When his clan joined the Prince he refused to allow a

favourite priest to accompany it, and in consequence, a number of

his people deserted when at Aberchalder. Keppoch had been created a

Jacobite baronet in 1743. His death at Culloden has been the theme of

much romance. For some late light on the subject, see Mr. Andrew Lang’s

_Hist. of Scot._, iv. 527.

[287] The Grants of Glenmoriston joined the Glengarry regiment.

[288] Not the eldest son, but the third son, Allan Grant of Innerwick.

He was taken prisoner by the Jacobites at the bloodless battle of

Dornoch. Lord John Murray’s regiment is the Highland Regiment (Black

Watch).

[289] See _post_, p. 281 _et seq._

[290] Contrary to what I find is a general impression, the religion

of Lord Lovat and his family, as well as his clan, was Protestant. It

is true that in his days of outlawry and exile in France, about 1703,

Lovat feigned conversion to Romanism, yet from his return to Scotland

in ’15, until his capture in ’46, he conformed to the Presbyterian

establishment; his bosom friend and crony was the gloomy and dissolute

fanatic, James Erskine, Lord Grange. When in hiding after Culloden,

along with Bishop Hugh Macdonald, in Loch Morar (see _ante_, p. 82)

Lovat informed the Bishop that he had long been a Catholic in his

heart, and wished to be received into the Church. He was preparing

to make his confession, but before the rite could be accomplished,

the fugitives were dispersed by a party of Campbells and seamen from

Ferguson’s ship, and Lord Lovat surrendered a few days later. Though

he desired the services of the chaplain of the Sardinian embassy while

a prisoner in the Tower, where on one occasion he pronounced himself

a Jansenist, and although he declared ‘Je meurs un fils indigne de

l’Église Romaine,’ there is no evidence, which I know of, that he ever

formally joined that communion.

[291] See _post_, p. 99.

[292] Robert Bruce, ordained minister at Edinburgh 1587; Moderator of

the Kirk 1588 and 1592, was the son of Bruce of Airth, Stirlingshire, a

rude and powerful baron of a family collateral with the royal Bruces.

At first Bruce was in high favour with James VI., who placed him on

the council of regency when he went to Denmark to be married, 1589,

and appointed him to officiate at the coronation of Queen Anne the

following year. Subsequently he thwarted the king in his ecclesiastical

policy as well as in refusing to acknowledge the guilt of the Earl of

Gowrie, who had been his pupil. James had him deposed from his parish,

and banished from Edinburgh, 1600. Part of his exile was passed at

Inverness (1605-9, and again 1620-24), where he preached to crowded

congregations every Sunday. He died at Kinnaird, 1631.

[293] See _post_, p. 104.

[294] The valley of the Findhorn river, Inverness, Nairn, and Moray

shires.

[295] See _post_, pp. 100, 410.

[296] See _post_, p. 269 _et seq._

[297] Now called Strathavon.

[298] Duncan Forbes of Culloden; b. 1685; M.P. Inverness-shire 1722;

Lord Advocate 1725; Lord President of the Court of Session 1737; d.

1747.

[299] George (Mackenzie), 3rd earl; b. about 1702; known as the

Master of Macleod until his grandfather’s death, 1714; as Lord Tarbat

until his father’s death, 1731, when he succeeded to the earldom. His

father, although a friend and cousin of Lord Mar, had not gone out in

1715. The Earl married, 1724, Isabella, daughter of Sir Wm. Gordon of

Invergordon, head of a family ‘noted for their zeal for the Protestant

succession.’ He was captured at Dunrobin 1746; condemned to death by

the House of Lords; released with a conditional pardon 1749; d. at

London 1766.

[300] John (Mackenzie), Lord Macleod, eldest son of 3rd Earl of

Cromartie; b. 1727. Captured along with his father; pled guilty;

received a conditional pardon 1748; went abroad 1749; entered the

Swedish service when the Old Chevalier, at the request of Lord George

Murray, sent him the necessary funds for his military outfit; became

colonel, aide-de-camp to the King of Sweden, and Count Cromartie;

returned to England 1777; raised a regiment for King George, first

known as Macleod’s Highlanders, the 73rd, subsequently the 71st, and

to-day the Highland Light Infantry; M.P. for Ross-shire 1780; family

estates restored to him 1784; m. 1786, Margery, d. of Lord Forbes; d.

_s.p._ 1789.

[301] There were three Macdonells all bearing the designation of

Barisdale in the ’Forty-five, who are often confused, and who for

distinction’s sake may be termed here, Old Barisdale, Young Barisdale,

and Youngest Barisdale.

_Old Barisdale_ was Archibald Macdonell, an uncle of Glengarry and

a brother of Scotus. He paid his respects to Prince Charles at

Glenfinnan, but took no active part in the Rising, probably being too

old to go out. In May 1746, however, his house was burned down by

Cumberland’s order, and he was carried prisoner on board a ship of war,

but was soon released. He died in 1752.

_Young Barisdale_ was Archibald’s eldest son, Coll Macdonell, who

is a prominent figure in the rising. He was born in 1698. A man

of commanding talent, he filled the _rôle_ of Highland cateran to

perfection, and raised a following absolutely devoted to him. He

became captain of the watch and guardian of the marches for western

Inverness-shire, a vocation (similar to that of his great prototype,

Rob Roy) which he exercised with rigour and occasional cruelty. He was

able to purchase several wadsets, which gave him territorial importance

in the western Highlands. He further strengthened his influence

in Ross-shire by his marriages, his first wife being a daughter

of George Mackenzie of Balmuchie, and his second wife a sister of

Alexander Mackenzie, then laird of Fairburn. He joined Prince Charles

at Aberchalder on 27th August at the head of Glengarry’s Knoydart

men, fought at Prestonpans, and when the Prince went to England he

and Angus Macdonell, Glengarry’s second son, were sent back to the

Highlands to raise more men. Barisdale greatly disliked his first

cousin Lochgarry, who commanded the Glengarry battalion, so he managed

to raise a regiment of his own. (_Murray’s Mem._, pp. 280, 441.) He

fought at Falkirk, but was not at Culloden, being absent on service in

Ross-shire. In June he was captured and taken prisoner along with his

son to Fort Augustus, and there he received a ten days’ protection on

condition of giving certain information to Government. For this he was

seized by the Jacobites, carried prisoner to France, and confined at

St. Malo and Saumur for two years and four months; was not attainted in

1746, but was excluded from the Act of Indemnity in 1747. He returned

to Scotland in February 1749, but was again arrested by Government,

taken to Edinburgh Castle, and kept a close prisoner without trial

until his death, 1st June 1750. A friendly account of this remarkable

man will be found in the _History of Clan Donald_, iii. 337; and an

unfriendly one in Mr. Lang’s _Companions of Pickle_, p. 97.

_Youngest Barisdale_ was Coll’s eldest son, Archibald, who was not

quite twenty years old at the beginning of the adventure. He acted

as major of the Glengarry regiment. His name was included in the

list of attainders in 1746, apparently in mistake for his father. He

was made prisoner along with his father in 1746, first by Government

and afterwards by the Jacobites; he was carried to France, where he

was held in durance for a year. He returned to Scotland, and in 1749

was again imprisoned by Government along with his father, but was

immediately released. Once more he was arrested in 1753, at the time

when Dr. Archibald Cameron was taken and executed. Barisdale was tried

and sentenced to death in March 1754, but reprieved. He was kept a

prisoner until 1762, when he was finally released. At his own request

he at once took the oath of fealty to Government, and accepted a

commission in the 105th Regiment (the Queen’s Own Royal Highlanders),

which was disbanded the following year. He died at Barisdale in 1787.

[302] Captain in Cromartie’s regiment; was captured at Dunrobin; tried

at Southwark in 1746, pleaded guilty and was condemned to death; he was

not executed; I am ignorant of his subsequent career.

[303] Simon Fraser, b. 1726: after Culloden gave himself up to

Government; attainted 1746, pardoned 1750; joined the Scottish bar

1752; acted as Advocate-Depute in the Appin murder trial, an episode

immortalised in R. L. Stevenson’s _Catriona_; raised a Highland

regiment for the Government 1757, and served with it under Wolfe in

Canada (regiment disbanded 1763); M.P. Inverness 1761; family estates

restored to him 1774; raised a second regiment of two battalions 1775,

for the American War, which he did not accompany (regiment disbanded

1783); died a lieut.-general 1782. Sir Walter Scott calls the Master

of Lovat the good son of a bad father. A very different account is

given by Mrs. Grant of Laggan--‘he differed from his father only as

a chain’d-up fox does from one at liberty.’ (See _Wariston’s Diary_,

etc., p. 275, Scot. Hist. Soc., vol. xxvi.)

[304] Charles Fraser the younger, b. 1725, nephew and heir-presumptive

of William Fraser of Inverallochy, Aberdeenshire, the senior cadet of

Lovat’s clan.

His father, Charles Fraser of Castle Fraser, younger brother of the

laird of Inverallochy, had inherited the property of Muchall or Castle

Fraser (Kemnay, Aberdeenshire), on the death of his step-grandfather

Charles, 4th and last Lord Fraser, who lost his life near Banff by

falling over a precipice while in hiding to avoid capture after

the ’15. In 1723 the elder Charles Fraser was created ‘Lord Fraser

of Mushall’ by the Chevalier in recognition of his services, and

particularly those of his father, ‘who died bravely asserting our

cause, and in consideration of the earnest desire of the late Lord

Fraser, when we were last in Scotland, to resign his titles of honour

in favour of the said Charles’ father.’ I am not aware of what these

special services were, nor why the elder brother William was passed

over both for the Castle Fraser inheritance and the Jacobite peerage.

Charles Fraser eventually succeeded to Inverallochy in 1749 on the

death of his brother William. He was probably too old to go out in

1745, and his son went out as Lovat’s lieut.-colonel, ‘in accordance

with the ancient highland practice and the policy of Lord Lovat as

being nearest in blood to the chiefship.’ Young Inverallochy was

killed at Culloden, and the story of his death is very painful. It

is first told in a general way in _The Lyon_ (ii. 305; iii. 56), and

afterwards with more detail by Sir Henry Seton Steuart of Allanton in

the _Antijacobin Review_ of 1802 (p. 125) as follows:--

‘When the celebrated General Wolfe (at this period a lieut.-colonel

in the army) was riding over the field of battle with the D----

of C-m-b-l-d, they observed a Highlander, who, though severely

wounded, was yet able to sit up, and, leaning on his arm, seemed to

smile defiance of them.--“Wolfe,” said the D----, “_shoot_ me that

Highland scoundrel, who thus dares to look on us with such contempt

and insolence!”--“My commission,” replied the manly officer, “is at

your R----l H----s’s disposal, but I never can consent to become an

_executioner_.” The Highlander, it is probable, was soon knocked on

the head by some ruffian less scrupulous than the future conqueror of

Quebec. But it was remarked by those who heard the story, that Colonel

Wolfe, from that day, visibly declined in the favour and confidence of

the commander-in-chief. We believe that some officers are still alive

who are not unacquainted with this anecdote.’

Mr. Beckles Willson, Wolfe’s latest biographer, accepts the story as

regards Wolfe but doubts its applicability to Cumberland. Wolfe, it

must be remembered, was on Hawley’s staff, not Cumberland’s. These

generals could easily have been mistaken for each other. The action

is very like Hawley, who was hated by the soldiers, who nicknamed him

the Hangman, and who held his military talents in contempt, a feeling

shared by Wolfe. Moreover, it was a Jacobite cult to vilify the Duke,

and to impute all cruelties to him personally. Seton Steuart was not an

entirely unprejudiced writer; he had been brought up in an atmosphere

of uncompromising Jacobitism. He was a cousin of Sir James Steuart of

Goodtrees and of Provost Stewart of Edinburgh, both of whom suffered;

while his wife was grand-daughter of Charles Smith of Boulogne, the

Jacobite agent frequently mentioned in Murray’s Papers. (See _ante_, p.

11.)

[305] James Fraser, 9th of Foyers (Lochness), descended from the 3rd

Lord Lovat, was one of the most ruthless and devoted henchmen of Lovat,

who made him bailie of Stratherrick. He received from Prince Charles

a special commission, dated 23rd September 1745, to seize President

Duncan Forbes and carry him prisoner to Edinburgh, an enterprise which

failed. His name was excluded from the act of indemnity, but he was

afterwards pardoned and his estates restored. It was to his house that

John Murray of Broughton was carried the day before Culloden.

[306] _N.B._--Most of the Chisholms are Papists.

[307] This does not quite accord with the clan history. Roderick, the

chief of Chisholm, was then forty-eight years old. What part he took

in the Rising is not on record, but he was specially excluded from

the act of indemnity. His eldest son Alexander seems to have stayed

at home; his second and third sons were officers in the Government

army, and fought under Cumberland at Culloden; his fourth son, who

was a physician in Inverness, afterwards provost, seems to have taken

no part; his youngest son, Roderick Og, led out the clan; he ‘headed

about eighty of the Chisholms at the battle of Culloden, himself and

thirty thereof were killed upon the field.’ (Mackenzie, _Hist. of the

Chisholms_.)

[308] The laird was then Alexander Mackenzie, 6th of Fairburn.

According to the Marquis d’Éguilles, French envoy to Prince Charles,

Fairburn’s wife was Barbara Gordon, of whom he gives the following

account in a despatch to his government: ‘Une fort jolie personne ...

celle-cy n’a pas banni son mari; mais malgré luy, elle a vendu ses

diamants et sa vaisselle pour lever des hommes. Elle a ramassé cent

cinquante des plus braves du païs, qu’elle a joint à ceux de miladi

Seaforth, sous la conduite de son beau-frère.’ (Cottin, _Un Protégé

de Bachaumont_, p. 51.) The brother-in-law may be Coll Macdonell of

Barisdale, who married her husband’s sister; or it may be Kenneth

Mackenzie her husband’s brother who although only a schoolboy was a

captain in Barisdale’s regiment. (Lord Rosebery’s _List of Persons

Concerned in the Rebellion_, p. 76.) This lady is not mentioned in the

genealogies of Alex. Mackenzie’s _Hist. of the Mackenzies_, which are,

however, manifestly incomplete.

[309] Alexander Macgillivray of Dunmaglas, the lieut.-colonel of Lady

Mackintosh’s regiment, and Gillise Macbain, Dalmagarrie, the major,

were both killed at Culloden.

[310] _N.B._--The Laird of McIntosh got a Company in the Highland

Regiment. He raised a full company and they all deserted except 8 or 9.

[311] Anne, daughter of James Farquharson, 9th of Invercauld, and

Margaret Murray, daughter of Lord James Murray, an uncle of Lord George

Murray; b. 1723; d. 1787; m. Æneas Mackintosh 22nd of Mackintosh, who,

though a Jacobite peer, refused to join Prince Charles, preferring to

serve that monarch who was able to pay him ‘half-a-guinea the day and

half-a-guinea the morn.’ (Notes to _Waverley_, ch. xix.) The chief

raised a company for King George with the result noted above, while

his lady raised the clan for Prince Charles. Of this lady we get the

following enthusiastic account by the Marquis d’Éguilles:--

‘Elle aimoit éperdûment son mari qu’elle espéra longtems de gagner

au Prince; mais, ayant appris qu’il s’étoit enfin engagé, avec le

Président, à servir la maison d’Hanovre, elle ne voulut plus le voir.

‘Elle ne s’en tint pas là: elle souleva une partie de ses vassaux, à la

teste desquels elle mit un très-beau cousin qui, jusques-là, l’avoit

aimée inutilement. Mackintosh fut obligé de quitter son lit, sa maison

et ses terres. L’intrépide ladi, un pistolet d’une main et de l’argent

de l’autre, parcourt le païs, menace, donne, promet, et, en moins de

quinze jours, ramasse 600 hommes. Elle en avoit envoyé moitié à Fakirk,

qui y arriva la veille de la bataille. Elle avoit retenu l’autre

moitié _pour se garder de son mari_ et de Loudoun qui, à Inverness,

n’étoient qu’à trois lieues de son château. Le prince logea chez elle,

à son passage. Elle s’offrit à luy avec la grâce et la noblesse d’une

divinité, car rien n’est si beau que cette femme. Elle luy présenta

toute sa petite armée qu’elle avoit rassemblée, et après avoir parlé

aux soldats de ce qu’ils devoient à la situation, aux droits et aux

vertus de leur Prince, elle jura très-catégoriquement de casser la

tête au premier qui s’en tourneroit, après avoir, à ses yeux, brûlé sa

maison et chassé sa famille.

‘Au reste, elle a toujours passé, jusques icy, pour être très-modérée,

très-sensée. C’est, icy, l’effet de la première éducation. Son père,

pris à la bataille de Preston en 1715, avoit resté longtems prisonnier,

et couru risque de la vie. Elle n’a pas vingt-deux ans. C’est elle qui

découvrit le projet qu’avoit fait Macleod d’enlever le Prince, et, en

vérité, c’est elle seule qui l’a fait échouer.’ (Cottin, p. 49.)

The last sentence refers to the incident known as ‘the Rout of Moy’

(_post_, p. 108), when Lady Mackintosh’s thoughtful vigilance saved

her Prince from imminent risk of capture. A month later (March 20th)

her husband was taken prisoner at Dornoch by the Jacobites. Prince

Charles sent the chief to his wife at Moy, saying that ‘he could not

be in better security or more honourably treated.’ This may have been

the occasion of the story told by Bishop Mackintosh to Chambers: the

lady was jocularly known in the army as ‘Colonel Anne’; when her

husband was ushered into her presence she greeted him laconically with,

‘Your servant, captain,’ to which he replied with equal brevity, ‘Your

servant, colonel!’ After Culloden Lady Mackintosh was arrested at Moy

and taken to Inverness; she was released after six weeks’ confinement.

In spite of her martial reputation, and her undaunted resolution, there

was nothing masculine about her appearance; she was a slender, rather

delicate-looking girl: she took no part in the fighting but remained

at home during the campaign. In after years when in London, family

tradition says that she became a favourite in certain royal circles,

and there on one occasion she met the Duke of Cumberland, and with him

she exchanged some piquant raillery (see narratives in A. M. Shaw’s

_Mackintoshes and Clan Chattan_, p. 464 _seq._).

[312] Culcairn, now called Kincraig, in Rosskeen parish. George Munro,

b. 1685, brother of Sir Robert Munro of Foulis (see _post_, p. 198).

Culcairn was shot in Knoydart in August 1746 while wasting the country

and carrying off cattle in company with Captain Grant of Knockando,

of Loudoun’s Regiment. It is said he was shot by accident instead of

Grant, by the father of one Alexander Cameron, whom Grant had shot a

short time previously. (_L. in M._, i. 91, 312.)

[313] Cf. _ante_, p. 46 _n._

[314] Kenneth (Mackenzie), eldest son of William, 5th Earl of Seaforth,

attainted 1716, d. 1740; but for the attainder he would have been

6th earl. He was styled Lord Fortrose, which was the second Jacobite

title of his grandfather, created Marquis of Seaforth by James VII.

after his abdication. He was born about 1718; M.P. for Inverness

1741-47; and for Ross-shire from 1747 until his death, 1761. Lord

Fortrose (who was generally, though not officially, called Seaforth

in Scotland) adhered to Government in the ’45. Though his support was

of the paltriest description, his defection gave great pain to Prince

Charles. Fortrose’s wife was Lady Mary Stewart, daughter of the 6th

Earl of Galloway. This lady raised men for Prince Charles, with the

result narrated in these pages. Of her the French envoy informs his

Government: ‘On assure que son zèle égale celuy des deux autres [Lady

Mackintosh and Mrs. Mackenzie of Fairburn], quoy qu’elle paroisse

moins vive et moins courageuse.’ It was their son who raised the 1st

Battalion Seaforth Highlanders (72nd), for which service he was created

Earl of Seaforth in the Peerage of Ireland.

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