Dr. Liebknecht's Indictment of Germany

A copy has been received of an open letter by Dr. Karl Liebknecht, the

German Socialist, which proved an important factor in his

imprisonment--which still continues. It bears date May 3, 1916, and was

addressed to the Berlin District Court-Martial. The German authorities

suppressed it, and made it a criminal offense for any one to be found in

possession of it.

After stating his view of the war as a struggle of the masses against

the classes throughout the world, Dr. Liebknecht wrote:

"The German Government is in its very social and political being an

instrument for the exploitation and suppression of the laboring masses.

It serves at home and abroad the interests of Junkerdom, capitalism, and

militarism. It is the reckless representative of world political

expansion, the strongest driver of competition in armaments, and

therewith one of the weightiest exponents in the creation of the causes

for the present war. It plotted this war in conjunction with the

Austrian Government, and so burdened itself with the chief

responsibility for its outbreak. It arranged this war while misleading

the masses of the people and even the Reichstag.

"Compare, for instance, the keeping silent about the ultimatum to

Belgium, the making up of the German White Book, the alteration of the

Czar's telegram of July 29, 1914, &c. It seeks to maintain the war

feeling in the nation by the most blameworthy means. It carries on the

war by methods which, even regarded from the hitherto customary level,

are monstrous. Such, for instance, are the invasion of Belgium and

Luxemburg, poison gases, the Zeppelins, which are designed to destroy

everything living, combatant or noncombatant, in a wide circle below

them; the submarine trade war; the torpedoing of the Lusitania; the

system of hostages and contributions, especially in the beginning, in

Belgium; the systematic trapping of Ukrainian, Polish, Irish,

Mohammedan, and other war prisoners in German prison camps for purposes

of a traitorous war service and traitorous espionage in the interests of

the Central Powers; the treaty of Under Secretary Zimmermann with Sir

Roger Casement of December, 1914, as to the formation, equipment, and

training of British soldiers from among the prisoners to form an Irish

brigade in the German prison camps; the attempts to use civilian

subjects of hostile States who were in Germany, by threatening them with

forced internment, for war services of a treacherous character against

their country; the dictum necessity knows no law, &c.

"The German Government has tremendously increased the want of political

rights and the exploitation of the masses of the people by the

conditions it imposed under a state of siege. It refuses all serious

political and social reforms, while by phrases about the supposed

equality of all parties, about the supposed reform of political and

social treatment, about the supposed 'neuorientierung,' &c., it tries to

maintain its hold on the masses of the people for the purposes of its

imperialistic war policy. Because of its regard for the agragrians and

the capitalists it has entirely failed in the economic provisioning of

the population during the war, and it has prepared the road for making

usury out of the people and their very needs. Today still it holds fast

to its war objects of conquest, and therewith forms the chief hindrance

to immediate peace negotiations on the ground of no annexations and no

force of any kind. By the maintenance of the illegal state of siege,

censorship, and so on, it smothers public knowledge of uncomfortable

facts and criticism of its methods.

"The present war is not a war for the defense of the national

inviolability or for the liberty of small nations. From the standpoint

of the proletariat it signifies only the most extreme concentration and

increase of the political suppression, their economic draining, and

militaristic slaughter of the life of the working classes for

capitalistic and absolutist advantage. To this there is only one answer

of the laboring classes of all countries, namely, a sharpened

international class fight against the capitalistic Governments and

dominating classes of all countries, for the removal of every form of

suppression and exploitation, and for ending the war by a peace in the

Socialistic sense. As a Socialist I am on principle an opponent of this

war, as of the existing military system. The fight against militarism is

a life question for the working classes. The war demands that the

anti-militarism struggle shall be carried on with redoubled energy."

Current History: A Monthly Magazine of the New York Times, May 1918 Vol. VIII, Part I, No. 2 · 第 396 / 400 题