CHAPTER V

Beyond an allusion now and again, I have not hitherto had occasion to

say anything of gypsy jewellery or personal adornment, but as these

subjects have an intimate connection with the Romany life and are in

many respects notably characteristic of the people, they demand more

than passing mention.

Gypsies undoubtedly inherit from their Oriental forbears a love of

jewellery, brilliantly coloured fabrics, and the use of ornaments of

various kinds for the adornment of their persons, and, in common with

Orientals generally, they not only have this predilection but possess

the ability to use these things in the most artistic fashion,—perhaps

it would not be wrong to call it instinct, for they appear to be

as incapable of doing otherwise as they are of moving or posing

ungracefully.

Ear-rings, beads, and the hair are the three things that will leave

the most lasting impression on the memory after a casual meeting with

Romany women and girls.

Ear-rings are very generally worn and as a study are quite

interesting,—many being very old, having been handed down from one

generation to another, others are quaint in design, curiously massive,

or otherwise striking in appearance.

I was once engaged in conversation with a Romany woman who was wearing

rather curious large gold ear-rings, and upon my remarking that they

appeared to be of good workmanship, she obligingly removed them from

her ears and placed them in my hand in order that I might examine them

more closely and estimate their weight. There could be no doubt they

were, as she suggested, old Indian work.

By far the greater number are of crescentic design, consisting of

either a single crescent or a combination of crescents. I have not

been able to discover a reason for the partiality to this design, but

as gypsies regard many things as “lucky” and others as “unlucky” it

is probable that this form has acquired among them the reputation of

being lucky. Some early Egyptian ear-rings were of this form, and the

crescent is also used as a religious symbol, but the real origin of

its use is obscure; the following account is, however, ingenious and

interesting if not accurate. We read that:—

“This device of the Ottoman Empire (the crescent) is of great

antiquity, as appears from several medals, and took its rise from an

event related by Stephanus the Geographer, a native of Byzantium. He

tells us that Philip, the father of Alexander the Great, meeting with

mighty difficulties in the siege of that city, set the workmen on a

very dark night to undermine the walls, that his troops might enter the

place without being perceived; but, luckily for the besieged, the moon

appearing discovered the design, which accordingly miscarried.

“In acknowledgment of this deliverance,” he says, “the Byzantines

erected a statue to Diana, and thus the crescent became their symbol.”

The following interesting reference to ear-piercing is to be found in

Exodus XXI. 5, 6:—

“And if the servant shall plainly say, I love my master, my wife, and

my children; I will not go out free: Then his master shall bring him

unto the judges; and shall also bring him to the door, or unto the door

post; and his master shall bore his ear through with an awl; and he

shall serve him for ever.”

Under these circumstances the boring of the ear evidently indicated

servitude, and it has been suggested the inserting of rings was

intended to prevent the holes closing, so that their value as a visible

sign of bondage should be permanent; a state of affairs certainly not

implied by the ear-ring habit of the present-day gypsy.

In a previous chapter reference was made to the persecution of the

gypsies by Henry VIII, and we find that his laws affecting dress, made

in 1532, were not of a nature to render life more endurable by people

of their proclivities.

“Jewellery of every kind was forbidden below a certain degree, while

the common people were not to wear even a silver button or any kind of

ornament except a badge of service.” However, all laws regulating dress

were repealed by statute in the first year of the reign of James I.

In Eastern countries much larger ear-rings are worn than is customary

among ourselves, but even in this country—although a variety of

comparatively small patterns, from the plain circle of gold wire to

elaborate silver or gold drops, are in favour—very large ones may

sometimes be seen in the ears of Romany women. Next to the plain

circle in the scale of ornament is the simple crescent (Fig. 1) or

a small plain drop, then ear-rings which are a combination of two

or more crescents (Fig. 2), or of crescents and different drops,

various composite designs, and lastly the very long, and more or less

elaborate, pendulous drop patterns, many of these latter being much

more striking in appearance than elaborate in design. The largest

ear-rings I have yet seen were being worn by an olive-complexioned

Romany woman; they were of silver, and consisted mainly of long,

angular drops, between three and four inches in length, which were, of

course, hollow, the only attempt at ornamentation being a sunk panel

in each of the faces (Fig. 3); so long were they that they swung only

comfortably clear of the woman’s shoulders, her fine features, dark

complexion and black hair, with these outlandish silver ornaments

presenting a _tout ensemble_ at once striking and artistic.

[Illustration: JEWELLERY.]

Many of the little girls wear ear-rings, mostly of silver but

occasionally of gold; the design illustrated at Fig. 4 is a favourite

with both adults and children; the originals of the illustration,

however, were of gold, worn by a child. Fig. 5 consisted of a

diamond-cut stone supporting an amber drop of rather quaint

appearance, but whether of Oriental or Birmingham workmanship I cannot

say; that illustrated by Fig. 6 was composed of malachite and silver.

The remaining illustrations will speak for themselves, perhaps,

excepting Fig. 7, which were unquestionably valuable and were

beautifully made of burnished and matte yellow gold.

Nearly all the females—whether of tender years or adult—wear

necklaces of some description, their fondness for beads amounting

almost to a passion; but with beads, as in other gypsy matters, there

appears to be a sort of vogue or preference for certain shapes and

colours. Very frequently, but not invariably, the beads worn are black

or red—two “lucky” colours, by the way. The shape most favoured is

perhaps that of a cowrie (Fig. 8), approximately, and there appears to

be ground for supposing that at one time cowries may have been used

in this manner, giving place eventually to coral or stones turned to

roughly imitate them. The beads used differ much in size, varying from

one-eighth of an inch in length and of like diameter, to an inch or

more in length by three-quarters of an inch in diameter.

Were it possible to trace these strings of beads through all their

vicissitudes of time and place not a few, it would be discovered, have

emanated within the last twenty or thirty years from that birthplace of

so much “genuine” Hindu, Egyptian and similar work, a place known to

gypsies as Kaulo gav (Black town), otherwise Birmingham, while others

would be found to have been religiously cared for and passed on by

generation after generation of the same family almost from the time of

their shaping in the Far East; indeed, after carefully examining some

of these old beads, but little imagination is needed to present to

the mind’s eye a Hindu squatting at his primitive lathe, turning and

shaping coral, stone or wood into just such beads.

Occasionally, the beads of a necklace are nicely graduated or otherwise

regularly varied in size; again, they may be seen having no order or

arrangement, as though composed of portions of several necklaces. The

only rule I have been able to discover concerning the number of strings

or rows of beads one wears is, that each one wears all she has,—if

enough for one string only, it suffices; if she be fortunate enough to

possess sufficient for three, four or six rows, then she wears all of

them, but two or three rows are more usual.

Gypsy women have distinct and artistic styles of dressing the hair, of

which they mostly have an abundance, and I have known more than one

Romany chal who was proud of his glossy, black ringlets, but nowadays

one would probably have some difficulty in finding such. Some of the

men adopt the fringe style for their front locks, others cultivate the

“curl” of the rural labourer, but quite frequently young men and lads

have the hair closely cropped,—“it’s cleaner in the warm weather,”

said one to me; “my missis allus cuts mine, she’s done it ever since

we’ve been married, with the horse-clippers.”

“No I haven’t,” interpolated the wife; “I’ve done it with the small

ones.”

“Well,” he retorted, “they are almost the same.”

In a gypsy encampment there is generally one of the men who is handy

with scissors and razor; naturally his services are preferred by the

community to those of the professional barber. Sunday is the day when

the tonsorial artist of the camp is busy, and for fairly obvious

reasons,—in the first place, he is not at work,—that is to say, he is

not pursuing his ordinary vocation; secondly, Sunday generally finds

almost every one at the vans or tents.

Perhaps no more ridiculous statements have ever been made than those

relating to the habits of gypsies; one such informs its readers that

gypsies darken their hair to black by the “subtle use of certaine

herbes,” but omits to state why gypsy women—whose hair is naturally as

black and lustrous as possible—should desire, or endeavour to darken

it by the application of absurd preparations.

The women are proud of their hair, and spend considerable time in

attending to it. I once asked one of them how she managed to keep her

hair in such perfect condition.

“If you are not in a hurry to go, I’ll show you,” she replied.

A child was forthwith despatched with a bucket to an adjacent spring

for water; meanwhile the woman loosed her hair from its many tiny

plaits, and, as she sat upon the ground, it fell around her like a

black cascade, and was of such length that it lay upon the ground;

she proceeded next to wet the hair thoroughly by the simple method of

holding her head over the pail and plying the brush which was now and

again plunged into the water.

[Illustration: STYLES OF HAIR-DRESSING.]

After partly drying her hair by means of a towel, she allowed the

breeze to play through it; grease was now rubbed well into it and

as much as possible afterwards removed by brushing, etc. Any grease is

used for this purpose, but in this instance I saw ordinary dripping

applied, not the “fat of hedgehogs,” stated by writers to be so

excellent and to be the grease used by the gypsies.

This brings us to the business of plaiting, and I must confess that

this part of the procedure was a revelation to me by reason of the

rapidity with which it was executed, reminding me of some gypsy girls

whom I once saw plaiting straw basket-work; there was no secrecy or

dodging about it, their fingers moved and the work grew, but the

movements were so rapid that the process could not be followed. She

made five plaits which began near each ear and met behind the head in

a series of “door knockers,” to say nothing of several smaller ones;

having done this she announced her intention of facing my camera; I

would have much preferred her facing me—to use an Irishism—with

the back of her head, to enable me to give the reader a better idea

of those wonderful plaits than is possible by the pen of a mere

man; on Plate 15, however, will be found photographs of styles of

hair-dressing, all of which were taken from members of the Romany, or,

as some prefer to call themselves, the travelling fraternity.

An article of dress which must not be overlooked is the neckerchief.

It is used by both men and women and combines the functions of use

and adornment; sometimes they are of silk of brilliant colouring,

more often, however, they are composed of less costly material but

are not less dazzling in colour, for in the matter of neckerchiefs

and handkerchiefs the gypsy usually allows his love for colour full

play, and it should occasion no surprise if he blossom out on Sundays

in all the glory of a vivid scarlet or yellow neckerchief, which is

relieved or ornamented, as the case may be, with spots of a contrasting

colour or white as large as a shilling, but it is only just to say

that most of the neckerchiefs worn by them are less terrible in their

aggressiveness.

[Illustration: A “ROMANCHAL”]

The silk handkerchief is occasionally worn as a shawl by the

women-folk, and, in event of the sun’s rays becoming uncomfortably hot,

it is wrapped around the head in a style not inappropriately called

by them an “Italian cap.” I was once arranging to photograph a Romany

girl, when her companion, who happened to be a very-much-alive

gypsy, appropriated my velvet focussing cloth and forthwith made for

herself therewith an Italian cap. I have ever since regretted I did

not manage without the cloth and photograph her and the impromptu

head-dress.

Some of the girls and younger women have a pretty habit of wearing

flowers in the hair,—small sprays of foliage being used when flowers

are not obtainable,—thereby reminding one of a similar custom of the

natives of Tahiti, who, however, go a step further and wear a flower

inserted in a small hole in each ear in addition to those in the hair.

It is a noteworthy fact that whenever Romany women purchase jewellery,

articles of distinctly Oriental design, or having an Oriental or quaint

appearance, are almost invariably selected.

Brooches, which are fine examples of cameo sculpture, are occasionally

seen being worn by them, and as these are mostly Italian productions

they may have been procured during a sojourn in that country; but it is

more likely they have been purchased in England, as they were at one

time in great demand and many thousands were imported.

Certain features of the gypsy dress remind one of that of the coster,

the large hat with its “fevver” being the heart’s desire of gypsy

Fenella and coster ’Arriet alike; with regard, however, to the dress of

the male gypsy, little need be said, but that the coster delights more

in display than does our present-day gypsy; even the gypsy of a few

years since, in his full array of silver buttons, was dressed modestly

in comparison with the barbaric pearly rig-out of the coster. In the

way of head-gear, the Romany chal usually prefers a cloth cap or a

slouch hat, albeit a large, high-crowned straw hat may be occasionally

found among horse-dealers and children. Among Romany folk, then, love

of finery and display would appear to be the exclusive privilege of the

female gypsy. I have seen silver umbrella handles mounted and worn by

them as brooches, half-crowns as brooches to keep an apron string in

place, bones which are considered lucky mounted in silver and worn on

the breast, and so on. One of the first questions one asks of another

when inspecting jewellery is—“Is it silver?”

[Illustration: ITALIAN CAP.]

As many of these people can neither read nor write, it will be obvious

that most of their accounts are settled otherwise than by cheque: the

gypsy may, in truth, be called a ready-money concern. Not many years

since, members of a certain tribe who were horse-dealers might have

been seen at horse fairs and the like, and although any one of them

knew well how to drive a hard bargain, he did not pay with a worthless

cheque, but produced a purse, apparently made from an old stocking,

and from its contents of a hundred or a hundred and fifty pounds, paid

for his purchases on the spot, in sterling gold. It is, of course,

possible that with the advance of civilization gypsies have now grasped

the possibilities of the credit system, and that perchance some may

be found who know how to pay their debts with flash notes or cheques

that will not be honoured; but so far as my observation goes, the good

old-fashioned style of coin on the spot is adhered to.

The women usually carry their money on their persons, the coins being

tied up in a piece of fabric to which a string is affixed; this they

tie around the neck, the money being suspended a few inches below

the chin underneath the dress; the key of the caravan is sometimes

similarly suspended.

In the method of carrying their children, the women remind one of the

Kaffirs and other races who carry their babes upon the hip.

The gypsy generally uses a broad, endless strip of carpet or similarly

strong fabric which is passed over one shoulder,—usually the

right,—making a kind of pocket for the baby, which rests against the

left hip and receives additional support from the left arm; thus the

right arm is free to carry a basket or to be used in other ways.

It is no light task for a woman,—this carrying, many miles in the day,

of a heavy child on the one hand, and a large basket full of various

articles on the other,—and yet it is done by many of the gypsy women,

day in, day out, and seldom, indeed, is there any real expression or

manifestation of distress other than the mute appeal of a melancholy

face.

When gypsy children are old enough to sit erect, they are frequently

carried sitting astride the hip of the mother, who keeps them in

position and gives support with one arm, precisely in the manner of the

Kaffir women.

[Illustration: “MAIDEN MEDITATION.”]

Photography enables us—as nothing else can—to secure truthful and

permanent records of the features and fleeting expressions of our

fellow-creatures—not the least pleasing among such photographs being

pictures of happy childhood. The first time I saw the original of one

of my favourite pictures—the roguish, happy-looking little Romany

girl of the Illustration, page 128—she was playing in a green lane

with a number of youngsters, several of whom were not unlike her, while

others were of a quite degenerate type; one or two of them, indeed,

tried to rifle my pockets while others engaged my attention; it is,

however, but fair to the children to say that this was done at the

instigation of the adults, who had called out from the tent on the

other side of the hedge—

“Chiv tuti’s vast adrey the Rye’s putsi.”

My reply—“Mande jinned what you penned”—appeared to surprise them.

“So you did, did you?” queried one of the women, and thereupon she

looked as it were beyond me, assuming an expression only to be

described by an editor’s usual notice to quarrelsome correspondents:—

“This discussion must now close.”

Later in the day, when we had become better acquainted, this merry

youngster, who had kept aloof while the others were intent on my

pockets, came to me, and, slipping her hand into mine, said—

“My name’s ——, you like me the best.”

I confessed that I did.

Cretinism—according to one writer—is prevalent among gypsies. I am

inclined to think that if this statement be based on statistics, they

referred to Chorodies rather than to true gypsies, or at least that

Chorodies and Romanies were not differentiated when the statistics were

collected. I have lived and wandered among the gypsies of our southern

counties for many years, and have yet to find sufficient evidence

of cretinism to warrant a statement that it is prevalent. These

observations refer to the dark-complexioned, true Romany people and the

posh ta posh folk—as the gypsy calls the Romany half-breeds—and not

to the Chorodies, who, apart from their wandering habits, have very

little in common with true gypsies.

Amongst all peoples, examples of deformed humanity are occasionally

brought into the world; but the proportion of such among true gypsies

would appear to be small, and while Romany folk are notably quick,

keen-witted and brainy, I have not observed—even among the very

small proportion of deformed—that the idiocy, goitre, or other

characteristic features of cretinism exist to any marked degree.

[Illustration: METHOD OF CARRYING BABY AND BASKET.]

Formerly, it was a rigid Romany law that no gypsy should marry outside

the race, therefore imaginative writers with little or no inner

knowledge of the people, have jumped to the conclusion that gypsies

must of necessity suffer from consanguineous marriage. It is true that

Romany cousins occasionally contract marriage, but it must be borne

in mind that this marriage of cousins occurs to a much greater extent

among the rest of our population, and a knowledge of the subject

generally forces on one the opinion that consanguineous marriages are

not proportionately more frequent among gypsies than English people in

general.

It is quite natural that a gypsy should prefer as a partner for life

one of his own race, and as it has been estimated that there are some

twenty thousand to twenty-five thousand gypsies in this country, and it

is a fact that the greater number of gypsies do not marry those related

to them, even distantly, one can but characterize any disparagement

of the gypsy in this direction as an unchristian endeavour to incite

public feeling against him.

Referring to the custom of gypsies marrying only those of their own

race, matters are not quite as they were formerly, although in some

tribes still the marrying of a Gentile by one of its members is

sufficient to deprive the offender of all intimate intercourse with

the remainder of the family, but in this respect, the possession by

the interloper of a liberal share of this world’s goods may make much

difference, for a wealthy Gentile is not always so heartily despised

by the Romanies as they would have one believe; in bygone times even

members of the peerage have led to the altar dusky brides from the

gypsy tent.

The complexion of different tribes of gypsies varies very much,—from a

light olive to a decided walnut brown. I know one family of which all

the members are “almost black” in the popular sense of the term. I have

been informed that “the last of the real old black gypsies” was buried

at a family burial-place called Mousehold, near Norwich, many years

since. If, however, the individual then laid to rest was of darker

complexion than the members of several families of my acquaintance,

then he or she was undoubtedly “some black,” as our American friends

would have it.

Of the “black” gypsies to whom I have referred, one of the families can

boast of having had, not many years since, two of their number who bore

the titles of Gypsy King and Queen. Unfortunately, the appellations

yielded no emolument, and it is to be feared if the King had been

caught using a rabbit net, the magistrate would have had so little

respect for the title that he would have imposed on his majesty the

same sentence as on a common poacher.

[Illustration: CARRYING CHILD ON HIP.]

I have a very distinct recollection of my first meeting with this

family, for I was accompanied by a friend who, upon catching sight of

them at their camp, remarked: “They are a black lot anyway, you should

try and persuade them to sit for a photograph.”

“Suppose,” said I, “you air your diplomacy and see what you can do,

meanwhile I’ll wait here.”

Nothing loth, he proceeded to the camp and explained that his friend

would like to photograph the family, with the following result:—

“No, we ain’t ready,—come next week if you like,—we ain’t goin’ to be

took to-day.”

Returning to me, my friend reported: “It’s no go, they won’t let you do

it, but perhaps you may be able to persuade them.”

Armed with my hand camera and the politest Romany I could muster I

advanced to the attack. Before many minutes had elapsed, my comrade

sauntered up and was surprised to find me preparing to photograph them,

the “open sesame” to their hearts having been,—not backsheesh,—but,

as the reader will have already surmised, the gentle Romany tongue.

My companion, who knew nothing of the language, would not have gained

their consent had he argued until nightfall.

The woman put one or two artful questions to me, such as would cause a

beginner at the language to stumble, but, fortunately, I saw through

the stratagem and passed my exam, with honours.

I exposed a couple of plates on the group, after which the woman came

to me and said:

“We had the preachers here just before you came up, but they don’t

understand gypsy talk, so we’d like you to give us the Lord’s Prayer

in Romany. If you will, I’ll call the children from the other camp;

there’s a dozen of us altogether, but only two as can read.”

Of course I consented, and after the occupants of the adjacent tent

had joined the group, all stood silent and attentive while I repeated

the words, which, to the ordinary English ear, sound so strange. At

the concluding words—Si covar ajaw—the woman said “Paracrow tuti” (I

thank you).

[Illustration: “YOU LIKE ME THE BEST.”]

Oftentimes since have I thought of this incident, and it has occurred

to me that Christian workers among these people are often obliged to

confess that after years of wearying labour, little or no evident

progress has attended their efforts, but there is here some indication

that the good seed implanted may not always die, but may lie dormant

awaiting the conditions that will favour its development.

Possibly some cynic may accuse these gypsies of hypocrisy,—of

simulating a desire he considers foreign to their nature in order to

beg successfully afterwards. I am afraid such an accusation would not

be unjust to many of the Chorodies, but the great majority of gypsies

would consider such action beneath them.

As I have had no connection with any religious body working among

gypsies, but have mingled with them, helped with their work, lived

and wandered amongst them because I like the people, and as they have

always treated me with kindness, literally as one of themselves, I

have probably had opportunities of estimating results that are denied

the workers themselves, and I consider the incident just related to

be typical of the attitude of the gypsies, that is to say, they are

not altogether indifferent, but, above all else, Romany folk desire to

preserve their own language, and all other things being equal, it would

seem that the man who will be the greatest power in getting gypsies to

turn to the light, will be one who has an intimate knowledge of them

and will talk and reason with them in their own language.

It is to be feared, however, that in some minds the unworthy feeling

exists that it would savour of paganism, or at the least be irreligious

to pray in a gypsy tongue. Surely it is time our views were broadened a

little.

I have seen gypsies playing pitch and toss, and have many times looked

on at their games with cards, which are usually played solely for the

pleasure they afford, counters in the form of buttons or stones being

used instead of money. The gypsy—wicked as he is said to be—does not

lose many pounds nightly at bridge, roulette or at the casino.

Romany Life Experienced and Observed during many Years of Friendly Intercourse with the Gypsies · 第 5 / 12 章