The History _of_ Nations
JAPAN
[Illustration: Emblem]
GHENT
EDITION
[Illustration: THE JAPANESE AND RUSSIAN COMMANDERS OF
THE LATE WAR IN THE PENINSULA OF
LIAO-TUNG, MANCHURIA]
GENERAL NODZU
_Opposed to General Bilderding at the
Battle of Mukden_
GENERAL BARON KUROKI
_Commander-in-Chief of the First
Japanese Army_
GENERAL KUROPATKIN
_Commander-in-Chief of the Russian
Army in the Far East_
GENERAL LIGNIEVITCH
_Successor to General Kuropatkin_
GENERAL NOGI
_Japanese Commander before Port
Arthur_
GENERAL OKU
_Opposed to General Kaulbars at the
Battle of Mukden_
MARSHAL OYAMA
_Commander of the Japanese Field
Forces. Victor at Liao-yang,
Sha-ho and Mukden_
_From drawings made by H. W. Koekkoek from photographs_
THE HISTORY OF NATIONS
HENRY CABOT LODGE, Ph. D., LL. D. EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
JAPAN
From the Japanese Government History
Edited With Supplementary Chapters
by
K. ASAKAWA
Instructor in Japanese Civilization
Yale University
Volume VII
[Illustration: Emblem]
Illustrated
P · F · COLLIER & SON
PUBLISHERS NEW YORK
Copyright, 1907, by
JOHN D. MORRIS & COMPANY
Copyright, 1910, by
THE H. W. SNOW & SON COMPANY
Copyright, 1913, by
P. F. COLLIER & SON
Designed, Printed, and Bound at
The Collier Press, New York
THE HISTORY OF NATIONS
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
HENRY CABOT LODGE, Ph.D., LL.D.
Associate Editors and Authors
ARCHIBALD HENRY SAYCE, LL.D.,
_Professor of Assyriology, Oxford University_
CHRISTOPHER JOHNSTON, M.D., Ph.D.,
_Associate Professor of Oriental History and Archaeology,
Johns Hopkins University_
C.W.C. OMAN, LL.D.,
_Professor of History, Oxford University_
THEODOR MOMMSEN,
_Late Professor of Ancient History, University of Berlin_
ARTHUR C. HOWLAND, Ph.D.,
_Department of History, University of Pennsylvania_
CHARLES MERIVALE, LL.D.,
_Late Dean of Ely, formerly Lecturer in History, Cambridge University_
J. HIGGINSON CABOT, Ph.D.,
_Department of History, Wellesley College_
SIR WILLIAM W. HUNTER, F.R.S.,
_Late Director-General of Statistics in India_
GEORGE M. DUTCHER, Ph.D.,
_Professor of History, Wesleyan University_
SIR ROBERT K. DOUGLAS,
_Professor of Chinese, King's College, London_
JEREMIAH WHIPPLE JENKS, Ph.D., LL.D.,
_Professor of Political Economy and Politics, Cornell University_
KANICHI ASAKAWA, Ph.D.,
_Instructor in the History of Japanese Civilization, Yale University_
WILFRED HAROLD MUNRO, L.H.D.
_Professor of European History, Brown University_
G. MERCER ADAM,
_Historian and Editor_
FRED MORROW FLING, Ph.D.,
_Professor of European History, University of Nebraska_
FRANÇOIS AUGUSTE MARIE MIGNET,
_Late Member of the French Academy_
JAMES WESTFALL THOMPSON, Ph.D.,
_Department of History, University of Chicago_
SAMUEL RAWSON GARDINER, LL.D.,
_Professor of Modern History, King's College, London_
P.W. JOYCE, LL.D.,
_Commissioner for the Publication of the Ancient Laws of Ireland_
JUSTIN McCARTHY, LL.D.,
_Author and Historian_
AUGUSTUS HUNT SHEARER, Ph.D.,
_Instructor in History, Trinity College, Hartford_
W. HAROLD CLAFLIN, B.A.,
_Department of History, Harvard University_
CHARLES DANDLIKER, LL.D.,
_President of Zurich University_
ELBERT JAY BENTON, Ph.D.,
_Department of History, Western Reserve University_
SIR EDWARD S. CREASY,
_Late Professor of History, University College, London_
ARCHIBALD CARY COOLIDGE, Ph.D.,
_Assistant Professor of History, Harvard University_
WILLIAM RICHARD MORFILL, M.A.,
_Professor of Russian and other Slavonic Languages, Oxford University_
CHARLES EDMUND FRYER, Ph.D.,
_Department of History, McGill University_
E.C. OTTE,
_Specialist on Scandinavian History_
EDWARD S. CORWIN, Ph.D.,
_Instructor in History, Princeton University_
PAUL LOUIS LEGER,
_Professor of Slav Languages, Collège de France_
WILLIAM E. LINGELBACH, Ph.D.,
_Assistant Professor of European History, University of Pennsylvania_
BAYARD TAYLOR,
_Former United States Minister to Germany_
SIDNEY B. FAY, Ph.D.,
_Professor of History, Dartmouth College_
J. SCOTT KELTIE, LL.D.,
_President Royal Geographical Society_
ALBERT GALLOWAY KELLER, Ph.D.,
_Assistant Professor of the Science of Society, Yale University_
EDWARD JAMES PAYNE, M.A.,
_Fellow of University College, Oxford_
PHILIP PATTERSON WELLS, Ph.D.,
_Lecturer in History and Librarian of the Law School, Yale University_
FREDERICK ALBION OBER,
_Historian, Author and Traveler_
JAMES WILFORD GARNER, Ph.D.,
_Professor of Political Science, University of Illinois_
JOHN BACH McMASTER, Litt.D., LL.D.,
_Professor of History, University of Pennsylvania_
JAMES LAMONT PERKINS, Managing Editor
* * * * *
The editors and publishers desire to express their appreciation for
valuable advice and suggestions received from the following: Hon. Andrew
D. White, LL.D., Alfred Thayer Mahan, D.C.L., LL.D., Hon. Charles
Emory Smith, LL.D., Professor Edward Gaylord Bourne, Ph.D., Charles F.
Thwing, LL.D., Dr. Emil Reich, William Elliot Griffis, LL.D.,
Professor John Martin Vincent, Ph.D., LL.D., Melvil Dewey, LL.D.,
Alston Ellis, LL.D., Professor Charles H. McCarthy, Ph.D., Professor
Herman V. Ames, Ph.D., Professor Walter L. Fleming, Ph.D., Professor
David Y. Thomas, Ph.D., Mr. Otto Reich and Mr. Francis J. Reynolds.
NOTE
The editors of "The History of Nations" concluded their work with the
chronicling of events to October, 1905, and all additions thereafter,
bringing the histories to date, have been supplied by the publishers.
PREFACE
The present revised edition of the "History of the Empire of Japan"
(compiled, in 1893, for the Imperial Japanese Commission of the World's
Columbian Exposition at Chicago, by Messrs. K. Takatsu, S. Mikami, M.
Isoda, and others, and published in Tōkyō by order of the Department of
Education) is not intended to supersede the original edition, the high
qualities of which are, on the contrary, recommended to all students of
Japanese history. That work admirably represents what might be termed
the orthodox view of the national history, and is free alike from the
unscientific method of the more conservative historian, and from the
superficial speculations of the more radical, but not more scientific,
student. Were the present editor to write an original work on Japanese
history, however, he would, it is unnecessary to say, change the entire
manner of presentation in order to make it accord with his own
conception of the subject-matter. In this revision, he has not changed
the general order of the original work, but has merely corrected a few
data which are obviously out of date, omitted those minor facts which
may well be dispensed with, and made the general narrative somewhat
smoother than it was.
The fourth part is, however, the editor's own work. The primary aim in
this division of the volume has been to supply a popular and accurate
account of certain phases of the national progress that has taken place
since the "History of the Empire" was prepared a dozen years ago. The
substance of chapter XVIII has appeared among the new chapters supplied
by the editor to the new edition of Brinkley's (edit.) "Japan," (J. B.
Millet Co., Boston, 1905), and has been inserted here with the
permission of those publishers.
K. Asakawa
YALE UNIVERSITY
INTRODUCTION
The Empire of Japan consists to-day of a group of islands marshaled in
the northwest corner of the Pacific Ocean, off the eastern coast of the
Asiatic continent. These islands--including Formosa and the Pescadores
ceded by China in 1895, and the southern half of Sakhalin, acquired from
Russia in 1905--lie between the parallels of 50° 56' and 21° 48' north
latitude, and the longitude of their extreme eastern and western points
are 156° 32' and 119° 20', respectively, east of Greenwich. The empire
thus covers 29° 8' of latitude and 37° 12' of longitude. On the east it
faces the Pacific; on the southwest it looks across the waters of the
China Sea to the mainland of China; on the northwest the Sea of Japan
and Gulf of Tartary separate it from Korea and Siberia. The fiftieth
parallel divides the Japanese half of Sakhalin from the northern or
Russian half, and the Kurile Strait intercepts the Chishima or Kurile
group of islands on the north from the Russian peninsula of Kamchatka.
The whole group includes five and one-half large islands and nearly six
hundred islets. The large island lying in the center constitutes the
mainland; the island directly to the north is Hokkaidō (Yezo or Ezo),
and that to the south, Kiushū; on the southwest of the mainland and east
of Kiushū is Shikoku; and stretching in a northwesterly direction from
Hokkaidō are the Chishima or Kuriles, while the chain of the Riukiū
(Loochoo) Archipelago leads to Formosa. Floating, as it were, in the Sea
of Japan are the islets of Sado, Oki, and Tsushima, the last lying only
about fifty miles from the southern coast of Korea. Scattered in the
Pacific Ocean, at a distance of nearly 500 miles from the southwest
coast of the mainland, lies the Ogasawara group (Bonins). To these must
now be added the recently ceded southern half of the Island of Sakhalin.
Owing to the insular nature of the country, the area of the empire,
exclusive of the half of Sakhalin, which is perhaps as much as 12,000
square miles, little exceeds 161,000 square miles, or slightly larger
than the area of the British Isles. More than half of this superficies
is comprised in the main island. The coastline of the fourteen larger
islands and archipelagoes, again excepting Sakhalin, stretches to a
length of 13,500 miles. Little indented, the coast along the Sea of
Japan offers few bays or promontories; but the Pacific and the China Sea
coasts are broken into innumerable capes and inlets, and abound in good
harbors.
The country is mountainous, and has little flat land. Two systems of
mountain chains extend north to south and east to west, each having
numerous branches. The highlands of the empire are the two provinces of
Shinano and Kai, situated in the center of the main island. At the
boundary of Kai and Suruga stands Fujisan, or Mount Fuji, capped with
perpetual snows, its summit rising to 12,300 feet above the sea level.
Its position as the loftiest peak in the country has been lost by the
acquisition of Formosa, which contains Mount Morrison, now called Mount
Niitaka, the altitude of which is not less than 14,200 feet. The
mountains of the main island are for the most part volcanic, the active
volcanoes numbering 170, and the ranges that comprise them stretch
across the extent of the country. Mines and mineral springs consequently
abound. Frequency of earthquakes also results from the abundance of
volcanoes. Minor shocks average from thirty or forty to several hundreds
annually, and of severe shocks history shows that there have been some
two or three in each century, entailing sometimes a frightful
destruction of life and property.
From the general configuration of the country it follows that great
rivers with long courses are few, but numerous streams of lesser
magnitude traverse all parts of the empire, affording excellent
facilities for drainage and irrigation. Many of the larger of these are
even navigable. The Ishikari River in Hokkaidō, with a length of 407
miles, is the longest in the empire, followed by the Shinano, in the
main island, about 240 miles long. Nor is the land richer in extensive
plains than in great streams. Valleys lying deep in the bosoms of the
hills, plateaus along the margins of the great rivers, gentle slopes at
the foot of mountain ranges, or stretches by the seashore, are the only
comparatively level places to be seen. The Ishikari Moor, bordering the
Ishikari River in Hokkaidō, is perhaps the most extensive. Its soil is
rich, and it abounds in timber and verdure. Other well-known plains in
the north lie along the course of the Tokachi River and by the seashore
at Kushiro and Nemuro. Passing to the main island, we find, in the
northeasterly section, the Ōshū plateau, traversed by the Kitakami and
Abukuma Rivers, and extending over the provinces of Rikuchū, Rikuzen,
Iwashiro, and Iwaki. There, too, the soil is rich, and fruitful lands
cover a wide area. In the central section the valley of the Tone River
forms the Hasshū plain of the Kwantō, spreading into the four provinces
of Musashi, Kōzuke, Hitachi, and Shimōsa. Thickly populated and highly
fertile, this plain is the most extensive in the main island. Next in
order of magnitude comes the valley of the Kiso River, forming a part of
the provinces of Mino and Owari, and making one great cultivated field.
The Echigo plain, along the lower waters of the Shinano River, is the
most extensive of all the littoral plains of Japan. For the rest, very
wide plains exist in Kinai, along the banks of the Yodo and Yamato
Rivers; while in Shikoku, the most extensive flat-lands are found along
the course of the Yoshino River, and in Kiushū the lands by the banks of
the Chikugo down to the Ariyake seabeach give to the provinces of
Chikugo and Hizen a broad area of irrigated fields.
The main island of Japan, being situated in the temperate zone, enjoys,
for the most part, a medium degree of temperature. But the climate of
the empire is much varied, owing to the elongated shape of the country,
which extends over nearly thirty degrees of latitude, to the great
differences of altitude that characterize the surface of the land, and
also to the action of a warm and a cold current that flow past its
shores. Thus, in the northern part of Hokkaidō and in the Chishima
Islands the snow never disappears, the sea freezes in winter, and sleet
and fogs prevail. On the other hand, in the southern district, as well
as in the Riukiū and Ogasawara groups, the heat is very great, and
neither snow nor ice is seen in winter. In the central parts, again, the
temperature varies according to the elevation of the land, and the
configuration of the mountains and seas. As for Formosa, it is partly
situated within the tropical zone, and the two extremes of the entire
island are recorded to be 96° and 41° Fahrenheit.
The warm ocean current, known as the Kuro-shiwo or Black Stream, from
the deep somber color it displays in cloudy weather, rises from the
distant Equator, and possesses an average temperature of 81° Fahrenheit
in summer. Immediately after leaving the Equator it travels along the
eastern coast of China, and thence passing northward, approaches the
coast of Kiushū, where it bifurcates. The branch stream enters the Sea
of Japan, and flows to the north; the principal stream passes by the
southern coast of Shikoku and the main island, until it reaches the
north of Cape Inubō in Shimōsa, where it again bifurcates, a branch
turning northward, and the current itself traveling in a northeastern
direction until it leaves the main island. In consequence, perhaps, of
the heat received from this warm current, all the provinces of Kiushū,
Shikoku, Sanyō-dō and Tōkai-dō seldom see snow. There is also a cold
stream called the Oya-jiwo, of which the average summer temperature is
as low as 37°. Its source is in the Sea of Okhotsk, whence it passes
through the Kurile Islands, and flowing by Hokkaidō and the east coast
of the northern section of the main island, reaches the neighborhood of
Cape Inubō, where it disappears. Situated in a high degree of latitude,
Hokkaidō and the northern part of the main island, being further exposed
to the influence of this cold stream, have a severe climate. The snow
lies there in masses for many days and the winter is long.
The rainfall is heavy in summer and light in winter. It is greatest
along the coasts washed by the Pacific Ocean and the Sea of Japan, and
least in the central portions of the country along the two coasts of the
Inland Sea, as well as in the northern end of the main island. Hokkaidō
has an average fall.
Rich soil, a genial climate, and a sufficient rainfall produce luxuriant
vegetation. Cultivated fields and gardens succeed each other for wide
areas. The extraordinary position of the islands stretching from north
to south also adds greatly to the variety of vegetation. Thus in Kiushū
and Shikoku are to be seen thick, verdant forests abounding in giant
trees. Sugar-canes, tobacco, and cotton, find a soil congenial to their
growth. The cocoa, the banyan tree, the banana and their congeners
flourish in the Riukiū and Ogasawara Islands. In short, the general
aspect is tropical. Passing thence to the central districts, great
varieties of plant life are found. The pine (_pinus densiflora_ and
_pinus massoniana_), oak (_quercus dentata_), hi-no-ki (_thuya
obtusca_), sugi (_cryptomeria japonica_), camphor and bamboo grow in the
woods; while the mulberry, tea plant, lacquer tree, millet, the five
cereals, vegetables, and various kinds of fruits are seen in the fields
and gardens. Finally, even in the cold and little cultivated Hokkaidō,
its fruitful soil and luxuriant vegetation invite agriculture.
The forms of animal life are also much varied. Among domestic animals
are the ox, the horse, the pig, the dog, and the cat; while the more
important wild animals are the hog, the deer, the hare, the fox, the
badger, and the monkey. Ferocious beasts and noxious reptiles are
limited to the bear of the northern districts and the habu (a kind of
snake) of Riukiū. In the waters that lave the Hokkaidō coasts sea-otters
and fur-seals abound; whales frequent the seas in the north and those
adjacent to Shikoku and Kiushū; and along all the coasts fish and
crustaceans are found in such abundance that they more than suffice for
the ordinary food of the inhabitants. Of birds there is great abundance,
some possessing beautiful plumage, others melodious notes, and others
being suitable for food. To the last mentioned class belong barn-door
fowls and ducks. Among insects, the silk-worm is largely reared
throughout the main island, the climate and soil being peculiarly suited
for the purpose.
Although the country has no mountains of exceptional altitude or rivers
of extraordinary length, the conditions of climate and soil are such
that not one of the mountains is without woods nor one of the rivers
without limpid water. So well distributed, too, are the highlands and
streams, that places of beauty are everywhere to be found in the
interior, and owing to the configuration of the coasts as well as to the
number of islets, gems of scenic loveliness abound by the seaside in all
the provinces. Moreover, in addition to wealth of natural charms,
numerous shrines and temples of note exist in the choice districts of
the main island, so that architectural, glyptic, pictorial, and
horticultural beauties supplement the attractions of the scenery. The
main island is richest in places of note, and Kinai and its neighborhood
are the most favored parts of the main island in this respect. From 794
A. D., when the Emperor Kwammu made Kyōto his capital, until the Emperor
Mutsuhito moved to Tōkyō, a period of over eleven centuries, Kyōto
remained the imperial seat of government. Hence it offers numbers of
historical relics, and is further happy in the possession of scenic
beauties attractive at all seasons of the year. Separated from Kyōto by
a range of hills is the largest lake in the empire, Lake Biwa, noted for
the Ōmi-hakkei which have ever been the theme of poets and the
inspiration of painters. At a distance of nearly twenty-five miles from
Kyōto is Nara, the imperial residence during a large part of the eighth
century. Nara abounds in things historical, the most noteworthy being
the shrine of Kasuga and the Temple of Hōriuji, places nobly planned
and naturally lovely. Tōdaiji, a large temple erected by the Emperor
Shōmu, is more than a thousand years old, and contains the celebrated
Great Image of Buddha. The cherries of Mount Yoshino and the plums of
Tsukigase, displays of bloom that have no peers elsewhere in the
country, are in the same province as Nara. Farther west the face of the
Inland Sea between Shikoku and Sanyō-dō is strewn with hundreds of
little islands whose shining white sands and green pine-trees combine to
make a beautiful picture. Among spots renowned for exquisite seascapes
may be mentioned Waka-no-ura in Kii, the Sumiyoshi beach in Settsu,
Suma-no-ura, the Maiko beach, and Akashi-no-ura in Harima, and
Itsukushima in Aki. The last-named place is a small island close to the
seashore, composed almost entirely of fantastically shaped cliffs and
strange rocks. On it stands a gracefully modeled shrine said to have
been built by Taira-no-Ki-yomori of the twelfth century, the hall and
veranda of which seem to float on the surface of the water. The singular
combination of water effect and architecture and the loveliness of the
whole view suggests an enchanted abode of fairies.
In Kiushū, Yabakei is renowned for its landscape, and the Usajingū
shrine for its architecture. Still more celebrated is Ama-no-Hashidate
in San-indō. Here a sandy promontory completely covered with pine-trees
stretches far into the sea, offering a scene of beauty and making with
Matsushima and Itsukushima the three most celebrated views in Japan.
Among places of note in the neighborhood of Tōkyō is Kamakura on the
southeast coast, which was the seat of the feudal government of Japan
for more than a century and a half till 1333, and still offers many
spots of historical interest. To the north of the capital the most
celebrated places are Nikkō and Matsushima. At Nikkō is the mausoleum of
Tokugawa Ieyasu. The beauties of its architectural decoration, the
fineness of its carvings, and the loveliness of its scenery have
inspired a popular saying that without seeing Nikkō a man is not
qualified to speak of the beautiful (_Nikkō wo minai uchi wa kekkō wo
iuna_). Matsushima, one of the three landscapes of Japan, is on the
seashore of Rikuzen. Here scattered over the face of the bay are
hundreds of tiny islets, every one of which is clothed in a luxury of
pine-trees. Viewed from the top of the hills, the scene is like a
creation of fancy rendered on the canvas of a skillful painter.
Japan proper is divided into nine principal regions according to its
configuration: they are Kinai, Tōkai-dō, Tōsan-dō, Hokuriku-dō,
Nankai-dō, Sanin-dō, Sanyō-dō, and Hokkai-dō. These, again, are
subdivided into eighty-five provinces (_koku_ or _kumi_). The province,
however, has little importance in the administrative divisions of the
country. The unit of the latter is either the urban (_chō_) or rural
(_son_) district, which, together with the larger divisions, city
(_shi_) and county (_gun_), constitutes a self-governing entity. Over
and above these divisions are one board of Hokkaidō (_dō-chō_), three of
Tōkyō, Kyōto, and Ōsaka, and forty-three prefectures or _ken_. At
present, there are, outside of Formosa, 638 gun, 58 shi, 1054 chō and
13,468 son.
The city of Tōkyō was formerly, under the name Edo, the seat of the
feudal government for nearly two and three-quarters centuries. To-day it
is the capital of the empire. It occupies a central position and is the
largest city in the country. Its fifteen wards have a total population
of nearly a million and a half. Kyōto, the old capital, is divided into
two wards and has a population of over 353,000. Ōsaka, the third of the
cities, was the seat of the Taikō's administration. Possessing
exceptional facilities for communication by sea and by river, it has
been a trading center from olden times. It is divided into four wards,
and has a population of 825,000. These three cities constitute the three
_fu_. Next in order of importance come Nagoya, between Tōkyō and Kyōto,
with a population of 245,000; Kanazawa, in the north of the main island,
with a population of 85,000; Sendai, in the northeast, with a population
of 84,000; Hiroshima, in the southwest, with a population of 123,000;
Kumamoto, in Kiushū, with a population of 62,000. Among the open ports,
Yokohama, with a population of 195,000, and Kōbe, with a population of
216,000, are the two most important, Nagasaki, Hakodate, and Niigata
following at a considerable interval.
The total population of Japan proper is nearly forty-seven millions, and
that of Formosa about three millions. The distribution per square mile,
exclusive of Formosa, varied in 1898 from 495 in the western part of the
main island to 23.7 in Hokkaidō, with the average at about 300. To-day
it is approximately 324. The recent national activity of these people
will be briefly described in the last division of this volume, and the
career of their ancestors in the earlier parts.
Before we proceed, however, a few words may be said regarding the
general nature of the historical account of Japan. In ancient times
Japan possessed neither literary script nor a regular system of calendar
and chronology. All events had to be transmitted from generation to
generation by oral tradition. The use of writing was imported from
China, probably one or two hundred years before Christ, but the general
use of letters for the purpose of recording events dates from the fifth
century A. D., while the compilation of the national annals began two
centuries later still. But such historical records as were then compiled
suffered almost total destruction a short time afterward by fire, and
the oral records of remote antiquity must have already been greatly
disfigured by omissions, errors, and confusion of facts. Regretting
this, and perceiving that unless steps were then taken to correct the
annals, subsequent generations would be without any trustworthy record
of remote events, the Emperor Temmu ordered an eminent scholar,
Hieda-no-Are, to prepare a brief chronicle of sovereigns and important
events. Unfortunately the death of the emperor, which occurred in 689,
interrupted this work. Some twenty years later the Empress Gemmyō
instructed Ō-no-Yasumaro to continue the compilation of Hieda-no-Are's
annals. The work thus completed in 712 is the "_Kojiki_" as we now
possess it. It must be regarded as the most trustworthy record extant of
the events of ancient times. Eight years after the appearance of the
"_Kojiki_," or in 720, the "_Nihongi_" was compiled. We find, on
comparing these works, that although, on the whole, they agree, certain
discrepancies exist between them. In these two works, however, is found
the chief material for the reconstruction of the history of ancient
Japan. If curious supernatural incidents figure in their pages, it
should be remembered that literature being then in its infancy and a
long interval having elapsed since the time of many of the events
recorded, the annalists were untrained in the selection of matters
worthy of a place in authentic history, while, at the same time, in the
oral traditions on which they relied, errors had doubtless been
included, and, ordinary events drifting out of sight, extraordinary
incidents and supernatural stories had alone survived.
As regards the ancient chronology of Japan it is recorded that almanacs
first came into use in Japan in 604 A. D., although it appears that the
Chinese calendar had been imported about the middle of the preceding
century. The compilation of annals, as already stated, had preceded the
latter event by a considerable interval. We may therefore conjecture
that some method of reckoning months and years had been practiced from
an early era, but no certain knowledge of this matter is available.
In Japan from ancient time chronology was not based on an era.
Originally the method pursued was to reckon years after the accession of
each emperor to the throne. In 645 A. D., however, was introduced the
Chinese fashion of using year periods designated usually in two
felicitous Chinese characters and changed as frequently as was desired.
The change of the name of a year period thus occurred at the beginning
of each new reign, and also on the recurrence of a cyclical year of
ill-omened designation, as well as on occasions of exceptional good or
bad fortune, so that there are extreme instances of five or six changes
of designation within the reign of one single emperor. It results, of
course, that a troublesome effort is required to commit to memory the
sequence and dates of the various year periods. The Chinese, in the
reign of the Ming sovereign Taitsu, decided that there should be no
change in the designation of a year period throughout the reign of a
sovereign. A similar ruling was made in 1868 on the accession of the
present Emperor of Japan, from which time also the era of Jimmu began to
be used as a chronological basis. This latter era is officially fixed at
660 B. C.[1]
As to the later sources of Japanese history, following the already
mentioned "_Kojiki_" and "_Nihongi_," they are abundant, increasing as
we move further from earlier ages. Much of this vast historical
literature has been published and edited (though thus far little
translated into European languages), but more has neither been
extensively circulated nor even seen light. The Japanese Government,
which has been searching for hidden material all over the land, is now
publishing, through the Imperial University of Tokyo, historical
documents, mostly unpublished hitherto, in two large series[2] of two
and three hundred volumes, respectively, to be completed in about
fifteen years.
The history of Japan does not lend itself to the customary division of
the ancient, mediæval, and modern ages. On the basis of the important
changes that have taken place in the administration and politics of
Japan, her history will, in the following pages, be divided into three
parts of unequal lengths. Part one covers the long space of time between
the founding of the empire and the beginning of the feudal régime toward
the end of the twelfth century. During this period, the power of the
government rested, theoretically, in spite of great fluctuations which
took place, in the hands of the sovereign. This was followed by nearly
seven centuries of military autocracy, which constitutes the second
part. The third part begins in 1868, since which year administrative
power has reverted to the emperor, a constitutional régime with
representative institutions has been established, and the general
aspects of the life of the nation have undergone a profound change.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] It should always be remembered that the historic account of Japan
before the fifth century A. D., must be allowed a large latitude in
regard to its events and their dates.
[2] Called the "_Dai-Nihon Komon-sho_" and the "_Dai-Nihon Shi-ryō_."
CONTENTS
PART I
FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE EMPIRE TO THE ESTABLISHMENT
OF FEUDAL RÉGIME. 660 B. C.-1186 A. D.
CHAPTER PAGE
I. THE MYTHICAL AGE 3
II. THE BEGINNING OF THE EMPIRE. 660 B. C.-192 A. D. 6
III. RELATIONS WITH KOREA AND CHINA. 192-645 A. D. 12
IV. THE TAIKWA REFORM. 645-708 A. D. 22
V. THE NARA EPOCH. 710-794 A. D. 31
VI. THE HEI-AN EPOCH. 794-1186 A. D. 38
PART II
THE FEUDAL AGES. 1186-1868
VII. THE KAMAKURA GOVERNMENT. 1186-1339 65
VIII. THE TEMPORARY RESTORATION OF IMPERIAL POWER. 1339-1393 83
IX. THE MUROMACHI PERIOD. 1393-1573 92
X. INTERNAL PEACE AND EXTERNAL WAR. 1573-1603 109
XI. THE FOUNDATION OF THE EDO GOVERNMENT. 1603-1651 122
XII. THE DECLINE OF THE EDO GOVERNMENT. 1651-1837 140
XIII. THE FALL OF THE EDO GOVERNMENT. 1837-1868 155
PART III
THE NEW JAPAN. 1868-1893
XIV. INTERNAL AFFAIRS. 1868-1893 173
XV. FOREIGN RELATIONS. 1868-1893 188
PART IV
APPENDIX. 1893-
XVI. THE CONSTITUTION IN THEORY AND IN PRACTICE. 1893-1906 199
XVII. PARTIES AND POLITICS. 1893-1906 213
XVIII. ECONOMIC PROGRESS. 1893-1906 242
XIX. THE CHINO-JAPANESE WAR. 1894-1895 252
XX. JAPAN AND RUSSIA IN KOREA AND MANCHURIA. 1893-1904 275
XXI. THE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR AND ITS AFTERMATH. 1904-. 303
BIBLIOGRAPHY 331
INDEX 337
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
GENERALS OF THE LATE RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR (Photogravure)
_Frontispiece_
FACING PAGE
AINOS WORSHIPING 28
ABDUCTION OF GOSHIRAKAWA (_in color_) 60
THE INVASION BY THE MONGOL TARTARS 76
THE PROCESSION OF FEUDAL LORDS 124
A PICNIC ON THE ASUKA HILL IN THE FLOWERY SEASON 156
TEXT MAPS
PAGE
JAPAN BEFORE THE FIFTH CENTURY 10
JAPAN 61
NORTHERN JAPAN 85
SOUTHERN JAPAN 99
KOREA 117
CENTRAL JAPAN 124
JAPANESE PORTS OPENED TO FOREIGN TRADE. 1858 159
DOWNFALL OF THE EDO GOVERNMENT. 1867-1868 168
THE INSURRECTION IN THE ISLAND OF KIUSHŪ. 1877 181
ISLAND POSSESSIONS OF JAPAN 193
FIRST ENGAGEMENTS OF CHINO-JAPANESE WAR. 1894 261
CAMPAIGNS IN KOREA AND MANCHURIA 268
WEI-HAI-WEI, FORMOSA, AND PESCADORES 270
FOREIGN SPHERES OF INFLUENCE IN CHINA AND MANCHURIA 278
JAPANESE ADVANCE TO LIAO-YANG 309
BATTLE OF THE SEA OF JAPAN, RUSSO-JAPANESE WAR 315
PART I
FROM THE FOUNDING OF THE EMPIRE TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF FEUDAL RÉGIME.
660 B. C.-1186 A. D.
HISTORY OF JAPAN
Chapter I
THE MYTHICAL AGE
The period prior to the reign of the Emperor Jimmu is known as the Age
of the Deities. From this era strange and incredible legends have been
transmitted, some of which follow.
Tradition says that in remote times the deities Izanagi and Izanami were
commanded by the God of Heaven to form a country out of the islets
floating in space. They forthwith descended to the island Onokoro, and
there, becoming husband and wife, created the Eight Great Islands of
Japan. Thereafter were created deities to rule the sea, the mountains,
the winds, fire, herbs, and trees. Subsequently the divine pair gave
birth to the goddess Amaterasu-Ōmikami and the gods Tsukiyomi and
Susanoö. These newly-born divine beings proving themselves greatly
superior to other deities, found high favor with Izanagi. He
commissioned Amaterasu to govern Takama-no-hara, or the Heavenly Region;
Tsukiyomi to govern Yo-no-osukuni, or the Land of Night; and Susanoö to
govern Unabara, or the Seas. But this last deity proving unfaithful to
his father's commands, Izanagi, in anger, expelled him from his kingdom,
whereupon he ascended to the Heavenly Region to convey to his sister the
news of his misfortune. The fierce and enraged demeanor of the dethroned
deity led his sister to imagine that he had come with aggressive
intentions, and she hesitated to receive him. But Susanoö vehemently
declared the integrity of his purpose and succeeded in partially
reassuring the goddess. Nevertheless, his behavior was so disorderly
that Amaterasu, becoming fearful, secluded herself in a cave, with the
result that total darkness overshadowed her realm and troubles of
various sorts ensued. The other deities thereupon met in conclave and
took measures to pacify the goddess, so that she finally emerged from
her retreat and light once more shone upon the Heavenly Region and
Nakatsu-kuni (Midland). The deities then inflicted upon Susanoö the
punishment of exile. Driven from heaven, he proceeded to Izumo, and
there destroyed an eight-headed dragon, obtaining from its body a
precious sword, which he later presented to his sister Amaterasu.
Subsequently, he married the daughter of an earthly deity and settled at
Suga in Izumo. At a later date, leaving one of his sons, Ōkuni-nushi, to
govern the land, he himself proceeded to Korea. Ōkuni-nushi had many
brothers, who were all engaged in a struggle for the sovereign power.
The victory remained with Ōkuni-nushi, but his realm continuing to be
more or less disturbed, Sukunahikona, a son of the Deity of Heaven, came
over the sea to Izumo and aided in restoring peace. Thenceforth
Ōkuni-nushi and his sons administered the realm in tranquillity.
Meanwhile, in the Heavenly Region, Amaterasu, concluding that
Midzuho-no-kuni in Toyo-ashihara, which is perhaps Japan proper now,
ought to be governed by her son, Amano-oshihohomimi, commanded him to
descend and assume authority in the land. Inasmuch, however, as he
represented his proposed realm to be in a very disordered state,
Amaterasu, by order of the Deity of Heaven, held a council of deities,
by whom a mandate to restore peace was given to Amano-hohi. He failed to
accomplish his purpose, and another deity was afterward sent on the same
errand. The latter was, however, likewise conquered by Ōkuni-nushi and
did not return to heaven. Once more a council of deities was convened in
the Heavenly Region, and Nanakime was dispatched to reconnoiter the
land. He, however, was killed by Ama-no-wakahiko. Finally,
Takemikazuchi, being intrusted with the duty, proceeded to Izumo and
informed Ōkuni-nushi of the command given by the Deity of Heaven that
the son of Amaterasu should assume sovereignty over the country then
ruled by Ōkuni-nushi. The command was at last obeyed. Ōkuni-nushi ceded
his kingdom to the son of the goddess, and, with his sons, left the
region. Takemikazuchi having carried this intelligence to Amaterasu,
she, conforming always with the commands of the Deity of Heaven,
summoned her son, Amano-oshihomimi, and informed him that, peace having
been restored in the land below, he must proceed to govern it. He,
however, prayed that his son, Ninigi, might be sent in his stead, and
the goddess consenting, gave to Ninigi a mandate to rule over Japan and
to maintain its prosperity so long as heaven and earth should endure.
She further gave him the Yasaka Jewel, the Yasaka Mirror, and the
Kusanagi Sword, saying: "This mirror is my spirit; regard it as
myself." Thenceforth the Jewel, Mirror, and Sword, venerated as the
three precious relics of the goddess, were transmitted as insignia from
emperor to emperor through all generations.
The terrestrial deity, Sarudahiko, receiving news of the approach of
Ninigi and his divine retinue, came out to greet him. Under his guidance
Ninigi passed to Takachiho Mountain in Hyūga, Kiushū, and took up his
abode at Kasasa Promontory in Ada (now Kaseda port in Satsuma). Ninigi
took to wife the daughter of a terrestrial deity, and by her had two
sons, Hosuseri and Hikohohodemi. These deities fell out and fought, with
the result that the younger subdued the elder by the aid of the deity of
the sea, whose daughter he had married. The victor's son, Ugayafukiaezu,
also married a daughter of the marine deity and had four sons, Itsuse,
Inahi, Mikenu, and Iwarehiko, of whom the fourth and youngest afterward
became the Emperor Jimmu. Inahi went to the dominion of his mother over
the waves, and Mikenu to the far-distant Tokoyo, or the Region of
Eternal Night.[1]
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Abridged genealogy of the "Deities."
Izanagi (male) Izanami (female)
| |
+------------------------------------------------------+
| | |
+-----------+ | +-------------
| | |
Amaterasu Tsukiyomi Susanoö
| |
+-----------------------------+ |
| | |
Amano-oshihomimi Amano-hohi Ōkuni-nushi
|
Hikoho-no-ninigi
|
+-------------------------+
| |
Hikohohodemi Hosuseri
|
Ugayafukiaezu
|
+--------------------------------+
| | | |
Itsuse Inahi Mikenu The Emperor JIMMU.
Chapter II
THE BEGINNING OF THE EMPIRE
660 B. C.-192 A. D.
According to tradition, Itsuse and Iwarehiko took counsel together one
day in their residence in Hyūga, as to the place most suitable for the
seat of administration, and resolved to proceed eastward. At the straits
between Kiushū and Shikoku they were received by a terrestrial deity,
and under his guidance reached Usa in the present Buzen, where the
inhabitants built a palace for them and treated them hospitably. Passing
next to Chikuzen, they subsequently crossed the sea to Aki on the main
island, and thence journeyed to Kibi, ten years being devoted to these
travels. From Kibi they passed over by Naniwa to Tadetsu in the present
Izumi province. The objective point of the expedition was Yamato, where
then ruled a powerful chieftain named Nagasunehiko who, under the
authority of Nigihayahi, a scion of a god of Heaven, whom he had
received, had extended his sway over the surrounding region. This
chieftain, learning of the approach of the deities and their following,
marshaled his forces to oppose them. In the battle that ensued Itsuse
was wounded by an arrow.
The invading army therefore turned their course over the sea to Kii,
where Itsuse died of his wound. His brother, Iwarehiko, then advanced to
the east coast of Kii, and, having there killed a local chieftain,
pushed on to Yoshino under the guidance of Prince Michiomi (ancestor of
the Ōtomo family) and Prince Ōkume (ancestor of the Kume family). The
inhabitants, cave-dwellers, learning that a scion of the god of Heaven
had arrived, went out to meet him and made submission. Prosecuting his
campaign, Iwarehiko struck down several rebel chiefs, and once more
planned an expedition against Nagasunehiko. The latter, however, sent
him a message, saying: "Prince Nigihayahi, son of the Deity of Heaven,
came hither in a strong boat, and married my sister, Kashiya, by whom he
has a son, Prince Umashimate. I have made obeisance to Prince
Nigihayahi as sovereign of the land. There cannot possibly be two
legitimate representatives of the Heavenly Deity. You must have come to
deprive us wrongfully of the realm under pretext of celestial origin."
To this Iwarehiko replied: "There is more than one son of the Deity of
Heaven. If your sovereign be in truth the offspring of the Celestial
Deity, he must possess some proofs. Let me see them." Nagasunehiko
thereupon produced arrows and an arrow-case which Prince Nigihayahi had
brought with him. Iwarehiko, having examined them, declared them to be
genuine, and showed his own arrows and arrow-case to Nagasunehiko. But
the latter, though fully sensible that Iwarehiko was of celestial
origin, maintained an obstinate mien and would not change his view.
Prince Nigihayahi, now clearly perceiving his unreasonable disposition,
put him to death, and passed over with all his men to serve in the
invading army. Well pleased by this act, Iwarehiko treated the prince
kindly and rewarded his loyal conduct. Orders were then issued to the
captains to exterminate all the insurgents in the land, and the Yamato
district having been brought into complete subjection, the conqueror
established his capital at Kashiwabara in Yamato, and ordained the
deities of the various officials of his court, the imperial power being
thus extended and the administration placed on a fixed basis. This was
the opening year of Japanese history. Later annalists fixed the year at
660 B. C., and styled the victorious prince the Emperor Jimmu, the first
sovereign of the Empire of Japan.
After his death his younger son, Prince Takishimimi, sought to usurp the
sovereignty. The eldest son, Prince Kamyaimimi, suspecting the plot,
revealed it to his younger brother, Kannuna-gawamimi, who shot the
usurper. Thereupon the elder prince waived the throne in favor of his
valiant brother, who thus became the second emperor, Suisei. After him
followed the Emperors Annei, Itoku, Kōshō, Kōan, Kōrei, Kōgen, and
Kaikwa, whose reigns are said to have lasted 450 years and are
singularly bare of recorded events.
In these primitive ages the life of the people was naturally simple. The
population must have been small, and the communication between different
parts of the small empire extremely difficult. Boats were propelled by
oars, for sails were unknown. The invaders must have attained to a
higher stage of culture than the vanquished natives. The dwellings of
the aristocracy, for example, were rudely constructed wooden houses,
the simple model of which still survives in the Shintō shrines of the
present day, while the autochthons mostly dwelt in pits dug underground.
On the whole, however, both classes had partially advanced to an
agricultural mode of life, and depended for subsistence largely on
fishing and hunting. Bows and arrows or snares were the chief implements
used in hunting, and hooks, cormorants, and weirs served for purposes of
fishing. Methods of preparing food had already been elaborated, and the
art of brewing _saké_ was known. Marked progress had also taken place in
matters of dress. From skins of animals or textile fabrics woven from
hemp and dyed red and green with juices of herbs, were made hats, robes,
and pantaloons. Ornaments for the neck, arms, and legs consisted of
beads of crystal, agate, glass, serpentine and polished gems, shaped
into cylinders or crescents and strung together. The arts of mining and
smelting ores, as well as of casting metal, were known, for, besides
arrow-heads and other weapons of stone, spears and swords of copper or
iron, together with plows and hatchets of hard metals, were in evidence.
[Illustration: JAPANESE FISHING WITH TRAINED CORMORANTS
_Painting by A Richter_]
It is interesting to know that at marriage the bridegroom, contrary to
the modern custom, went to the house of the bride. A man also was
permitted to have several wives, but a woman was never allowed to have
more than one husband. Divination was always employed to solve doubtful
questions. Music and dancing were already known, the _koto_ and the
flute being employed as musical instruments. Emotions of grief or joy,
love or disappointment, were expressed in song, the most ancient song
now extant being attributed to the deity Susanoö. The Emperor Jimmu also
frequently commemorated brave deeds of war in song, thus encouraging and
reviving the spirit of his warriors.
A profound awe and respect toward the national deities, as well as a
superstitious fear of innumerable spirits, seems to have prevailed
everywhere in all classes of society. If the people submitted readily to
the sway of the Emperor Jimmu, it was largely because they regarded him
as a scion of the gods. The emperor, on his side, firmly convinced that
good and evil were controlled by divine will, never neglected to perform
sacrificial rites. Out of the custom of extreme reverence toward the
deities grew abhorrence for impurity in any form, so that separate huts
came to be built for the bodies of the dead or for women at times of
parturition, and if any man came in contact with an unclean object, he
bathed in a river to purify himself.
Naturally, little distinction existed between religion and government,
between shrine and palace. At the completion of his work of conquest,
Jimmu erected a building at Kashiwabara, in which he deposited the
three insignia, and in which he himself resided and personally governed
the empire. Each one of his eight successors followed his example. The
tenth emperor, Sujin, however, fearing that the insignia might be
polluted, made duplicates of the Mirror and the Sword, and reverently
deposited the originals in a shrine at Kasanui in Yamato, where one of
the imperial princesses was intrusted with the duty of guarding them and
performing due religious rites. Thus, shrine and palace were at last
separated. Subsequently, these sacred objects were removed to Ise, and
placed in the shrine now existing there. The Sword, however, was
afterward carried to Atsuta in Owari, where it now lies in the Atsuta
Shrine.
During the reigns of Sujin and his successor, Suinin, the agriculture
and communication of the country are recorded to have been greatly
encouraged, troubles near the court exterminated, and also the area of
the empire largely extended. The extension of the imperial domain,
however, brought it in sharp conflict with the still unsubdued tribes of
the north and the south. From the reign of Keikō, Suinin's successor, we
hear of the story of the conflict. The Kumaso of Tsukushi, Kiushū, rose
in arms. How seriously this was regarded is seen from the fact that the
emperor in person conducted a campaign for several years in Kiushū. No
sooner was peace restored than the southern tribes again rebelled. This
time the brave Prince Yamato-dake, who was sent to Tsukushi to subdue
the insurgents, had to resort to strategy instead of war. Having
disguised himself as a girl, he obtained entry into the house of the
Kumaso chief, where he killed the chief and his warriors while they were
lying drunk. He also overthrew many other rebellious princes and
returned to Yamato in triumph.
In the meantime the emperor, after his return from Kiushū, had heard
from a special commissioner whom he had sent that in the northeast of
the empire there was a strange region named Hidakami, where the people
of both sexes wore their hair tied up, tattooed their bodies, and
performed deeds of valor. They were known as the Emishi, and their land,
being extensive and fertile, the commissioner represented, ought to be
added to the imperial domain. These Emishi rose in rebellion shortly
after the return of Prince Yamato-dake from the conquest of the Kumaso.
Thereupon the prince boldly offered to undertake the conquest of the new
insurgents. After subduing local uprisings on his way, he proceeded by
sea to the region of the northern rebellion. As his boats drew near the
shore he displayed a large mirror at the prow of his vessel, and when
the rebel chieftains and their followers sighted the ships, they were
terrified by such evidences of pomp and power, and throwing away their
bows and arrows, made submission. The prince accepted their homage, and
enlisting their aid, conquered other rebels who still resisted the
progress of the imperial forces. It seems probable that on that occasion
Prince Yamato-dake advanced as far as the present province of Iwaki. On
his return journey, which was again beset with local difficulties, he
was seized with a severe illness, which soon proved fatal. The emperor
bitterly lamented the death of his beloved son, and the story of the
gallant prince is still dear to the heart of every child of Japan.
[Illustration: JAPAN AS KNOWN TO THE EMPERORS BEFORE THE FIFTH CENTURY]
The local administration of the empire so materially extended during
three successive reigns was now reorganized by the Emperor Shōmu, son of
Keikō. The nature of Shōmu's reform is, however, little known. When the
Emperor Jimmu established the office of local governor, there were only
nine provinces, but the number was increased by more than ten during the
reigns of Kaika, Sujin, and Keikō, and became sixty-three in the time of
the Emperor Shōmu. The imperial sway then extended northward as far as
Shinobu (the present Mutsu), Sado and Noto; eastward to Tsukuba (now
Hidachi); westward to Amakusa, and southward to Kii. Throughout the
whole of this district, governors were appointed to administer local
affairs. Subsequently the process of division continued until, in the
reign of the Emperor Suikō, the total number of provinces reached 144,
at which figure it remained until 645 A. D., the date of the so-called
Taikwa Reformation. These local divisions, though here spoken of as
provinces, had in fact different appellations--as _kuni_, a province, or
_agata_, a district--and were not of uniform area. The term _kuni_ was
employed to designate an area bounded by mountains or rivers, whereas
the _agata_ had no such geographical limits. In general the former was
the more extensive, but in consequence of the natural features of the
country the _agata_ was sometimes the larger. The entire subject of the
local government of ancient Japan is, however, one of the most obscure
subjects in history.
The reigns of the first thirteen emperors, from Jimmu to Shōmu, may be
considered the era of the founding of the Japanese Empire. The main work
of the sovereigns of this period consisted in the organization,
extension, and consolidation of their domain. Foreign relations had
hardly begun, and external influence was as yet slightly felt. The
following table gives the names of the thirteen emperors, with the
officially fixed dates of their reigns:
1. Emperor Jimmu.
660-585 B. C.
|
2. Emperor Suisei.
581-549 B. C.
|
3. Emperor Annei.
548-510 B. C.
|
4. Emperor Itoku.
510-475 B. C.
|
5. Emperor Kōshō.
475-392 B. C.
|
6. Emperor Kōan.
392-290 B. C.
|
7. Emperor Kōrei.
290-214 B. C.
|
8. Emperor Kōgen.
214-157 B. C.
|
9. Emperor Kaikwa.
157-97 B. C.
|
10. Emperor Sujin.
97-29 B. C.
|
11. Emperor Suinin.
29 B. C.-71 A. D.
|
12. Emperor Keikō.
71-131 A. D.
|
13. Emperor Shōmu.
131-192 A. D.
Chapter III
RELATIONS WITH KOREA AND CHINA
192-645 A. D.
Japan's foreign relations naturally began with the neighboring peninsula
of Korea, which then contained several petty kingdoms at variance with
one another. Political relations of Japan with some of these small
states must have begun very early, but the traditional accounts
concerning them are meager and untrustworthy. It is probable that some
of the Korean chiefs were at different times tributary to Japan. The
relations with Korea, however, appear to have become serious only when
it was suspected that the restless tribes of Kiushū had been encouraged
by Shiragi, the most warlike kingdom in the peninsula, in their repeated
acts of rebellion against the emperor of Japan. In this light may be
read the following famous legend of the Japanese expedition to Korea,
which is said to have taken place about 200 A. D., under the leadership
of the valiant Empress Jingō and her minister, Takenouchi.
Tradition says that, as the Kumaso of Tsukushi, Kiushū, again rose in
arms, the Emperor Chūai proceeded thither in person, and, through his
minister, prayed for the guidance of the gods. Thereupon the latter
inspired the empress, who had joined the imperial expedition, to declare
that if Shiragi was first conquered, the Kumaso would submit without
further resistance. The emperor, however, hesitated to take this divine
counsel, and the deities punished his disobedience by death. Awed by
this startling event, the empress gave directions that her consort's
death should be kept secret, and having intrusted to his generals the
duty of guarding the temporary palace at Tsukushi, she sent Takenouchi
to convey the emperor's remains to Nagato by sea, while she herself
remained to mourn the death of her husband in his prime. Sacrifices were
again offered to heaven, and prayers again addressed to the deities, to
which the reply was the same as before. After subduing several rebel
tribes, the empress came to a river, where she sought by fishing to
obtain an omen as to whether the conquest of Korea should be attempted.
The indications being in the affirmative, she finally resolved to lead
an expedition in person across the sea. Sacrificial rites were again
performed to all the deities, and the empress, returning to Kashihi Bay,
ordered the people to build ships, and sent sailors westward to
reconnoiter the land which she contemplated invading. By and by, a lucky
day having been chosen, the Japanese fleet set out from Wanizu in
Tsushima, and, aided by a favorable wind, soon reached the coast of
Shiragi. Hasankin, the king of Shiragi, was so much alarmed by the
appearance of the invading force that, without offering any resistance,
he came to sue for peace, and made a solemn pledge that he would
henceforth serve the ruler of Japan as a groom and send her annual
tributes. Shiragi, he declared, would abide by his oath, "till the river
Yalu flowed backward and sands rose to sky and became stars." The
kingdoms of Koma and Kudara followed the example of Shiragi, so that the
three principal divisions of southern Korea became tributary to Japan.
It should be noted, however, that from this time on neither was Korea
always obedient nor did the Kumaso cease to be rebellious. In the
meantime, however, an important event in an entirely different direction
resulted from Japan's intimate relations with Korea. It was the
introduction through Korea of the Chinese art of writing. Many Koreans
accompanied the commissioners who brought the annual tribute to Japan,
and the literature and art of the west were gradually introduced. Annals
attribute the beginning of Chinese learning in Japan to the reign of the
Emperor Ojin, son of the Empress Jingō, when in 218 A. D. a celebrated
Korean scholar, Achiki, visited Japan and was appointed by the emperor
tutor to his son, Wakairatsuko. At the suggestion of Achiki, another
learned man named Wani was sent for, who is said to have brought with
him blacksmiths, weavers, and brewers, as well as ten copies of the
"_Lun-yu_" (the Confucian Analects) and a copy of the "_Chien-tze-wen_"
(the book of one thousand characters). Achiki and Wani were naturalized
in Japan and received official positions, and their descendants
continued to hold professorships at court. About 110 years after the
introduction of Chinese literature, the Emperor Richū appointed
historiographers in all the local districts to chronicle the chief
events of the locality. This was, so far as we know, the first organized
attempt to compile regular records. Subsequently, as the administrative
machinery grew more complex, the necessity of writing became more
imperative, and to a service of this kind none were more fitted than the
descendants of the naturalized Korean scholars, who kept up their
intellectual heritage and occupied important posts at the court. Fresh
scholars also arrived from Korea in increasing numbers. Thus, in the
reign of the Emperor Keitai, there came from Kudara two doctors in the
Five Classics, and a little later doctors in medicine and astronomy and
other _savants_ settled in the country and opened classes to instruct
the Japanese in their special branches of study. The introduction of
Buddhism from Korea, which soon occurred, and the circumstances of which
will presently be narrated, gave an added impetus to the learning. Some
of the gifted men of the court, particularly the wise Prince Shōtoku,
began to distinguish themselves as accomplished scholars in Chinese
classics and Buddhist canons. As yet, however, the native language and
the Chinese grammar, which are so radically different from each other,
did not begin their long history of struggle to reconcile themselves to
one another. The vernacular could hardly lend itself to expression in
Chinese characters, and histories and inscriptions were written only in
the pure Chinese style.
The coming of Buddhism was an incident which accelerated the progress of
a profound change in the history and civilization of Japan, already
started by her close relations with the continent of Asia. Buddhism was
first introduced early in the sixth century by a Chinese scholar,
Sumatah, who, however, made little progress in propagating the alien
faith among the people of Yamato. Afterward, during the reign of the
Emperor Kimmei, in the year 552 A. D., the king of Kudara, in Korea,
sent the emperor of Japan an envoy bearing an image of Buddha and a copy
of the Sutras, together with a message that the creed of Buddha excelled
all religious beliefs, and that boundless happiness in this world, as
well as in the next, was insured to its disciples, among whom were
already all the nations from India to Korea. The emperor was greatly
impressed and summoned his ministers to a deliberation over the proper
attitude to be assumed by Japan regarding this new problem of the
western civilization. Soga-no-Iname, minister president, counseled the
acceptance of the foreign faith, saying that Japan should not alone
stand aloof when all nations in the west had embraced Buddha's doctrine.
Against this view Mononobe-no-Okoshi and Nakatomi Kamako, ministers of
state, argued that from the most ancient times the Japanese had
worshiped the celestial and terrestrial gods, and that if reverence were
paid now to any alien deity, the wrath of the tutelary gods of the land
might be provoked. The emperor approved the latter view, but gave the
image of Buddha to Iname with permission to worship it by way of trial.
Iname was greatly pleased with the behest, and lost no time in
converting his residence into a temple, where he placed the image. Soon
afterward a pestilence visited the country, sweeping away numbers of
people. The opponents of Buddhism thereupon having represented to the
sovereign that this was obviously a punishment inflicted by Heaven, the
temple was burned down and the image thrown into the canal in Naniwa.
The emperor, however, did not altogether abandon his predilection for
the worship of Buddha, and Iname sent secretly to Korea for another
image. Thus, in the reign of the Emperor Bidatsu, images of Buddha,
copies of the Sutras, priests, and manufacturers of Buddhist
paraphernalia came from the kingdoms of Kudara and Bidatsu. Subsequently
(584 A. D.), Soga-no-Umako, who had succeeded his father, Iname, as
minister president, built temples and pagodas dedicated to Buddha.
Another pestilence came to revive the anti-Buddhist movement, under the
influence of which an imperial edict was issued prohibiting the worship
of Buddha; all the temples and pagodas were demolished or burned, and
the images of Buddha were thrown into the canal. The people's sufferings
were, however, not relieved. A plague of boils ensued, and inasmuch as
the pain caused by the sores resembled that of burning or beating, old
and young alike concluded that they were the victims of a punishment of
burning inflicted by Buddha. From this it may be inferred that Buddhism
had already established a hold upon the popular imagination. Shortly
afterward Soga-no-Umako, having applied for permission, was allowed to
worship Buddha with his own family.
When the Emperor Yōmei ascended the throne in 586, he suffered so much
from bodily infirmity that he felt tempted to worship Buddha. By this
time the influence of Buddhists had grown so strong that they, on the
pretext that their opponents were disloyal to the wishes of the throne,
took this occasion to destroy the two most powerful anti-Buddhists.
Then, by the combined energy of Prince Shōtoku and the minister
president, Soga-no-Mako, the propagation of Buddhism made great
strides, until the Empress Suiko openly encouraged its acceptance among
the people of all classes. In 607, in order to obtain copies of the
Sutras, there was sent for the first time in history an imperial envoy
directly to China, where the Sui dynasty had just unified the long
disrupted empire. This was the commencement of intercourse with China.
The preamble of the dispatch sent on that occasion from the empress of
Japan to the sovereign of China was couched in the following words: "The
Sovereign of the Empire of the Rising Sun to the Sovereign of the Empire
of the Setting Sun sends greetings." Doubtless the name "_Nippon_" (Land
of the Rising Sun) had its origin in this incident. By and by, as the
number of priests and nuns increased, disorders occurred among them, and
for purposes of superintendence the offices of _Sōjō_ (archbishop) and
_Sōzu_ (bishop) were established. From the introduction of Buddhism in
the reign of the Emperor Kimmei to the time of which we are now
speaking, seventy-five years elapsed. During the first thirty-two years
of that period, Buddhism failed to obtain a footing in Japan, but from
584 it gradually extended throughout the empire, until in 627 there were
in Japan 46 temples, 816 priests, and 569 nuns.
Let us now observe some features of the life of the nation and the
profound influence wrought upon it by the introduction of the
continental civilization and of Buddhism. It is not too much to say
that, at least around the seat of the central government, the arts and
sciences of China and the creed of Buddha greatly changed the simplicity
of Japanese life and imparted to it a character of refinement and pomp
hitherto unknown. Chinese literature not only taught Japan the art of
writing and composition, but also brought with it an advanced ethical
sense of fidelity, piety, benevolence, and justice. The Emperor Ōjin's
son, who was the first Japanese student of Chinese literature, had
acquired such an accurate knowledge of the rules of composition and
calligraphy that when a memorial was presented to the throne by Korean
ambassadors, he detected the presence of disrespectful ideograms and
rebuked the envoys. His attainments won for him the favor of his father,
who nominated him heir in preference to his elder brother; nevertheless,
on the death of the emperor, this prince resigned his claim in behalf of
his brother. For such self-denial his scholarship had prepared him. So,
too, the erudite Emperor Nintoku dwelt for the space of three years in
a dilapidated palace, in order that his people might have relief from
taxation during a famine, and know the sense of love and duty his
learning had taught him. The prosperity of the nation, he said, was his
own prosperity, their poverty his poverty.
The doctrine of Confucius inculcated reverence toward Heaven, respect
for ancestors, loyalty to the sovereign, love of the people, and
discharge of the duties of filial piety. On the other hand, Buddhism
proved an ennobling influence upon the mind of the nation. Hitherto the
people naïvely attributed every happy or unhappy event, every fortunate
or unfortunate incident, to the will of the gods, whom they appeased by
offerings and sacrifices that evil might be averted. The gods looked and
acted like men. Highest among them stood the celestial and terrestrial
gods; lowest were certain wild animals and venomous snakes, which also
were propitiated by worship. Gods were near men, and some of the latter
were conceived as scions of the former. This primitive notion of a deity
was not materially affected by the introduction of the Confucian
philosophy, the tenets of which offered no contradiction to the ancient
idea. Buddhism, on the contrary, told of a past and of a future;
announced the doctrine that virtue would be rewarded and vice punished
in a future state; and taught that the Buddha was the supreme being and
that whosoever had faith in him should receive unlimited blessings at
his hands. No longer were the deities the only objects of fear and
reverence, for now a being of supreme wisdom and power loomed upon the
mental horizon of the people. Even the sovereign himself was seen
worshiping Buddha, whose servant he was pleased to regard himself.
Prejudices at court against the Hindu doctrine were dispelled by the
growing light shed by the deeper knowledge of Buddhism, while the golden
images of Buddha and the imposing structures enshrining them, as well as
the gorgeous paraphernalia of the temples and the solemnity of the rites
performed therein, allured the common folk into the faith. At the same
time, the people's reverence for the ancient gods of the nation remained
unshaken, so that Shintōism, Confucianism, and Buddhism existed side by
side, supplying the defects of one another and answering different moral
needs of the race.
Along with learning and religion, various arts of civilized life were
profusely supplied from Korea to vivify the general progress of the
nation. Among the most important was the production and manufacture of
silk, which was largely studied by the people and encouraged by the
Emperor Yūryaku. Many Chinese artisans of the fallen dynasties migrated
through Korea to Japan, where they were naturalized and transmitted
their knowledge of the western arts and sciences. In architecture, also,
with the coming of Buddhism a need arose for lofty and large edifices,
the erection of which must have greatly changed the appearance of the
capital. The art of pottery made a great advance, as did the
blacksmith's craft of forging swords and other articles of iron. Nor
were medicine and the calendar neglected, while the new art of carving
and decorating as well as drawing the image of Buddha, gave a powerful
impetus to painting and sculpture. The collective influence of all these
and other new changes upon the life of the people, nearer the center of
the government at least, must have been very great. With the development
of the art of weaving, apparel was improved by the addition of silk
garments; as agriculture progressed, rice and other cereals furnished
agreeable aliment; the influence of Buddhism gradually produced a
distaste for animal food. The introduction of the science of
architecture soon effected a marked change in the dimensions and
decoration of dwelling-houses. Transmission of intelligence was
facilitated by the imported art of writing, the moral, intellectual, and
political thinking of the ruling classes began to take a more or less
definite shape from the coming of the Chinese classics, while Buddhism
spread over the nation a charm which was at once captivating and
ennobling. A new era of history had begun.
We shall now turn our attention to the remarkable political evolution
which followed and was in fact to a large extent occasioned by the
introduction of Buddhism. In the earliest days of the empire,
administrative posts were transmitted by heredity from generation to
generation. It thus resulted that family names were derived from
official titles, as, for example, the official title for persons
performing religious rites was Nakatomi or Imbe, which titles became
family names of holders of that office. Similarly Ōtomo and Mononobe
were family names of officials having control of troops or direction of
military affairs. Among commoners, also, there were many who performed
certain kinds of work for the government, the art of which they
bequeathed to their children by heredity. Each occupation of this
description was organized into a guild, and each guild was under the
control of a headman who belonged to some influential family. Not only
were public offices and private guilds similarly organized by the
principle of heredity, but also there was no rigid line drawn between
the public property and the personal possession of a nobleman. The
higher one's position among the aristocracy, the more exalted was his
office and the more plenteous his treasury. Under these circumstances,
it is not strange that the administration of the state gradually fell
under the control of the heads of a few powerful clans. Originally,
during the reign of the first emperor, the Nakatomi and Imbe families
discharged religious functions, and the Ōtomo, Kume, and Mononobe
families performed military duties. The influence of these families was
then about equal. But subsequent events resulted in the decline of the
Kume, while the Ōtomo were in the main intrusted with the control of
Korean affairs. Domestic administration remained chiefly in the hands of
the Mononobe and the new family of Soga, descendants of Takenouchi, the
tactful minister of the Empress Jingō. The Mononobe stood at the head of
all the noble families bearing the honorary title of Muraji, and the
Soga, of those likewise designated as Omi. It was inevitable that the
mutual jealousy of the two leading houses should bring them to a clash
of interests, while the introduction of Buddhism had the effect of
greatly accentuating their hostility. It will be remembered that the
Mononobe family adhered steadily to conservative principles and opposed
the spread of Buddhism, which the Soga, on the contrary, zealously
upheld. So long, however, as both families bowed implicitly to the
imperial commands, their dispute did not attain serious proportions. But
when, in the reign of Yōmei, not only was the empress dowager a daughter
of the Soga family, but also the emperor himself inclined to the worship
of Buddha, the final struggle between the two families could no longer
be deferred.
On the death of the emperor, Mononobe Moriya sought to secure the
succession for a brother of the deceased sovereign, as against another
prince, son of the empress dowager. His plot was discovered, and he was
defeated and killed. The Mononobe being thus overthrown, the supremacy
rested with Umako, the head of the Soga, and the throne was occupied by
his own prince. But the prince could not long bear the arbitrary conduct
of Umako, who then caused him to be assassinated. The empress dowager, a
daughter of the Soga, despite the presence of direct successors in the
male line, ascended the throne under the title of the Empress Suiko.
This was the first instance of the scepter being held by a female. On
the death of Umako, his son, Emishi, succeeded him, and wielded even
larger influence than his father. Emishi crushed an opposition offered
by his own uncle, and placed in succession to the empress a prince of
his choice, and under the latter's rule as Emperor Shōmei, Emishi
behaved as he pleased. After Shōmei's death, his consort ascended the
throne under the name of Kōkyoku. Emishi's son, Iruka, who now
discharged the administrative functions, exercised even greater power
than his father. He also designed to obtain the throne for Prince
Furuhito, a relative of his family. But an obstacle existed in the
person of Prince Yamashiro, whose goodness and discretion had won
popular respect. Steps were taken to have this prince assassinated, and
otherwise Iruka showed himself so arbitrary and unscrupulous that there
appeared to be danger of his compassing the destruction of the lineal
successors to the throne and usurping the sovereignty himself. Thereupon
Nakatomi Kamatari, a loyal subject, conferred with Prince Nakano-ōye,
son of the Emperor Shōmei, as to the expediency of making away with
Iruka. This plot culminated in the killing of Iruka in the throne room
on a day when Korean ambassadors were received at the court. Iruka's
father, Emishi, was also killed, and with them the glory of the Soga
vanished.
Thus ended the interesting period of history in which active relations,
first with Korea, and then with China, began to produce in Japan a
direct, profound effect upon her society and politics. Agents of the
advanced civilization were liberally introduced, and, in the midst of
this process, a grave crisis which was about to overcome the central
institutions of the state system was averted only by an anomalous act of
a few patriots. It was these latter who inaugurated in the next period
the grand work of reconstructing the entire system of government and
administration after the pattern of Chinese institutions. The
continental civilization in all its refinement was then even more
eagerly studied around the capital than before, while the country at
large, under the unforeseen effects of these artificial reforms, passed
gradually into a still later period of her history. Before taking up the
story of the reform period, we as usual subjoin a table of the
sovereigns of the period which has been under review in this chapter.
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE OF SOVEREIGNS.
14. Emperor Chūai, 192-270 A. D. (including the 69 years of the
regency of Empress Jingō-kōgō).
|
15. Emperor Ojin, 270-313.
|
16. Emperor Nintoku, 313-400.
|
17. Emperor Richū,--18. Emperor Hanshō,--19. Emperor Inkyō,
400-405. 405-411. 411-453.
| |
| +----------------+
| |
Prince Ichinobe Oshiiwa. 20. Emperor Ankō,--21. Emperor Yūryaku,
| 453-456. 456-480.
| |
| 22. Emperor Seinei.
23. Emperor Kensō,--24. Emperor Ninken, 488-499. 480-485.
485-488. |
25. Emperor Buretsu, 499-507.
(Emperor Ojin.)
|
(Emperor Nintoku.)--Prince Wakamikenofutamata.
|
Prince Ōhito.
|
Prince Hikouishi.
|
26. Emperor Keitai, 507-534.
|
+---------------+
|
27. Emperor Ankan,--28. Emperor Senkwa,--29. Emperor Kimmei, 540-572.
534-536. 536-540. |
+----------------------------------------+
|
30. Emperor Bidatsu,--31. Emperor Yōmei,--32. Emperor Susun,--33. Empress
572-586. 586-588. 588-591. Suiko,
| 591-629.
|
Prince Oshisakahiko-nushibito.
|
+----------+
|
34. Emperor Shōmei, 629-642.--Prince Chinu.
|
35. Empress Kōkyoku, 642-645.
Chapter IV
THE TAIKWA REFORM. 645-708 A. D.
It was in the year 645 A. D. that a small league of supporters of the
imperial institutions, under the leadership of two true statesmen,
Prince Naka-no-ōye and Nakatomi-no-Kamatari, overthrew the disloyal
family of Soga. For the first time in Japanese history, the Chinese
system of year-periods was adopted, and the name Taikwa ("Great Change")
was applied to the period which began with this year. No more
appropriate name could be invented, for the reforms henceforth
introduced, known in history as the Taikwa reformation, were of such a
sweeping character as to transform within a few years all the
fundamental institutions of the central and local administration. The
model of the changes was found in the system of politics and society of
China, which had lately come under the sway of the dynasty of T'ang, the
centralized government and refined civilization of which had excited
emulation in the minds of the Japanese reformers. The memorable year 645
A. D. thus marks the beginning of the exhaustive reformation which was
completed only after fifty-six years, extending over the reigns of six
sovereigns, for it was not till 701 that the celebrated Taihō code of
laws brought the work of state reorganization to a close.
It would hardly be necessary for us to study the reforms in detail,
which brought profound changes upon nearly all the features of national
life. The central institution of the new state may be said to be the
land system. Formerly, noble families abused the influence of their
position and extended their territorial estates so greatly that the
commoner was in a state of perpetual eviction. Between the rich and the
poor had grown a widening gap. Now the reformers, after their Chinese
model, boldly confiscated to the state all the landed estates of private
individuals, which they then allotted equally among all the people above
the age of six at the rate of two _tan_ for a male and one and one-third
_tan_ for a female (a _chō_, or 10 _tan_, at the time being
approximately equal to two acres), subject to a redistribution at every
sixth year. Naturally neither the periodical redistribution nor the
system of equal allotment itself could be long maintained, but the
notion that the ownership of land was ultimately vested in the state was
not abandoned until the present reign, when the people of all classes
were at last allowed to own land.
The economic and financial unit of the nation being thus defined, it was
also provided that a national census should be returned at a fixed
period. New taxes were of three kinds, the principal one, called _so_,
being levied upon land. The method of its assessment was to fix the
annual produce of two _tan_ of rice land at 100 sheaves, 8 of which--4
large and 4 small--were taken as tax, or, roughly, five per cent. of the
gross produce. Of the other two kinds of taxes one was called _yō_ and
the other _chō_. The former may be regarded as a species of _corvée_.
After a man attained the age of twenty-one he was required to perform
ten days' public work annually, which service, however, he was at
liberty to commute for one piece of cloth (_nuno_). The _chō_ was levied
on silk, fish, cloth, and generally speaking on objects produced or
obtained in considerable quantities. The proceeds of the rice-tax were
applied to defray the expenses of local administration, while the outlay
of the central government was met by the proceeds of the two other
taxes, _yō_ and _chō_.
As regards local administration, the old names of local divisions,
_kuni_ (provinces) and _kōri_ (districts), were retained, while towns,
_sato_, were organized generally by grouping together fifty houses under
a town-head. Along the principal roads relays of post horses were
maintained for public service, and every person traveling in the
interior was required by law to carry a hand-bell and a document similar
to a passport. At important places guard-houses were established, with
duly appointed lookouts and garrisons for preserving order. Government
business was transacted in the provinces under the control of officials
collectively called _kokushi_, and in the districts under that of
_gunshi_. The former set of officers were appointed by the central
government from among the nobler families, while the latter seem to have
been largely supplied by the descendants of old local magnates. In those
days the empire comprised 58 _kuni_, over 500 _kōri_, and about 13,000
_sato_, but subsequent changes resulted in 66 _kuni_ and more than 700
_kōri_, which numbers continued till the beginning of the present reign.
Finally, as to the central government, its ultimate control was vested
in the hands of three principal officials, namely, the ministers of the
left, of the right, and of the interior; but this organization
subsequently underwent considerable modification. The eight departments
of administration were Department of Records (_Nakatsukasa_), Department
of Ceremonies (_Shikibu_), Department of Administration (_Jibu_),
Department of Home Affairs (_Mimbu_), Department of Military Affairs
(_Hyōbu_), Department of Justice (_Kyōbu_), Department of Finance
(_Ōkura_), and Department of the Imperial Household (_Kunai_). Each was
comprised of three bureaus, between which the functions of the
department were distributed. Over and above the eight departments stood
the two highest offices, grand council (_Daijō-kwan_) and religious
rites (_Jingi-kwan_).
The administrative organization having been thus determined, steps were
taken to make suitable selection of _personnel_ for the various official
posts, and in connection with this a body of rules was compiled, fixing
the ranks of officials of all kinds. The system of selection by merit
was in this manner substituted for that of hereditary succession. But
the change did not find complete expression in practice, for noble
families, though nominally deprived of exclusive official privileges,
still benefited by the conservatism of custom. Various ranks of
officials were minutely graded, and rigidly marked by means of the
colors of garments and head-gear or by patents, but these insignia
underwent subsequent changes in minor details.
Such, in brief, were the principal features of the Taikwa reforms. The
government, however, did not confine itself to the realm of enactment,
for instructions of an admonitory character were issued with a view to
improving the manners and customs of the agricultural classes. Diligence
in the pursuit of their occupations, economy, integrity, exclusion of
mercenary motives from contracts of marriage, simplicity of funeral
rites, persistence in habits of industry even during periods of
mourning--such were the virtues recommended to farmers by official
proclamation. At the same time, in order to establish contact between
the ruling classes and the ruled, boxes were set up at various places
wherein the people were invited to deposit any statement of grievances
from which they suffered, and it was provided that a man who desired to
bring a complaint speedily to the notice of the authorities should ring
a bell hung in a public building.
On the decease of the Emperor Kōtoku, after a reign of ten years, the
previous empress, Kōkyoku, reassumed the scepter under the name of
Saimei. This was the first instance of a sovereign occupying the throne
twice. Prince Naka-no-ōye, who throughout both reigns had remained
heir-apparent, succeeded the Empress Saimei under the name of Tenchi.
This sovereign, who before ascending the throne had greatly
distinguished himself, is not noted for any conspicuous deeds while in
possession of the scepter. Throughout his reign the country enjoyed
profound internal tranquillity. Its foreign affairs, however, assumed a
complexion worthy of special notice.
Since the conquest of southern Korea, which tradition attributes to the
Empress Jingō, its kingdoms not only rendered tributes of valuable
articles, but also conferred no small benefit on their suzerain by
contributing to the latter's material and moral civilization.
Nevertheless, the interval that separated the two countries made
communication difficult, and although Japan established a branch
government in Korea at a place called Mimana, the Koreans, relying upon
the distance of the latter from headquarters, frequently acted in a
rebellious manner. During an interval of 460 years after the legendary
invasion of the Empress Jingō, no less than thirty instances are
recorded when the Koreans either failed to send tribute, insulted
Japanese envoys, or broke into open revolt. On every occasion Japan sent
embassies to demand explanation and redress, or reasserted her supremacy
by force of arms. Shiragi, which in those days stood at the head of the
districts into which Korea was divided, rose in 562 against Mimana and
succeeded in expelling the Japanese officials and obtaining possession
of the place. This disaster weighed greatly on the mind of the Emperor
Kimmei, whose last behest uttered on his deathbed was that Mimana should
be recovered. A great army was accordingly sent against Shiragi, but
success did not attend the Japanese arms. Not only was it found
impossible to reduce Shiragi, but even the maintenance of the local
government at Mimana proved a task beyond the military strength of the
time. Thenceforth the recovery of Mimana became an object upon which
Japan's attention was ever concentrated. When in 618 China fell under
the powerful sway of the T'ang dynasty, the people of Shiragi, relying
on Chinese assistance, conceived the project of bringing under their
rule the neighboring district of Kudara. Reduced to extremities, Kudara
in 660 sent envoys to seek succor from Japan. After considerable
discussion, the Japanese Government resolved to undertake an expedition
against Shiragi on a large scale. Great preparations were set on foot.
The sovereign himself proceeded to Tsukushi and oversaw the dispatch
thence of a fleet of a hundred war vessels under the command of
Azumi-no-Hirafu, whose instructions were to attack Shiragi and rescue
Kudara. But the latter was found to be in a helpless condition. Invaded
simultaneously by the forces of China and Shiragi, it was also torn by
internal dissensions, and could not coöperate in any effective manner
with the Japanese navy, which consequently withdrew, leaving Kudara to
its inevitable fate. The final fall of Kudara occurred in 670, and a few
years later the third Korean district of Koma was also defeated by
China. Shiragi subsequently sent occasional tribute to Japan, but was
never afterward included in the Japanese dominions. The Emperor Tenchi,
reviewing the history of his country's relations with Korea, seems to
have arrived at the definite conclusion that the wisest policy was on
the side of abandoning all idea of recovering Kudara, and devoting
Japan's energies solely to organizing measures of defense against
foreign attack. He accordingly adopted every possible means of promoting
military efficiency. It should be remembered that Japan had not only
lavished money and blood for Korea, but also had outlived the days when
the civilizing influence of the continent had to come by way of the
peninsula and had already been in communication with the source of
enlightenment, China. It was during the reign of the same Emperor Tenchi
that China sent an envoy to the court of Japan, and the latter country
dispatched an embassy in return, so that the two empires were brought
into more friendly relations than before.
[Illustration: THE WORSHIP OF THE BEAR AMONG THE AUTOCHTHONS (AINOS)
OF EZO]
The curious "Hairy Ainos" of northern Japan hold the bear in
extreme sanctity. They catch the bear when young and bring him
up on human milk, a nurse being deputed to him. Then he is
transferred to a cage and, when he is old enough to be slain, on
the day of sacrifice the whole village turns out armed with bows
and arrows, the cage is opened and each one strives to send home
the fatal shaft. The chief prays the bear to pardon the violence
done him, requests benefits from the now deified carcass, and
presents offerings. They then behead and skin the bear, and
begin an orgie which lasts several days.
If, however, the extent of the Japanese dominions suffered reduction in
the west, it in the meantime received an increment in the north by the
subjection of some recalcitrant tribes. It will be recalled that the
uprising of these people, called Emishi, or _Ebisu_, had been suppressed
by Prince Yamato-dake, but further north in the island of Ezo, the
present Hokkaidō;, the imperial sway received only partial
acknowledgment. There the Emishi not only were restless, but also
generally had the sympathy and support of their kinsmen across the
waters, just as in earlier times, the Kumaso, the autochthons of
Kiushū, habitually espoused the cause of Korea in any conflict between
the latter and Japan. The government always found itself compelled to
undertake a dual campaign in times of trouble with the island on the
north or with the peninsula on the west. Because of these difficulties
forts were built, about 650, at Nutari and Iwafune in Echigo, and
garrisoned by the people of that province and of Shinano, for the
purpose of holding the aborigines of Ezo in control. The unsettled
condition of these outlying districts may be further inferred from an
enactment contemporaneous with the great Taikwa reforms. For whereas a
general interdict was then issued against unauthorized possession of
arms and armor by private persons, dwellers in the remote parts of the
east were exempted from this prohibition on the ground of their
liability to attack.
During the years 658-660, in the Empress Saimei's reign, Abe-no-Hirafu,
a distinguished governor of the Koshi provinces (Echigo and Uzen),
conducted successful campaigns against the autochthons of Ezo, breaking
their power and destroying their vessels of war, and finally invaded
Manchuria at the head of a force composed of subjugated Emishi, and cut
off the source from which insurgents had usually derived succor. The
result of this campaign was that the Emishi were, for the most part,
brought into subjection, and functionaries called _Gunryō_; were posted
at Shiribeshi in the northern island. Frequent insurrections, however,
followed, and finally it was found necessary to build the castles of
Taga and Akita, where strong forces of soldiers were maintained to
preserve order.
A few expeditions on a large scale were also organized against them
under the command of generalissimos (_shōgun_) upon whom the duty of
guarding the northern and eastern marches devolved, but it was not until
796, during the reign of the Emperor Kwammu, that these autochthons were
effectually brought into subjection. The campaign against them at that
time was directed by a renowned captain, Sakanoue-no-Tamuramaro, who, at
the head of a great army, penetrated to the limits of the rebellious
districts, slaughtering all who refused to surrender. This general's
exploits were second only to those of his predecessor Abe-no-Hirafu. Not
only was the sway of the imperial court thus extended to the east and
north, but in the south also various islands--Tokuara, Tane, Yaku,
Amami, Toku, and others--lying off the coasts of Satsuma and Ōsumi, were
added to the Japanese dominions.
Let us now see what important incidents took place during this time
around the person of the sovereign. In the third year of the Emperor
Tenchi's reign, 670, the celebrated statesman of the Taikwa reformation,
Nakatomi-no-Kamatari died. He had been raised to the position of lord
keeper of the privy seal, and had received the family name of Fujiwara,
in recognition of his meritorious services. Kamatari was a man of
thorough loyalty and integrity. His zeal in the emperor's service was
unflagging, and he showed great ability in framing useful laws and
regulations, so that, after his decease, people spoke of him as a model
of fidelity. Two years later the emperor himself, formally the leader of
the reforms since 645, died, leaving behind him a reputation for good
government which was held in so grateful a remembrance that when more
than a century later the Emperor Kwammu promulgated a law dispensing
with the observance of religious ceremonies on the anniversaries of the
deaths of sovereigns deceased at remote periods, public sentiment caused
the Emperor Tenchi to be excepted from the general rule. Yet he had
scarcely been laid to rest when a serious disturbance took place with
reference to his successor. In accordance with the rule of primogeniture
followed in Japan, the scepter was bequeathed to the eldest prince of
the blood with almost unvarying regularity during the thirteen
generations from Jimmu to Seimu; and throughout the thirty-two
generations from Jimmu to Sujun no woman held the scepter, for although
Jingō held regency for sixty-nine years, she was never invested with the
dignity of the title of sovereign.
The accession of the Empress Suiko was due to exceptional circumstances,
and did not mark a recognized departure from the old rule. Subsequently,
however, not a few instances occurred of the scepter falling into the
hands of an uncle or niece of a deceased emperor, and on these occasions
more or less disquiet accompanied the event. But no disturbance
connected with such a cause attained anything like the dimensions of the
trouble that followed Tenchi's death.[1] On the occasion of the
emperor's visit to Tsukushi to make arrangements for the invasion of
Korea, he entrusted the administration of affairs during his absence to
his younger brother, Prince Ōama, and caused the heir apparent, Prince
Ōtomo, to accompany him to Tsukushi. Ōtomo, though young in years, had
already given evidence of great capacity and was exceptionally learned.
The sovereign entertained a strong affection for him, and after
returning from Tsukushi raised him to the position of prime minister. On
the other hand, the relations between the emperor and his brother,
Prince Ōama, were for some unknown reason inharmonious. When the
emperor, perceiving the dangerous character of his malady, would fain
have entrusted the administration of affairs after his death to Ōama,
the latter pretending ill health declined the responsibility. The prince
imperial was consequently proclaimed successor to the throne, and Ōama
took the priestly order and retired to Mount Yoshino, partly for the
purpose of praying for the soul of the deceased emperor, but partly also
to dispel the suspicion with which the public regarded his acts. None
the less, it was the common talk of the time that Ōama's retirement to
Yoshino was as "the letting loose of a tiger on a moor." Twice did the
ministers of state take the oath of allegiance to Prince Ōtomo, but
rivalry and evil feeling continued to grow between the partisans of the
new sovereign and those of Prince Ōama. In the end a state of open
hostilities resulted. Prince Ōama, rapidly withdrawing to the eastern
provinces, obtained possession of all the strategical positions, and was
followed by large numbers of adherents. The emperor dispatched an army
against the insurgents, and engagements took place in Mino, Ōmi, and
Yamato, but on every occasion the imperial forces were routed, and the
eastern army gradually pushed on to Ōtsu in Shiga. A final and desperate
stand was made by the emperor's troops in the Seta district, but the
battle ended in their total defeat, and the sovereign himself, escaping
from the field, perished by his own hand at the age of twenty-five,
after a reign of only eight months. This emperor is known in history as
Kōbun. Prince Ōama succeeded to the throne under the name of Temmu. He
had obtained the scepter under questionable circumstances, but as a
ruler he showed high qualities, carrying on the administration with zeal
and ability. He dispatched inspectors to all districts throughout the
realm in order to acquire full knowledge of local affairs, and raised
the military establishment to a state of high efficiency. On his death a
princess, daughter of Tenchi and sister of Kōbun, succeeded to the
throne as the Empress Jitō. In the third year of her reign the heir
apparent, Prince Kusakabe, died. The empress convoked a council of all
the high dignitaries of state to determine a successor to the prince,
but they could not come to any agreement until Prince Kadono advanced
the principle that when neither son nor grandson was available to
succeed to the throne, the scepter should pass to the brothers and
sisters of the sovereign in due order, since by no other means could
disputes be avoided. The outcome was that Karu, son of the late Prince
Kusakabe, was proclaimed heir apparent. He subsequently ascended the
throne as the Emperor Mommu, well known in history for his ability and
the codification under his direction of the laws of the Taihō period.[2]
FOOTNOTES:
[1] The following is a brief genealogical table of the sovereigns
of this period of disputed successions:
30. Emperor Bitatsu.--(Prince Oshisakahikohito).
|
+---------------------------------+
|--34. Emperor Jōmyō.--38. Emperor Tenchi.--(41. Empress Jitō, consort of
| | the 40th emperor, Temmu).
| | |
| | +----------------------------------+
| | |
| | +--(43. Empress Gemmyō, mother of the 42d
| | | emperor Mommu).
| | +--39. Emperor Kōbun.
| | +--(Prince Shiki).--49. Emperor Kōnin.
| |
| 40. Emperor Temmu.--(Prince Kusakabe).
| |
| (Prince Toneri).--47. Emperor Junnin.
+--(Prince Chinu.)--35. Empress Kōkyoku.--37. Empress Saimei.
|
36. Emperor Kōtoku.
[2] Chronological table of sovereigns.
36. Emperor Kōtoku, 645-655.
37. Empress Saimei, 655-668.
38. Emperor Tenchi, 668-672.
39. Emperor Kōbun, 672-673.
40. Emperor Temmu, 673-690.
41. Empress Jitō, 690-697.
42. Emperor Mommu, 697-708.
Chapter V
THE NARA EPOCH. 710-794 A. D.
In 708 A. D. the Empress Gemmyō ascended the throne and two years later
the seat of government, which had hitherto moved from place to place,
was fixed at Nara in the province of Yamato. The imperial palace, as
well as the left and right halves of the city, were built with much
state, the place being thenceforth known in Chinese style as _Heijō_
("castle of tranquillity"). The interval of seventy-five years from that
date, comprising the reigns of seven successive sovereigns, is called in
history the "Nara epoch," an epoch worthy of special reference for its
great prosperity and refinement. Under the sway of the emperors Tenchi
and Temmu the power of the throne had already increased considerably,
and it was further enhanced by the ability of Mommu and his immediate
successors, no little assistance being derived from the royal princes
who occupied the highest posts in the administration with conspicuous
talent. Side by side with the growth of the power of the crown, the
influence of the Fujiwara family, descendants of Kamatair, also steadily
advanced, until, as will be seen later, they came to overshadow the real
authority of the sovereign. This, however, had not yet become noticeable
during the earlier years of the Nara epoch, when the emperor was in
theory and in practice at the apex of the grand centralized system of
government inaugurated by the Taikwa reformation.
Among the events of this period, none is more worthy of note than the
marked spread of Buddhism. This result may be attributed, first, to the
loyal faith of the imperial court, and, secondly, to the exertions of
priests of high talent who labored in the cause of their creed with
remarkable zeal and tact. Ever since the days of the Emperor Kimmei,
when Buddhism was brought to Japan, its progress had been sure and
strong, despite all opposition, until there came a time when the Emperor
Temmu went so far as to order that every private house should have an
altar for the worship of the Buddha. Subsequent sovereigns caused the
canons to be copied and images to be made for all the provinces of the
realm; and the Emperor Shōmu supplemented those measures by an edict
requiring that provincial temples (_kokubunji_) should everywhere be
built for priests and nuns. The ruling classes contributed liberally to
the support of these places of worship, it being generally believed that
by such means individual prosperity and national tranquillity could be
secured. A huge image of Buddha, fifty-three feet high, was cast of
copper and gold, which survives to this day in the temple where it was
originally placed, the Tōtai-ji, at Nara.
It is on record that Shōmu himself adopted the tonsure and took a
Buddhist appellation. The mother of that sovereign, Miyako, and his
consort, Kōmyō,--both daughters of Fujiwara Fubito--were most zealous
devotees of Buddhism, and with their coöperation the sovereign
established in the capital an asylum for the support of the destitute
and a charity hospital, where the poor received medical treatment and
drugs gratis. Measures were also taken to rescue foundlings, and in
general to relieve poverty and distress. Tradition tells us that the
empress cared for the sick to the number of nine hundred and
ninety-nine. The thousandth patient was a miserable old man who asked
her to suck pus from the ulcerated sores of his skin. As she cheerfully
acceded to his wish, he was transfigured into a Buddha, and ascended
into the air, blessing the imperial devotee whose faith he had come to
test. Among the great subjects we also find instances such as those of
Kamartari and Fuhito, of whom the former, though a minister of the
court, built a temple and made his eldest son take orders, and the
latter erected the temple of Kōfuku-ji and endowed it as the place of
worship of the Fujiwara family. Among the priests of high rank, one
whose name has been transmitted to posterity was Gyōgi.
He became famous in the reign of the Empress Genshō,[1] and having won
the confidence and respect of the next sovereign, Shōmu, he attained the
rank of _Daisōjō_ (archbishop) and was subsequently worshiped as a saint
under the title of "Bosatsu." It was by this prelate that the doctrine
of successive incarnations of the Buddha was first enunciated, a
doctrine whose skillful application greatly served the cause of
Buddhism. For though the creed obtained such influence and success in
the times now under consideration, its universal acceptance by the
people encountered a strong obstacle in their traditional belief that
the Shintō deities, not Buddha, had founded the state, bequeathed its
scepter to their posterity, and prescribed a creed with which the very
existence of the nation was bound up. This difficulty, however, the
Buddhist priests adroitly met by the aid of the doctrine that Gyōgi
taught. The goddess Amaterasu had been only an incarnation of
Birushanabutsu, and all the deities of the land were but the Buddha
himself in various human forms. By this skillful reasoning they
dispelled the inherited prejudices of the people and gave a great
impulse to the spread of their creed. Gyōgi, Dōshō, Ryōben, and others
acquired notable influence with the masses, and, aided by their pupils,
preached in such manner as to popularize Buddhism throughout the land.
About this era, also, many priests came to Japan from China. It would
appear, nevertheless, that side by side with the spread of Buddhist
conviction the doctrine of fate and fortune was taught and the necessity
of vows and penances inculcated, to the delusion and demoralization of
ignorant folks. In every direction priestly sway made itself felt, even
the imperial court being largely under the influence of Gembō, Dōkyō,
and their following.
A notable factor in the development of material prosperity at that epoch
was the extraordinary ability of the priests. Many of them made voyages
to China to study the arts and sciences of that empire, and on their
return traveled up and down the land, opening regions hitherto left
barren, building temples, repairing and extending roads, bridging
rivers, establishing ferries, digging ponds, canals, and wells, and
encouraging navigation, thus contributing as much to the material
civilization of the country as to the moral improvement of the people.
It may be truly said that the spread of Buddhism was synchronous with
the rise of art and science. Carpenters, from the practice acquired in
building temples, learned how to construct large edifices; sculptors and
metallurgists became skillful by casting and graving idols of gold and
bronze; painting, decorative weaving, the ornamentation of utensils, and
the illumination of missals, owe their expert pursuit to the patronage
of Buddhism; the first real impetus given to the potter's art is
associated with the name of a priest; in short, almost every branch of
industrial and artistic development owes something to the influence of
the creed. In a storehouse forming part of the Tōtai-ji, and in the
temple of Hōriū, both at Nara, there are preserved a number of household
utensils, objects of apparel, musical instruments, and so forth, handed
down from the Nara epoch, every one of which bears witness to a refined
and artistic civilization, not surpassed by succeeding generations.
Among glyptic artists there have been handed down from these days the
names of men famous for their skill in sculpturing images, two of whom
were called "Kasuga" after the place where they lived, and were held in
the highest honor. It is true that architecture, sculpture, dyeing, and
weaving, introduced originally from China and Korea, had long been
practiced with considerable success, but during the Nara epoch these
arts were in the hands of men celebrated then and subsequently for their
proficiency. The same may be said also of the arts of the lacquerer and
the sword-smith, which at that time were carried far beyond ancient
standards of achievement. It is further worthy of note that the methods
of manufacturing glass and soap were known in the eighth century. Nara
and its temples, remaining outside the range of battles and the reach of
conflagrations, have escaped the destructions that periodically overtook
other imperial capitals, so that those who visit the place to-day can
see objects of fine and useful arts more than a thousand years old.
Simultaneously with the progress thus made in art and industry, learning
received a great impetus. The Emperor Tenchi was the first to appoint
officials charged with educational functions. A university was
established in Kyōto, as well as public schools in the various
localities throughout the provinces. The subjects chiefly taught in the
university were history, the Chinese Classics, law, and mathematics.
These were called the _shidō_, or four paths of learning. In the
succeeding reign, education continued to receive powerful encouragement,
but the principal object in view being the training of government
officials, instruction for the masses still remained in an
unsatisfactory state. Learning in that age virtually signified a
knowledge of the Chinese Classics. Hence, in the Nara epoch, scholars
versed in that kind of erudition were very numerous, conspicuous among
them being Awada-no-Mahito, Ō-no-Yasumaro, Kibi-no-Makibi and others.
Intercourse with China being then tolerably close, there were frequent
instances of priests and students proceeding thither by order of the
government, the former to investigate religious subjects, and the
latter to study Chinese literature. Even in China some of these men
obtained a high reputation for learning. The names of Kibi-no-Makibi and
Abe-no-Nakamaro are best remembered. The former, on his return to Japan,
was appointed a minister of state, but the latter never saw his native
country again. Encountering a violent gale on his homeward voyage, he
was driven back to China, where he received an important official
position and remained until his death, constantly hoping to return to
Japan but always unable to realize his hope.
Japan in those days possessed many scholars who could write Chinese
fluently. The composition of Chinese poetry was commenced in the reign
of Kōbun, the first book of verses ever published in Japan--the
"_Kwaifūso_"--making its appearance at that time. It is on record that,
at an earlier epoch--during the reign of the Empress Suiko--Prince
Shōtoku, Soga-no-Umako, and others, jointly compiled some historical
works, which were, however, almost totally destroyed at the time of the
overthrow of the Soga family. Subsequently, the Emperor Temmu instructed
Prince Kawashima and others to write a history, and further directed
Hieda-no-Are to dictate for transcription the annals of the successive
reigns. Again, in 712 A. D., Ō-no-Yasumaro, by command of the Empress
Gemmyō, compiled a history of the empire from the earliest days to the
reign of Suiko. This work was called the "_Kojiki_." A year later the
various provinces received imperial instructions to prepare geographical
accounts, each of itself, and these were collated into the "_Fūdoki_" a
few of which still remain. During the next reign, the Empress Genshō
continued this literary effort by causing Prince Toneri and others to
compile the "_Nihongi_," comprising a historical narrative from the
beginning of the empire to the reign of Jitō. In these works, the
"_Kojiki_" and the "_Nihongi_," the most ancient traditions of the
country are to be found. Shortly afterward five other chronicles, known
with the "_Nihongi_" as the "Six National Histories," were successively
undertaken, the compilation of which continued down to the reign of the
Emperor Daigo.
To the Japanese poetry of the Nara epoch, however, must be assigned the
first place among the literary efforts of the time. While Kōgen was on
the throne, Tachibana Moroye collected all the poems then extant, and
these, being afterward supplemented by Ōtomo-no-Yakamochi, constitute
the "_Manyōshu_," a work containing stanzas full of _verve_ and
imagination, simple yet by no means deficient in taste. The longer
compositions are especially admirable, and have ever since served as
models for writers of Japanese verse. Later generations considered the
work as a means of studying the ancient language of the country prior to
the Nara epoch, and from it they also derived a knowledge of the customs
and sentiments of early times. Consequently the "_Manyōshu_," together
with the "_Kojiki_" and the "_Nihongi_," came to be regarded as most
precious sources of historical information.
The lavish patronage bestowed upon Buddhism and the artificial wealth
and refinement of the capital were not without an enervating effect upon
the court. From the latter part of the eighth century favoritism and
partisanship began to cause serious troubles around the person of the
sovereign, whose conduct was in a measure responsible for them. The
story of the rise and fall of various favorites and their cliques is too
tedious to be retold, but the case of the priest Dōkyō deserves a brief
notice. Holding the post of palace prelate and enjoying undue favor from
the empress dowager, Dōkyō's power assumed such proportions that the
prime minister, Emi Oshikazu, took up arms against him. The latter's
forces were, however, completely routed, his adherents exterminated, and
he himself killed. With his fall, the emperor, who had ascended the
throne by the influence of Oshikazu, was exiled by the dowager, who
resumed the scepter in 764. This was the first instance of an emperor
being exiled. Many princes of the blood were also either banished with
him or killed, with the result that the princely adherents of the
imperial house were materially reduced in number. Thereafter Dōkyō
received the posts of prime minister and second prelate of the realm
(_Zenshi_), ultimately attaining the position of first prelate (_Hō-ō_).
His food, raiment, and bodyguards were similar to those of the emperor,
and so great was his influence that the entire administration rested in
his hands. His partisans went so far as to say openly that were the
prime minister made emperor, the realm would enjoy peace. Profound,
however, as was the nation's belief in Buddhism at that epoch, there
were just men who could not tamely endure such evil doings. Conspicuous
among them was the brave Wake-no-Kiyomaro, who brought back from the
shrine of the Shintō deity, Usa-Hachiman, an oracle, saying: "The
distinction of sovereign and subject is fundamental. Never may a subject
become emperor. The emperor must always be of the imperial line. Let
the unrighteous subject who would cut off the imperial succession be at
once removed." Dōkyō was much incensed by this procedure and caused
Kiyomaro to be banished. But the oracle produced its effect on the
empress, who at last repented of the things that had been done, and all
idea of raising Dōkyō to the throne was abandoned. The next year she
died and was succeeded by a grandson of Tenchi, the Emperor Kōnin. At
this point the descendants of the Emperor Temmu ceased to hold the
succession, and those of the Emperor Tenchi assumed it. Dōkyō was
banished, and Kiyomaro was recalled to court. Posterity regards his
memory with almost religious respect.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Chronological table of the sovereigns of the Nara Epoch.
43. Empress Gemmyō, 708-715.
44. Empress Genshō, 715-724.
45. Emperor Shōmu, 724-749.
46. Empress Kōken, 749-759.
47. Emperor Junnin, 759-765.
48. Emperor Shōtoku, 765-770.
49. Emperor Kōnin, 770-782.
Chapter VI
THE HEI-AN EPOCH. 794-1186 A. D.
The Nara epoch had come to an end when in 794 the Emperor Kwammu
transferred the capital to Kyōto. The new seat of government being then
known as _Hei-an Kyō_, or Citadel of Tranquillity, the interval that
separated its choice as capital from the establishment of feudal
administration at Kamakura in 1186--an interval of nearly four
centuries--is known in history as the Hei-an epoch. A few words may be
said about the significance of the change of the seat of government from
Nara to Kyōto. From ancient times it had been the custom for the emperor
and the heir apparent to live apart, from which fact it resulted that
when a sovereign died and his son succeeded to the throne, the latter
usually transferred the capital to the site of his own palace. It
sometimes happened also that the residence of the imperial court was
altered as often as two or three times during the same reign. Rarely,
however, did the court move out of the contiguous provinces known as the
_Go-kinai_, the great majority of the seats of government being in the
province of Yamato. So long as the government was comparatively simple,
the transfer of its seat from place to place involved no serious effort.
As, however, the business of administration became more complicated, and
intercourse with China grew more intimate, the character of the palace
assumed magnificence proportionate to the imperial ceremonies and
national receptions that had to be held there. Hence the capital
established at Nara by the Empress Gemmyō was on a scale of
unprecedented magnitude and splendor. There seven sovereigns reigned in
succession without any thought of moving elsewhere. But when the Emperor
Kwammu assumed the reins of government, he found that Nara was not a
convenient place for administrative purposes. He at first moved to
Nagaoka in Yamashiro, but a brief residence there convinced him that his
choice had not been well guided.
At last, in 794, a new capital was built, after the model of Nara, with
some modifications introduced from the metropolis of the T'ang dynasty
in China, at Uda in the same province. This was called Kyōto, which
means capital. It measured from north to south 17,530 feet and from east
to west 15,080 feet, the whole being surrounded by moats and palisades,
and the imperial palace being situated in the center of the northern
portion. From the southern palace gate (_Shujaku-mon_) to the
southernmost city gate (_Rajo-mon_) a long street, 280 feet wide (called
_Shujaku-ōji_, or the main Shujaku thoroughfare), extended in one
straight line, separating the city into two parts, of which the eastern
was designated _Sakyō_, or the left capital, and the western, _Ukyō_, or
the right capital. The whole city, from east to west, was divided into
nine districts (_jo_), and between the first and second districts lay
the imperial palace.
An elaborate system of subdivision was adopted. The unit, or _ko_
(house), was a space measuring 100 feet by 50. Eight of these units made
a row (_gyō_); four rows, a street (_chō_); four streets, a _ho_; four
_ho_, a _bō_, and four _bō_, a _jo_. The entire capital contained 1216
_cho_ and 38,912 houses. The streets lay parallel and at right angles
like the lines on a checkerboard. The imperial citadel measured 3840
feet from east to west, and 4600 feet from north to south. On each side
were three gates, and in the middle stood the emperor's palace,
surrounded by the buildings of the various administrative departments.
This citadel was environed by double walls, and contained altogether
seventeen large and five small edifices, every one of them picturesque
and handsome.
Great and fine as was this metropolis, it suffered such ravages during
the disturbances of succeeding centuries that the Kyōto of to-day, the
"Sakyō," or Western Capital, is but a shadow of the left section of
ancient times. Not even the imperial palace escaped these ravages. Again
and again impaired or destroyed by conflagrations, it gradually assumed
smaller and smaller dimensions until only a trace remained of the
splendid edifice that had once stood in the center of the citadel. But
the regularity of the streets could not be obliterated. That at least
survives to tell the story of the plan on which the city was
constructed. Indeed, Kyōto continued to be the seat of sovereigns for a
long period, covering 1074 years, and until the capital was removed in
1869 to Tōkyō.
In the Hei-an epoch[1] were accentuated the virtues and vices of the
Nara epoch. Buddhism now advanced to an even greater extent than it did
then, the luxury and pomp of the court were never excelled before or
since, and the control of the administrative machinery by the Fujiwara
family became completed. The growth of the Buddhist church was in no
small measure due to two remarkable priests, Saichō and Kūkai, both of
whom studied in China the profoundest doctrines of Buddhism and gained
for themselves a great reputation. Saichō founded the sect called
Tendai, and built the celebrated temple Enryaku-ji, at Hiyei-zan, to
guarantee the imperial palace against maleficent influences from the
northeast. Kūkai founded the Shingon sect, and built the not less famous
temple of Kongobu-ji, at Kōya-san. Other new sects were also founded by
other priests. The earlier teaching of the identity of Buddha and the
Shintō deities was further extended by Saichō and Kūkai, who taught that
the Buddha was the one and only divine being, and that all the gods were
manifestations of him. On that basis they established a new doctrine the
tenets of which mingled Shintōism and Buddhism inextricably. It was
owing to the spread of this doctrine that it became a not uncommon
occurrence to find Buddhist relics in a Shintō shrine, or a Shintō image
in a Buddhist temple, and the names of Shintō deities were confused with
Buddhist titles. Buddhist priests wandered everywhere throughout the
land preaching their doctrine and founding temples on choice sites, on
high mountains or in deep dells.
To this propagandism music lent its aid, for the melody of the Buddhist
chants touched the heart of the people. Devotees constantly grew in
number. Many of the highest personages in the land spent great sums upon
the building of temples; the consort of the Emperor Saga, for example,
constructed Danrin-ji, and the Prime Minister Michinaga erected Hōjō-ji.
Even in case of sickness, litanies and religious rites took the place of
medicine before the science of the latter had been developed, and
against all calamities of nature prayer was regarded as a talisman. It
is easy to conceive that, under such circumstances, Buddhism came to
exercise greater sway than even the ordinances of the sovereign himself.
It should not be imagined, however, that Shintō was completely
forgotten. Overshadowed by Buddhism as it was, it did not yet lose its
sway. Thus we find the Emperor Saga dedicating a fane at the Kamo
shrine, and the Emperor Seiwa establishing a place for the worship of
Iwashimizu Hachiman at Otoko-yama. Imperial visits to these two shrines
were not infrequent. Above all at the celebrated Shingu shrine in Ise,
the Shintō rites were kept free from all admixture of extraneous creeds.
From the days of Kwammu downward, the sovereigns in succession
encouraged learning. The university in Kyōto and the public schools in
the provinces were in a flourishing condition, and many private schools
sprang into existence. The patronage of great nobles was munificently
exercised in the cause of education. Further, great numbers of students
were engaged in compiling not only the history of the empire, but also
many other works of a general character, so that learning occupied a
high place in popular esteem. But unfortunately the scholarship of the
age drifted into superficialities of style to the neglect of practical
uses. Writers of verses applied themselves to imitating Chinese poets,
and writers of prose thought only of constructing their phrases in such
a manner that combinations of four ideograms should in regular
alternation be followed by combinations of six--a form of composition
known as the _Shirokuheirei_ (four-and-six order). But despite this
slavish adherence to valueless forms, a notable literary achievement has
to be placed to the credit of the era; namely, the elaboration of the
syllabaries, the _hira-kana_ and the _kata-kana_. The first syllabary
ever used in Japan had been the _manyō-gana_, in which the Chinese
ideograms were used phonetically with little attention to their original
meaning. But to write a Chinese ideogram for each syllable of a Japanese
word involved much labor, since in many cases a single ideogram was
composed of numerous strokes and dots. The difficulty was gradually
lessened during the Nara epoch by the simplification of Chinese
characters to such an extent that only a rudimentary skeleton of each
ideogram was symbolically used to represent its sound. The syllables
thus obtained were arranged in a table of fifty sounds, constituting the
_kata-kana_. Thenceforth, instead of the pain of committing to memory
thousands of ideograms, and employing them with no little toil, it
became possible to record the most complex thoughts by the aid of fifty
simple symbols. Nevertheless, since the nation had come to regard
Chinese literature as the classics of learning, scholars were still
compelled to use Chinese ideograms and to follow Chinese rules of
composition, so that the cursive forms of the Chinese characters became
the recognized script of educated men. These cursive characters
possessed one advantage: they were capable of considerable abbreviation
within certain limits. Naturally, the facility they offered in that
respect was more and more utilized, until at length their forms were
modified to comparative simplicity. When the great prelate Kūkai
composed, for mnemonic purposes, the rhyming syllabary which comprised
all the necessary sounds without repetition, the forms of the simplified
characters may be considered to have finally crystallized into the
syllabary known as the _hira-kana_.
The invention of these two systems of _kana_ syllabaries gave a powerful
impetus to the growth of prose writing. Many varieties of composition,
fictions, diaries, travels, and fugitive sketches, were added to the
literature of the time. But as men who aspired to the title of scholar
continued to write in Chinese ideograms, the domain of Japanese prose
was occupied, almost exclusively, by women. It is recorded of the
Emperor Ichijō (987-1012 A. D.) that he boasted that, although his own
abilities did not entitle him to wear the crown, his reign was not less
rich in talented subjects than had been the reigns of even Daigo and
Murakami, historically regarded as the best sovereigns of the whole
imperial line. The boast was not unwarranted, for in that era flourished
great writers of both sexes, the charm and grace of whose diction have
been vainly imitated by later generations. Of these, Mura-saki-shikibu
especially attracts attention, on account of her celebrated work, the
"_Genji-monogatari_," a romance in fifty-four volumes. Sei-Shōnagon's
name is remembered for her "_Makura-no-sōshi_," as peerless a production
in literary sketches as was the "_Genji-monogatari_" in fiction.
Even more energy was expended on the production of verses than on prose
writing. In the last part of the ninth century after almost a century of
the sway of Chinese poetry, the tide flowed once more in the direction
of Japanese verses, and they soon engrossed the minds of the noble
classes. Beginning with the "_Kokinshū_," poems compiled by imperial
order by Ki-no-Tsurayuki, himself a celebrated poet, no less than seven
poetical compilations were made by order of the sovereigns during the
rest of the Hei-an epoch, to which were still later added others to the
number of twenty-one. The art of versification made a wonderful
progress, but the rustic vigor and grandeur of the poems of the
"_Manyō-shū_" gave place to tricks of phraseology and flowers of speech
in the later poetry. Nor were poems with many stanzas approved any
longer, for it became the pride of the later poets to embody clever wit
and hidden charm in the space of thirty-one syllables. Thus poetry was
stunted, and literary terms and the speech of everyday life
unnecessarily separated each from the other.
As was so clearly reflected in poetry, the rude and unpolished but
frugal and industrious habits of the Nara age disappeared as the Hei-an
epoch grew older. Instead of vigor and simple strength, luxury and
effeminate gaud became the fashion. Society grew more and more enervated
and self-indulgent. The metropolis was the center of magnificence and
the focus of pleasure. Reference has already been made to the
spaciousness and grandeur of the imperial palace. The princes and great
nobles were scarcely less superbly housed, every aristocratic dwelling
consisting of a number of artistically arranged buildings. There had
also grown up among nobles and men of affluence the habit of choosing in
the suburbs some spot noted for scenic charms, and there building for
themselves retreats on which all the artistic and decorative resources
of the time were lavished. As for the imperial palace, however, from the
time when it was destroyed by a conflagration (960 A. D.), it suffered a
steady diminution in size and splendor, whereas the mansions of the
ministers of the crown grew constantly larger and more magnificent,
their inmates wearing gorgeous garments of rich brocades and elaborately
embroidered silks. Officials, courtiers, and their families emulated one
another in the richness of their apparel. When they went abroad, they
rode in carriages resplendent with gold and silver. By and by, the
active discharge of official and administrative functions began to be
despised by the higher classes, military training and the rude exercises
of arms falling into especial disfavor. Thus it fell out that the nobles
of the court, having abundant leisure, were enabled to devote their time
to literary culture, the elaboration of etiquette, and the pursuit of
luxurious pleasures. In the imperial court, at pleasant times in the
fair seasons, on fine spring mornings or under the soft moonlight of
autumn, gatherings were held at which the guests vied with one another
in making music and composing poetry. There were also specially
appointed festive occasions: as, for example, entertainments in April
(third month of the old calendar) when wine-cups were floated down
stream; or in February (first month of the old calendar) when young
pines growing on the hills or in the fields were pulled up by the roots;
or in the fall, to view the changing tints of the maples; the most
aristocratic of all these festivities being one in which three
picturesquely-decorated boats were launched upon some river or lake and
filled exclusively with persons who excelled in some one of the "three
accomplishments," namely, Chinese poetry, Japanese poetry, or music. In
the reign of the Emperor Uda five fête days were established: New Year's
Day, the third of the third month, the fifth of the fifth month, the
seventh of the seventh month, and the ninth of the ninth month; to which
were also added the festival of the "late moonlight" (13th of the ninth
month), and the festival of "the last chysanthemums."
Of games played in-doors checkers (_go_) and a kind of dice
(_sugo-roku_) were much in vogue; while the favorite outdoor sports were
foot-ball, polo, and hawking, together with horse-racing and equestrian
archery. At wine-feasts, various kinds of songs, some classical, some
popular, were chanted with dancing, and Chinese and Japanese stanzas
were composed and sung. From the end of the eleventh century personal
adornment was carried so far that even men began to imitate women in the
matter of painting their eye-brows and blackening their teeth, much as
though they sought to disguise themselves in the likeness of the puppets
set up at the festival of the third month. Not inaptly did the wits of
the time dub these mummers "lunar courtiers," or "elegants from
cloud-land." On such occasions of festival and sport, men and women of
noble rank mixed freely, and laxity of morals ensued. The ceremony of
marriage had been duly established, but wives still continued to live in
their own houses, where they received the visits of their husbands. In
short, the gratification of the senses was the first object of the time,
and if men thought of anything more serious, it was only the building
and endowment of a temple where prayers might be said and litanies sung
for the prosperity of themselves and their children in this world and
their happiness in a future state.
All these circumstances should be viewed only in conjunction with the
progress of the political power of the Fujiwara family. The great deeds
of Kamatari and the scarcely less distinguished services of his son
Fuhito established the renown of the family, and in the marriage of the
Emperor Shōmu with a daughter of Fuhito we have the first instance of a
procedure which afterward became common, namely the elevation of a
subject to the position of imperial consort. A daughter of another
Fujiwara, Fuyutsugu, became the consort of the Emperor Nimmyō, and bore
him a son who afterward ascended the throne as Montoku. Thus Fuyutsugu
became the reigning sovereign's grandfather on the mother's side, and
the Fujiwara family occupied a position of transcendent power. This
emperor married the daughter of Yoshifusa, his mother's elder brother,
and had by her a son, who when only eight months old, was declared heir
apparent, and ascended the throne in his ninth year under the name of
Seiwa, so that in two succeeding generations one of the sovereign's
grandfathers was a Fujiwara. Nor had there been another instance of the
scepter coming into the hands of such a young ruler. From Yoshifusa,
also, began the custom of appointing a Fujiwara to the post of _dajō
daijin_ (chief minister of state), a post which not only was the highest
and most respected under the sovereign, but also as a rule had been
reserved for an imperial prince of unusual virtue and ability. Failing
such a candidate, it had even been left vacant. Furthermore, owing to
the extreme youth of the Emperor Seiwa, his grandfather Yoshifusa was
appointed regent. The title of regent (_sesshō_) dates from that time.
The imperial authority now passed virtually into the hands of the
Fujiwara family. Seiwa abdicated after a reign of twenty-one years, and
was succeeded by Yōzei, then in his tenth year only, Mototsune, adopted
son of Yoshifusa, holding the offices of chief minister of state and
regent. As the emperor grew older, he became addicted to pleasure and
gave evidence of vicious tendencies.
Mototsune, having taken counsel of all the ministers, deposed the
sovereign and placed Kōkō on the throne in his stead. This was the first
instance of an emperor being dethroned by a subject, but evil as such an
act was in itself, its motive in the case of Mototsune being untainted
by selfish ambition, he has not incurred censure either from the men of
his time or from historians. The Emperor Kōkō, being fifty-six years of
age when he ascended the throne, Mototsune resigned the regency, but the
sovereign was pleased to make a special rule that all affairs of state
should be conveyed to himself through the ex-regent. The latter's office
was consequently called _kwampaku_ (signifying one who receives reports
prior to their transmission to the sovereign), and it became thenceforth
customary to confer this post on a statesman who had resigned the
regency. In effect, the _sesshō_, or regent, was supposed to manage the
administration during the minority of an emperor, while the _kwampaku_
discharged the same functions after the sovereign had attained his
majority. The difference became nominal when the descendants of
Yoshifusa and Mototsune made these two posts permanent and hereditary in
their line. It seemed, indeed, as though all the highest offices of
state had become the exclusive perquisite of that omnipotent family, no
others being eligible except princes of the blood. No less marked were
the marital relations between the imperial house and the Fujiwara, for
only a daughter of the latter could become the sovereign's consort, so
that every sovereign had a Fujiwara for his mother.
The power of the puissant family met a temporary check under the Emperor
Uda (893-898), who selected Sugawara-no-Michizane as minister. Michizane
was a descendant of Nomi-no-Sukune, and did not belong to the Fujiwara
family. Reputed for high literary, calligraphic, and artistic skill, he
also possessed a profound knowledge of politics. It was his fortune to
manage all administrative affairs jointly with the young and keen
Tokihira, son of Fujiwara Mototsune. The Emperor Uda, who took the
tonsure soon afterward, left instructions to his successor Daigo, then a
boy of thirteen, to consult Michizane in all important affairs of the
state. Tokihira filled the office of minister of the left (the highest
administrative post after that of chief minister of state then vacant),
and Michizane was minister of the right. With the exception of Michizane
and Kibi-no-Makibi, no man of the middle class had ever held such an
important office. The ex-emperor would have had Michizane raised still
higher, and urged the reigning sovereign in that sense. But this design
precipitated Tokihira's resolve to contrive the downfall of a man whose
great reputation with the nation and marked favor at court dimmed the
prestige of the Fujiwara family. Michizane was also an object of keen
jealousy to Minamoto-no-Hikaru, a son of the Emperor Nimmyō, who held
the office of _dainagon_ (vice-minister), as well as to
Fujiwara-no-Sadakuni, who like Hikaru, was incomparably superior to
Michizane in lineage, but inferior to him in official position. These
men conspired against Michizane, and conveyed to the sovereign a false
charge that the minister of the right was plotting to depose him and
place his younger brother, Michizane's son-in-law, Prince Tokiyo, on the
throne. Daigo believed the accusation, and reduced Michizane to the head
of the Kiushū local government, a position which it had become customary
to fill with disgraced officials of the imperial court. The order
amounted in effect to a sentence of exile. The ex-emperor did everything
in his power to save Michizane, but in vain. Hikaru succeeded to the
office of minister of the right. In all this affair the members of the
Fujiwara family left nothing undone to sweep away every obstacle to
their own supremacy. Treating as opponents all that did not take active
part with them, they contrived to have them involved in the disgrace of
Michizane. The exiled minister died after two years of banishment. His
popularity had been so great that the nation was filled with grief for
his unmerited sufferings, and when, after his decease, the partisans of
Tokihira died one after another, and a series of calamities occurred in
the capital, people did not hesitate to regard these evils as
retribution inflicted by Heaven for the injustice that had been wrought.
Subsequently Michizane received the posthumous honor of the first class
of the first rank and the post of chief minister of state, and posterity
built a shrine in Kitano to his memory, where he is worshiped to this
day as the tutelary saint of learning, under the canonized name of
Kitano-no-Tenjin.
After the exile of Michizane, the power of the Fujiwara family grew
steadily. During a period of about a century and a half after that
event, the administration was virtually in their hands.
Fujiwara-no-Tadahira occupied the post of chief minister of state, while
his sons, Saneyori and Morosuke, held the offices of minister of the
left and minister of the right respectively, the three highest posts in
the administration being thus filled simultaneously by a father and his
two sons. Among the descendants of these three nobles, those of the
last-named, Morosuke, attained the greatest prosperity. It has been
already noted that the Fujiwara ministers always contrived to have the
sovereign choose his consort from among their daughters. Nay more, when
a son was born of such a union, they had him brought up in their own
house, and when he ascended the throne, the Fujiwara minister who was
his grandfather became either regent or _kwampaku_, was recognized as
the head of the Fujiwara family, and received a large grant of state
land. Under these circumstances the choice of an imperial consort or the
nomination of an heir apparent being synonymous with the acquisition of
complete control over administrative and financial affairs, the branches
of the Fujiwara family often intrigued and fought among themselves to
secure the great prize. Michinaga, youngest son of Kaneiye, was a man of
remarkable strength of purpose and tact. He held the office of
_kwampaku_ during the reigns of three emperors, Ichijō, Sanjō, and
Goichijō; his three daughters became the consorts of three successive
sovereigns; he was grandfather of a reigning emperor and an heir
apparent at the same time, and his power and affluence far surpassed
those of the imperial house itself. To this great noble every official
paid court, except Fujiwara-no-Sanesuke, who maintained his independence
and was consequently relied on by the emperor. It is on record that
Michinaga once composed a stanza the purport of which was that all the
world seemed to have been created for his uses, and that every desire he
felt was satisfied as completely as the full moon is perfectly rounded.
In truth the power of the Fujiwara family culminated in his days. A
contemporary writer described the conditions of the time in a work for
which he found no title more appropriate than "the Story of Grandeur"
("_Eigwa Monogatari_"). With Michinaga the power of the Fujiwara may be
said to have reached its zenith, for although his sons Yorimichi and
Norimichi became _kwampaku_ in succession and retained immense
influence, the gradual decline of the family really began from that
time.
Why the overwhelming power of the Fujiwara should have waned may only be
understood as we observe the conditions of local administration. Within
Kyōto reigned luxury and pomp, but without it, unrest and
discontentment. The principal cause of this sharp contrast between the
capital and country was the inevitable and utter failure of the system
of equal land allotment upon which the great Taikwa reformation had been
constructed. Uncultivated lands, however, were suffered to remain in the
possession of local officials and farmers who reclaimed them. Originally
the term of service for the governor of a province (_kuni_) was fixed at
four years, but in the reign of the Empress Kōken it was extended to
six. Reappointment was generally an object of keen desire to these
officials. They employed every possible means to compass it, since to
remain in administrative control of a province for a long period
signified opportunities of appropriating extensive lands and ultimately
acquiring large territorial possessions. In the case of the headman of a
district (_kōri_), the office was originally held for life, but even
that limit soon fell into neglect, and the post was handed down from
father to son through many generations. To check the abuses arising out
of such a state of affairs, itinerant inspectors were appointed in the
reign of the Empress Gensho, who were chosen from among the ablest of
the provincial governors. In a report addressed by one of them to the
throne in 762, it is declared that "No such thing as justice is now
executed by any provincial governor in the realm." From this time on,
provincial governors not only continued to tread the old wonted paths,
but their selfish arbitrariness became more unbridled in proportion as
the prestige of the administration in the capital grew feebler and the
official organization more lax.
Nor was the illegal practice of land-appropriation confined to rural
districts, for even in the metropolis men began to obtain territorial
possessions. As the living in Kyōto grew more and more luxurious, and it
became difficult for the princes and higher officials to maintain their
dignity by means of their regular salaries and allowances, which were
paid in kind but seldom in land, they set themselves to reclaim
extensive tracts of waste lands. Such lands were called _shōyen_, a term
originally limited to lands granted to princes and ministers of state
for the purpose of defraying expenditures incurred in connection with
their positions, but now extended so as to apply also to land reclaimed
and appropriated by these nobles. Even as early as the reigns of Kwammu
and Saga the area of such estates was very great. The system of
periodical redistribution had in the meantime fallen into desuetude.
People were often forced to sell their lands or were evicted for their
debts. It was in vain to prohibit by edict after edict the
monopolization of land by the wealthy classes. Cunning people even
evaded the public obligations devolving on landowners by nominally
transferring their lands to powerful nobles or to temples, and
themselves taking the position of stewards or superintendents. In that
capacity they were called either "intendants" or "retainers," the
ostensible holders of the land being known as "landlords." By degrees
all the fertile districts and all the newly reclaimed lands were in that
manner absorbed into the estates of the great nobles or of the temples,
and since they were thus exempted from the control of the provincial
governors as well as from the necessity of paying taxes, not only the
power of the local authorities, but also the revenues of the central
government gradually suffered diminution.
During the reign of the Emperor Kwammu the plan was inaugurated of
reducing to the rank of subjects and giving family names to such of the
imperial princes as were of inferior descent on the mother's side.
Kwammu's son, Saga, who had so many children that the revenue of the
imperial household did not suffice to maintain them, followed the
precedent established by his father, giving the name Minamoto to
several of his sons. Thenceforth the device passed into a custom, and
imperial princes were frequently appointed to official positions in the
central or local government under the family names of Minamoto or Taira.
Those who obtained the posts of provincial governors acquired large
influence in the districts administered by them, their descendants
becoming military chiefs with great followings of relatives and
retainers. The Minamoto clan comprised no less than fourteen families,
among them the descendants of the Emperor Seiwa being the most numerous
and important. It was from this clan that the great Yoritomo, the first
feudal ruler of Japan, subsequently sprang. The Taira, on the other
hand, consisted of four families, principally descendants of the Emperor
Kwammu. To them belonged the notorious tyrant Kiyomori, of whose career
we shall soon be told.
The significance of the rise of the two clans, Minamoto and Taira, lies
in the fact that they succeeded in gradually controlling the military
forces of the nation, on the one hand, and, on the other, holding a
great share of the landed estates of the country. The process of
land-appropriation was similar to the one already described. The manner
in which the force of arms passed from the state into the hands of the
private clans must now be explained. Under the elaborate system of the
Taikō laws, garrisons of fixed strength were stationed in all the
provinces, and in the metropolis were guards of five kinds. Men for
service in the garrisons and guards were levied by conscription from
among the people, those upon whom the lot fell being required to join
the nearest garrison, while a part were sent to Kiushū to defend the
western coast, and another part, to the guardposts in Kyōto. Equestrian
archery, the use of the sword, and the manipulation of long spears, were
the arts taught to the soldiers, and for the defense of the coasts
catapults also were used. The entire military organization was imposing
and complete, but its real value was questionable, from the beginning.
The metropolitan troops grew more and more effeminate as years of peace
succeeded each other. Nor were the provincial forces of more service. As
time went by, bandits and marauders pillaged the provinces in the
interior, while the coasts of Nankaidō and Chūgoku were infested by
pirates. It was under these circumstances that, early in the ninth
century, a new bureau called the _kebüshi-chō_ with extensive police and
administrative powers, was created in Kyōto, which soon began to
dominate over other offices and whose branches were later established
in every province for local purposes. A century later it was found
necessary to appoint inspector-generals, _ōryōshi_, for the eastern
provinces, which were particularly restless. In the hands of these new
officials, then,--the central and local _kebüshi_ and the eastern
_ōryōshi_,--rested the real powers which neither rank nor title could
resist. The new, vigorous clans of Minamoto and Taira eagerly sought
after these offices, and succeeded more and more completely, as time
went on, not only in controlling them, but also in acquiring a military
influence far larger than they at first represented.
As local unrest grew, people who had armed themselves either for defense
or for aggrandisement now came with their arms and land under the wings
of the powerful clans, and became their "men." The leaders of the latter
received them, fed them, and made with them a personal contract of
mutual loyalty and protection. Either with the chivalrous relations
between master and follower or with the compact and efficient
organization of their society, the outside world had nothing else to
compare. The feudal formation thus created was bound to transfigure the
organization of the nation. The leaders who possessed large numbers of
men and wide tracts of land were called _daimyō_ ("great name"), and
their followers, _iyenoko_ ("servitors") or _rōdō_ ("retainers"). The
general name for the man of the sword was _samurai_, or "one who
serves." As the military class increased in numbers, it became expedient
to distinguish one house from another, and many appellations were
consequently formed by suffixing to the name of a clan the name of the
place where the person resided or of the hereditary office which he
held. In this way originated many of the house names now used in Japan.
At the same time, almost all the provinces were parceled out among the
military class, especially the eastern provinces, which were the
headquarters of the Minamoto. It is true that appointment of provincial
governors continued to be made, but their functions were purely nominal,
the so-called "governors" often idly remaining in the capital. The
control of local administration now rested with the real holders of the
land.
A few events illustrative of the conditions we have described may here
be cited. In 939 a family of the Taira clan raised arms in the eastern
provinces against the imperial authority. Taira-no-Takamochi, a
great-grandson of the Emperor Kwammu, had been appointed vice-governor
of the province of Kazusa. There his family gradually grew in numbers
and influence, some of them becoming provincial governors. Among
Takamochi's grandsons was a daring but fierce soldier, Masakado. Though
of imperial descent, he obeyed the custom of the time, namely, that
every _samurai_ must obtain a livelihood by entering the service of the
Fujiwara. Masakado became a vassal of Fujiwara-no-Tadahira, through
whose influence he hoped to obtain the office of _kebüshi_. But his
aspiration was not satisfied, and being incensed by failure, he returned
to the province of Shimōsa, gathered a number of disaffected warriors to
his standard, and made organized attacks upon the governors of the
neighboring provinces. He established his headquarters at Ishii, in the
district of Sashima, nominated certain of his followers to be officers
of his court, after the model of the governmental system of Kyōto, and
on the strength of being descended from a sovereign, proclaimed himself
emperor. In the whole course of Japanese history this is the only
instance of a rebellion directed against the throne. Simultaneously with
this disturbance in the eastern provinces, Fujiwara-no-Sumitomo, who
held the third post in the government of Iyo province in the island of
Shikoku, also rebelled. These two rebellions shook the whole empire. Yet
the imperial court remained for a long time ignorant of the dangers that
were impending. When finally the news reached Kyōto, it caused much
consternation. A general was quickly dispatched against the rebels in
the east, but before his arrival Masakado's cousin, Taira-no-Sadamori,
and Fujiwara-no-Hidesato, the ōryōshi of Shimotsuke, defeated and killed
Masakado. In the west, Sumitomo was able for a brief period to retain
the ascendency, but he too was ultimately defeated and taken prisoner by
Ono-no-Yoshifuru and Minamoto-no-Tsunemoto, who had been sent against
him. Tsunemoto was a grandson of the Emperor Seiwa and founder of the
renowned clan of Minamoto. The precedent thus established, namely, that
of one military clan applying itself to quell the rebellion of another,
was followed in after years, with the inevitable result that the
military clans became the chief factors in the state.
Ninety years later, Taira-no-Tadatsune, vice-governor of the province of
Kazusa, forcibly took possession of the provinces of Kazusa and Shimōsa,
but was defeated by Minamoto-no-Yorinobu, a grandson of Tsunemoto. Soon
afterward local chiefs raised an insurrection in the remote northern
province of Mutsu, and maintained their authority for nine years. This
was followed soon after by a three-year revolt of the Kiyowara family,
which threw the provinces of Mutsu and Dewa into a state of tumult.
These troubles were quelled, respectively, by Yoriyoshi, the son, and
Yoshiiye, the grandson, of Yorinobu. Thus the influence of the Minamoto
clan became paramount among the military men of the eastern provinces.
All this while, courtiers and officials of Kyōto despised administrative
duties, whether civil or military, so that in the event of a disturbance
or of a feud among themselves, they were driven to rely upon the
military classes, thus involuntarily but surely strengthening the
influence of the men whom they professed to contemn. Although the
Fujiwara remained in Kyōto and filled all the important posts in the
general government, their sway was only apparent. The reins of state
affairs were in reality held by the military classes dispersed
throughout the provinces. There were also certain singular circumstances
at court which not only hastened this revolution, but also brought the
military forces from the provinces into a clash in the streets of Kyōto.
These circumstances, which we shall briefly describe below, were in the
main owing to two causes, namely, the undue wealth and power of the
Buddhist priests, and the struggle for power among different political
factions in the palace. The former was largely due to the devotion of
the imperial house, particularly the Emperor Shirakawa (1073-1087), who
greatly depleted the treasury by erecting thousands of temples and
images, and ordering the performance of rites and the giving of alms
with unprecedented profusion. The priests, who had already grown rich
and powerful, began to be engaged in quarrels among themselves and with
the outside world, for which purpose the greater monasteries maintained
considerable military forces.
These sacerdotal soldiers were called _sōhei_. The principle of
maintaining them was adopted at many temples, but nowhere did they
exhibit such truculence as in the case of Enryaku-ji near Kyōto. When
the lord high abbot of a temple was appointed, it was the custom that
the priests of the temple, if they objected to the appointment, or if,
subsequently, they had cause of complaint against his ministration,
should appeal to the imperial court for his removal. On such occasions,
it became customary for the complainants to wear armor and carry bow
and spear when they submitted their grievance. They did not shrink even
from attacking the residence of the prime minister. During the reign of
Shirakawa, the military priests developed such lawless independence that
on more than one occasion they entered Kyōto in turbulent force,
dragging with them sacred cars, the sight of which restrained the hand
of the martial defenders of the court. Not only against the government,
but also among themselves, the temples openly used arms and caused
bloodshed. It was said that there were found among these fighting
priests men originally belonging to the military class, who, failing to
obtain promotion in the regular routine of feudal administration,
adopted the cowl as a means of working out their ambitious designs. This
state of things aggrieved the Emperor Shirakawa, but he appears to have
been unable to check it. On one occasion, lamenting the arbitrary
conduct of the Buddhists, he said: "There are but three things in my
dominions that do not obey me: the waters of the Kamo River, the dice of
the 'sugoroku' game, and the priests of Buddha." Finally, the sovereign
was driven to invite the Minamoto clan to defend him against the
rebellious proceedings of the priests, and from that time dates an era
of feuds between the followers of religion and those of the sword.
It was the same Emperor Shirakawa who instituted the peculiar system of
the Camera administration (_Insei_), which powerfully tended to break
down the last remains of the Taikwa reformation. After a reign of
fourteen years he resigned in 1087, only to retain the administrative
power in his hands, with his special court and special ministers. The
reigning emperor and his government had few functions to discharge, as
the entire control of the state affairs rested in the Camera of the
ex-emperor. Shirakawa sat in the Camera till 1130, and was succeeded for
twenty-eight years by the ex-Emperor Toba. All this while Buddhist
soldiers behaved with the greatest lawlessness, constantly disturbing
the peace of the capital, and the military class simultaneously became
turbulent and vicious.
Among these scenes of tumult and violence, the court itself was torn by
disputes and its corruption became a subject of public scandal. Toba had
many female favorites, of whom Bifukumonin enjoyed the largest share of
his affections. Being on bad terms with his eldest son, the reigning
sovereign, Toba took advantage of the birth of a son by Bifukumonin to
bring about the abdication of the emperor and cause his favorite's child
to succeed to the throne at the age of two years. This was the Emperor
Konoye. His uncle, Fujiwara-no-Tadamichi, was appointed regent. The
ex-Emperor Sutoku, being still young, was much incensed at having been
obliged to abdicate, and when Konoye died after a reign of fourteen
years, Sutoku desired ardently that his son, Prince Shigehito, should
succeed to the throne. The Regent Tadamichi had a brother named
Yorinaga, and their father's partial treatment of him had produced a
feud between the brothers.
Yorinaga, active, learned, and able, then held the post of second
minister of state, and strongly supported the design of the ex-Emperor
Sutoku. Bifukumonin and Tadamichi, on their side, acting in concert with
Toba, opposed the accession of Prince Shigehito, and alleged in
objection that the untimely death of the late Emperor Konoye had
resulted from sorcery practiced by Sutoku. The candidate to whom they
gave their support was Goshirakawa, brother of Konoye, who was counted a
youth of inferior capacity. Sutoku's anger against these proceedings was
intense. Being informed just then of the death of Toba, he proceeded to
the latter's palace, but the guards refused to admit him, pretending
that the deceased had desired his exclusion. This insult incensed Sutoku
beyond endurance. Repairing to the residence of Yorinaga, he took
council with him, and finally, retiring to the Shirakawa palace,
declared open war against his opponents, being bravely succored by
Minamoto-no-Tameyoshi, Taira-no-Tadamasa, and their followers.
Bifukumonin and Tadamichi placed the young Emperor Goshirakawa in the
Higashi Sanjō palace. They counted among their chief allies Yoshitomo,
the eldest son of Tameyoshi, Minamoto-no-Yorimasa, and Kiyomori, the
nephew of Tadamasa. One sanguinary engagement sufficed to break the
power of Sutoku. He became a priest, and was ultimately exiled to the
island of Sanuki. Yorinaga died of an accidentally inflicted
arrow-wound, and Tameyoshi and Tadamasa, together with many other men of
note, were slain. The name of the era being thereafter changed to Hōgen,
this affair was spoken of by posterity as the Hōgen Insurrection. The
battle that ended the long struggle lasted for only one day, but its
character and circumstances can never be forgotten. It was veritably an
internecine fight; Sutoku against his brother Goshirakawa; Tadamichi
against his brother Yorinaga; Tameyoshi against his son Yoshitomo;
Tadamasa against his nephew Kiyomori. Men spoke in after years of this
unnatural contest as the battle that destroyed human relations and
ignored all the principles of morality.
The Hōgen disturbance had not long been settled when fresh troubles
arose. Among the councilors of state at that era, Fujiwara-no-Michinori,
who had stood high in the estimation of the Emperor Goshirakawa, was a
conspicuously able politician. Even after the accession of the Emperor
Nijō, Michinori continued to enjoy the imperial confidence. But he had
many enemies. In connection with some private affair he had given deep
umbrage to Fujiwara-no-Nobuyori, an official holding the office of
_chūnagon kebüshi_ (councilor of state and chief police official), who
had been a favorite of the Emperor Goshirakawa after the latter's
abdication. Minamoto-no-Yoshitomo also was disaffected. Believing that
his services in the Hōgen disturbance had been more meritorious than
those of Taira-no-Kiyomori, he nevertheless saw the latter rewarded with
much greater liberality; and having offered his own daughter in marriage
to a son of Michinori, the proposal had been abruptly declined,
Michinori choosing Kiyomori's daughter in preference. Nobuyori and
Yoshitomo ultimately raised the standard of revolt, in the first year of
the Heiji era (1159 A. D.), and having secured the coöperation of the
ex-Emperor Goshirakawa by intimidation, forced their way into the palace
and obtained possession of the person of the reigning sovereign.
Nobuyori then procured for himself the posts of chief minister of state
and generalissimo, promoted Yoshitomo, and caused Michinori to be put to
death. The revolution was short-lived. Nobuyori had not administered the
affairs of state for ten days before the emperor made his escape to the
mansion of Taira-no-Kiyomori and the ex-emperor fled to the temple
Ninnaji. Thereupon Kiyomori with his son Shigemori attacked the
insurgents and utterly routed them. Nobuyori was captured and slain.
Yoshitomo succeeded in effecting his escape to Owari, but was finally
put to death by the Taira adherents. All the other leaders of the
rebellion and those who had prominently participated in it, were exiled.
This affair is known as the Heiji Insurrection. The power of the
Minamoto clan had been greatly broken in the Hōgen disturbance, when
Tameyoshi and his followers fell, and the loss of Yoshitomo and his
adherents in the Heiji trouble brought the great clan almost to
complete ruin. Among the few of its scions who survived was Yoritomo,
son of Yoshimoto. He was exiled to the eastern provinces, thence to
emerge at a later date and win one of the greatest names in Japanese
history.
After the quelling of the Heiji disturbance, the Taira family attained
preëminent prosperity and power. The fortunes of this great house had
been materially advanced by Tadanori, a brave and able captain, who
enjoyed the favor of the ex-Emperor Toba. His son Kiyomori, also a man
of daring and decision, raised the family's prestige still higher by his
services at the Hōgen crisis, and carried it to its zenith by the
conspicuous ability of his action in the Heiji disturbance. On the other
hand, the rival family of Minamoto having been reduced to insignificance
by the death of its chief, Yoshitomo, and by the events that immediately
ensued, the whole military power of the empire came into the hands of
the Taira. Kiyomori was promoted to the position of _gondainagon_
(vice-councilor of state), an event that attracted much attention. The
Taira family, though of imperial lineage, had been looked down upon by
the high court nobles on account of its military career, and it was
considered a notable occurrence that Kiyomori should have been nominated
to a post of such consequence. This was, in truth, the first instance of
a military noble's participation in the administration of state affairs,
and it may be regarded as the dawn of an era when they were to fall
entirely under military control.
A sister of Kiyomori's wife bore a son to the ex-Emperor Goshirakawa.
Kiyomori's favor at court was so great that he succeeded in getting this
child named heir apparent, and he ultimately ascended the throne in 1169
as the Emperor Takakura. Throughout his reign the ex-Emperor Goshirakawa
was the actual ruler. Meanwhile, Kiyomori had steadily risen in imperial
favor, until in 1167 he became chief minister of state. Shortly
afterward, however, he resigned that post, and taking the tonsure,
became a priest under the name of Jōkai. None the less he remained at
his previous place of residence, Rokuhara, in Kyōto attending to the
management of state affairs as before. From that time dates the custom
subsequently followed by the military class of making Rokuhara the seat
of administration.
When the influence of Kiyomori reached its zenith, he conceived the
design of securing permanent official supremacy for himself and his
heirs by contriving that the consort of the sovereign should be taken
from his family, as had been the habit in the case of the Fujiwara. In
pursuance of that project, he induced the emperor to marry his daughter.
Shigemori, his son, held the important offices of lord keeper of the
privy seal and generalissimo of the left, while almost the whole of his
kinsmen and followers occupied prominent positions in the central and
local government. The number of provinces over which the sway of the
clan extended was more than thirty, and it came to be a saying of the
time that a person not belonging to the Taira family was no one. The
members of the Fujiwara clan could not compete with those of the Taira.
Even the regent, Motofusa, and the chief minister of state, Motomichi,
saw themselves reduced to comparative insignificance. Naturally such
conspicuous ascendency caused offense in many quarters, and the Court
Councilor Fujiwara-no-Narichika, a favorite official of the ex-Emperor
Goshirakawa, in combination with several others, elaborated a plot to
overthrow the Taira sway. But the scheme was detected, and its authors
and promoters were all put to death by order of Kiyomori. Having been
informed that the ex-emperor had countenanced the plot, Kiyomori
conceived for him a strong hatred, which was greatly accentuated when,
on the death of the Taira chief's son Shigemori, the ex-emperor, after
consultation with Motofusa, caused the estates of the deceased nobleman
to be confiscated. Too haughty to brook such a slight Kiyomori set out
from his mansion at Fukuhara, and entering Kyōto, caused the ex-emperor
to be seized and confined in the Toba palace, and thirty-nine of his
majesty's high officials to be dismissed at the same time.
Toward the reigning sovereign the demeanor of the Taira was so arrogant
and his methods so arbitrary, that the emperor finally abdicated in
favor of the crown prince, who reigned under the name of Antoku. This
sovereign was the son of the retiring emperor and his mother was
Kiyomori's daughter, so that the Taira then stood toward the imperial
house in the same relation as that formerly occupied by the Fujiwara,
with the tremendous difference, however, that the former also possessed
the whole military power of the time, which gave them unprecedented
influence and supremacy. Nevertheless, even among the members of a
family so puissant, there were to be found some feeble nobles who had no
skill in military exercises nor could boast any accomplishment except
the art of composing stanzas, playing on musical instruments, or
practicing some effeminate pastime.
Among the members of the Minamoto family at the time of which we write
was one Yorimasa, who, incensed by the arbitrary proceedings of the
Taira officials, persuaded Prince Mochihito, son of the ex-Emperor
Goshirakawa and brother-in-law of the Emperor Takakura, to form an
alliance with the priests of Onjō-ji and Kōfuku-ji, their object being
to expel Kiyomori from court and to rescue the ex-emperor from his
confinement in the Toba palace. In 1180, the prince dispatched Yukiiye,
younger brother of the late Yoshitomo, to the remnants of the Minamoto
in the eastern provinces, carrying an edict which summoned them to rise
and overthrow the Taira family. Fortunately for the latter, the plot was
discovered and at once suppressed. But the seed sown by this abortive
rebellion proved beyond Kiyomori's control, for, in the same year, 1180,
the exile, Minamoto-no-Yoritomo, who was destined to become the founder
of the feudal government of Japan, raised a force of troops in the small
island of Izu in obedience to the mandate of Prince Mochihito. Many
partisans flocked to his standard from Kwantō, the former seat of
Minamoto influence. Almost simultaneously, another Minamoto chief,
Yoshinaka, also took the field in the prince's cause, his headquarters
being at Kiso, in Shinano, where he collected a large body of soldiers.
Kiyomori lost no time in dispatching a powerful army against the rebels,
but his forces suffered defeat and were driven back. Henceforth, many
puissant warriors of the Hokuriku region threw in their lot with the
Minamoto, and the force at the latter's disposal assumed formidable
dimensions. Even the great temples in the vicinity of the capital opened
communications with the insurgents, which so exasperated Kiyomori that
he reduced the temples to ashes and confiscated all their lands. These
extreme measures served to check temporarily the active exercise of
priestly power, but did not affect the prestige of the Minamoto, whose
strength continued to grow rapidly. Kiyomori finally saw himself
compelled to relax the ex-emperor's confinement, and even to allow him
to resume an active part in the administration of state affairs. But in
the year 1182 the great Taira chief was stricken by a fatal malady, and
expired after a brief illness. He was succeeded by his son Munemori, who
did not spare to direct all the strength of the clan against the
Minamoto. But fortune shone on the latter's arms in several encounters,
until, in 1183, Minamoto-no-Yoshinaka inflicted a signal defeat on the
Taira forces in a pitched battle, and dividing his own army into two
bodies, pushed, via the Tosan and Hokuriku routes, as far as the temple
Enryaku-ji in the immediate vicinity of Kyōto, where he was secretly
visited at night by the ex-Emperor Goshirakawa. The Emperor Antoku now
fled westward, carrying with him the three insignia, and escorted by
Munemori and the Taira forces. The imperial train reached Dazaifu, in
Kiushū, where the Taira wielded great influence. Munemori was joined by
all the principal warriors of the locality, and being further reinforced
by many others from the island of Shikoku, found himself once more at
the head of a powerful army. In Kyōto, however, another emperor was
enthroned, whose coronation was conducted, for the first time in
Japanese history, without the transfer of the insignia. There were thus
two sovereigns simultaneously ruling, one at Kyōto and the other in
Kiushū.
[Illustration: _THE ABDUCTION OF GOSHIRAKAWA, EMPEROR OF JAPAN,
BY FUJIWARA-NO-NOBUYORI IN THE YEAR 1159 A. D._]
_The illustrations or rather pictures made for the book "Heiji
Monogatari," i. e., "Stories from the Year Heiji," are partially
lost. The picture shown here is an illustration belonging to the
chapter Sandjoden-Yakiuti (the destruction of the castle of
Sandjoden by fire.) [At midnight of the ninth day of the twelfth
month of the year Heiji (1159 A. D.) Fujiwara-no-Nobuyori
surprised and attacked the castle Sandjoden (where the former
Emperor Goshirakawa resided) with 500 cavalrymen under the
General Minamoto-no-Yoshitomo. The Emperor in his fright
attempted to escape, but Nobuyori, Yoshitomo, Mitsuyasu,
Mitsumoto, and Suesane forced him to return in his carriage to
the imperial palace.] Concerning the Monk Keion, who painted
this picture, we possess very meager information, but it is
hardly likely that he was born later than twenty years after the
"Heiji rebellion."
Copied from the 14th number of the monthly "Kokkura" (Flora of
the Land), published by order of the Society Kokkura-sha in
Tokyo by Yamamoto and translated by Dr. Kitasato.
As Dr. Kitasato adds, the disturbances of the year Heiji
developed from the following causes: The Emperor Goshirakawa,
who had reigned since 1156, abdicated the throne in favor of his
little son Nijo (1159-1166), but as regent retained the
government in his own hands, living until the year 1192. At this
time two families of the highest nobility, Shinsei and Nobuyori,
were in political opposition. Nobuyori, jealous because
Goshirakawa showed preferences to Shinsei, attacked the
ex-emperor in his castle of Sandjoden, brought him as prisoner
into the imperial palace, and murdered his opponent Shinsei.
This rising is known as the "Heiji rebellion." The author of the
"Heiji Monogatari" is supposed to be Hamura-Tokinaga, who lived
in the thirteenth century A. D._
[Illustration: JAPAN]
The forces of the Taira and the Minamoto fought many battles in the
Kiushū and Chūgoku districts, the gains and losses being tolerably even
on both sides. But by degrees the military magnates along the Sanyō,
Nankai, and Saikai lines joined the Taira army, and its strength became
so irresistible that it marched back toward Kyōto, escorting Antoku.
Thus the Taira saw themselves once more established at Fukuhara, to
which Kiyomori had for a brief period removed the capital from Kyōto.
They organized their lines of defense, making Fukuhara their base, and
Ikuta and Ichinotani their eastern and western outposts, respectively.
Meanwhile Yoshinaka, the Minamoto leader, had become so insolent as to
be imprecated and dreaded by friend and vassal alike. He also quarreled
with Yoritomo, who had hitherto confined his military operations to the
eastern provinces, but who now sent his two brothers, Noriyori and
Yoshitsune, to attack Yoshinaka. The latter was defeated at Seta in Ise,
and killed in the midst of a rice-field by a stray arrow. The victors
then marched on in triumph to Ichinotani to attack the Taira. The first
conflict was successful for the Minamoto. The Taira lost many a stout
soldier. Munemori and the remnant of his troops retreated to Yashima, in
Sanuki, continuing as before to carry with them the child emperor,
Antoku. Yoshitsune's forces pursued the retreating army to Sanuki, where
a fierce fight ended in the second defeat of the Taira. The latter
receded still further to the bay of Dannoura in Nagato. There the
decisive battle was fought, and for the third time the Taira were
utterly routed. Nearly all their warriors were killed.
When the issue of the battle had ceased to be doubtful, the
empress-dowager plunged into the sea with the infant emperor in her arms
and bearing the sword and seal. Antoku was drowned but the Minamoto
soldiers rescued his mother. The seal was afterward recovered from the
sea, but the sword, which was itself a copy, was irrevocably lost.
Thenceforth the sword called _Hirugoza-no-tsurugi_ was employed for
ceremonial and official purposes. The Taira chief Munemori and his son
were captured and subsequently executed. Thus, after some twenty years
of power and prosperity, the great Taira clan was broken and destroyed.
Often in subsequent centuries men talked of the meteor-like rise of the
Taira, of the extraordinary heights of autocracy and affluence to which
the illustrious family attained, and of the terrible and tragic scenes
that marked its rapid and final fall. "The vain house of the Taira did
not endure" (_ogoru Heike wa hisashikarazu_), is a familiar Japanese
adage suggestive at once of the moral import of the tragedy and of the
swift and extreme vicissitudes of fortune which characterized those
lawless ages.
FOOTNOTE:
[1] Table showing lineage and chronology of sovereigns.
(49. Emperor Kōnin, 770-782.)
|
50. Emperor Kwammu, 782-806.
|
+--------------------+-------------------------+
| | |
51. Emperor Heizei, 52. Emperor Saga, 53. Emperor Junna,
806-810. 810-824. 824-834.
|
54. Emperor Nimmyō, 834-851.
|
+------------+----------------+
| |
55. Emperor Montoku, 851-856. 58. Emperor Kōkō, 885-893.
| |
56. Emperor Seiwa, 856-877. 59. Emperor Uda, 893-898.
| |
57. Emperor Yōzei, 877-885. 60. Emperor Daigo, 898-931.
|
+--------------------------------+--+
| |
6l. Emperor Suzaku, 931-947. 62. Emperor Murakami, 947-968.
|
+-----------------------------------+
| |
63. Emperor Reizei, 968-970. 64. Emperor Enyū, 970-985.
| |
+--+----------------+ |
| | |
65. Emperor Kwazan, 67. Emperor Sanjō, 66. Emperor Ichijo,
985-987. 1012-1017. 987-1012.
|
+------------------------------------+
| |
68. Emperor Goichijo, 1017-1037. 69. Emperor Gosuzaku, 1037-1046.
|
+------------------------------------+
| |
70. Emperor Goreizei, 1046-1069. 71. Emperor Gosanjo, 1069-1073.
|
+----------------+
|
72. Emperor Shirakawa, 1073-1087.
|
73. Emperor Horikawa, 1087-1109.
|
74. Emperor Toba, 1109-1124.
|
+------------------------+-----------------------+
| | |
75. Emperor Sutoku, 77. Emperor Goshirakawa, 76. Emperor Konoye,
1124-1142. 1156-1159. 1142-1156.
|
+----------------+----------------+
| |
78. Emperor Nijō, 1159-1166. 80. Emperor Takakura, 1169-1180.
| |
| +----------------+------+
| | |
79. Emperor Rokujō, 81. Emperor Antoku, [82. Emperor Gotoba,
1166-1169. 1180-1186. 1186-1199.]
PART II
THE FEUDAL AGES. 1186-1868