“From these scanty notices of misery, infatuation, and crime, it

is with much delight that we turn to a spectacle of the greatest

magnificence, and the most distinguished character, which London Bridge

ever witnessed: the entrance of King Henry VI. to the City, after his

Coronation as King of France, in the Church of Nôtre Dame, at Paris,

on Friday, the 7th of December, 1431. On the 9th of the February

following, he landed at Dover, and upon Thursday, the 21st of the same

month, he was met by the Mayor and Corporation of London at Blackheath.

Of their ceremony in conducting him towards the City, and the numerous

Pageants which they had prepared to meet him at London Bridge, I shall

now proceed to give you an account, extracted from Alderman Fabyan’s

‘_Chronicle_,’ volume ii., pages 423-425, and from Lydgate’s Poem on

the ‘_Comynge of y^e Kynge out of Fraunce to London_;’ of which a very

fair copy is preserved in that Harleian Manuscript which I have already

quoted, No. 565, folio 114 b. The verses by Lydgate are not very

common in any form, and they have, as I think, been but once printed

in connection with the history of London Bridge, which is in Malcolm’s

‘_Londinum Redivivum_,’ already cited, volume ii., page 397; and,

although you may conceive that I quote too much of them, I cannot deny

myself the pleasure of beginning at the very commencement, since it is

but little less beautiful than Chaucer’s immortal Tales. Listen, then,

Mr. Barbican, I pray you listen; if you have ears for either Poesy or

Romance.

‘Towarde the ende of wyndy Februarie,

Whanné Phebus was in y^e fyssh ronne

Out of the signe whiche callyd is Aquarie;

Newe kalendas were entred, and begonne

Of Marches comyng, and the mery sonne

Vp on a thorsday, shed hys bemys bright

Vp on london, to make them glad and light.

The stormy reynes of all there heuynesse

Were passyd a way, and allé there greuaunce;

For the syxte Henry, rote of there gladnesse,

Ther herty’s joye, the worldis suffissaunce,

By trewe assent was crownyd king of Fraunce.

The heven reioysyng the day of his repaire,

Made at his comynge the wether to be so faire.

A tyme J trowe of God for hym prouydyd,

Jn alle the heuenes there was no clowdé sayne;

From other dayes that day was so deuydyd,

And fraunchisyd from mystys and from rayne.

The erthe attempred, the wyndes smothe and playne,

The Citezeines thorughe out the Citté

Hallow’d that day with gret solemnnyte.

And, lyk for Dauid after his victorie,

Reioysyd was al Jerusalem;--

So this Cité with laude, pris, and glorie,

For ioye mustred like the sonné beme,

To geue ensample thorughe out this reem.

Al of assent who can so conceyue,

There noble Kyng were glad to resceyue.

There clothyng was of colour ful couenable,

The noble Mair was clad in red velvet;

The Shireves, the Aldermen ful notable

In furryd clokes, the colour of Scarlet;

In stately wyse whanné they were met

Ech one were wel horsyd and mad no delay,

But with there Maire rood forthe in there way.

The Citezeyns, ech one of the Citté,

(In there entent that they were pure and clene)

Chose them of white a ful faire lyuerye,

In euery crafté as it was wel sene:

To showe the trowthe that they dede mene

Toward the kyng, hadde made them feithfully

Jn sundry deuyses embrowdyd richely.

And for to remembre of other alyens,

First Geneweys,--though thei were strangéres

Florantynys and Venyciéns,

And Esterlyngés clad in there manéres;

Conveyd with serjaunts and othere officéres,

Statly horsyd after the Mair ridyng

Passyd the subbarbes to mete with the Kyng.

To the Blake heth whauné they dyd atteyne

The Mair,--of prudence in especiall,--

Made them hove in renges tweyne

A strete be twen ech party lik a wall;

All clad in whit, and the most principall

A fore in red, with the Mair rydyng

Tyl tymé that he saw the Kyng comyng.

Thanne with his sporys he tok his hors a non--

That to be holde it was a noble sight

How lyk a man he to the Kyng is gon,

Right well cheryd of herté glad and light;

Obeinge to hym as hym ought of right,

And after that be kunnyngly a braid,

And unto the King even thus he sayd.

‘Souereigne Lord and noble Kyng ze be wolcome out of youre Rem of

Fraunce in to this zoure blessyd Rem of Jngelond, and in especial vn to

zoure most notable Citee of London, other wise called youre chambre;

we thankynge Almyghty God of the good and gracious acheuyng of zoure

crowne of Fraunce: Besechynge of his mercyful grace to sende zow

prosperite and many yeris to the comfort of alle zoure lovyng pepille.’

‘But for to tellen alle the circumstauncys

Of euery thyng, shewyd in centents,--(_sentence_)

Noble deuyses, diuerse ordinauncys

Conveid by Scripture with ful gret excellence,--

Al to declare y have none eloquence;

Wherfore y pray to alle tho that it schalle rede

For to correcte, where as they se nede,’”

“So came the procession to London Bridge; and I very much suspect that

the Corporation of our good City was so economical, as to entertain

King Henry with some of the very same pageants which it had displayed

to his father seventeen years before: for we find Fabyan stating, that

‘when the Kyng was comen to y^e Bridge, there was deuised a mightie

Gyaunt, standyng with a sweard drawen.’ However, Lydgate will tell the

story in the more interesting terms, and he continues thus:--

‘First, when they passyd, was y^e Fabour

Entring y^e Briggé of this noble Towne,

There was a peler reysyd lik a Tour,

And theron stod a sturdy champyoun;

Of look and cheré stern as a lyoun,

His swerd, vp rered prowdly, ’gan manace

Alle foreyn enemyes from the Kyng to enchace.

And in defens of his estat Rialle

The geaunt wolde abyde ech auenture;

And alle assautés that were marcyall

For his sake he proudly wolde endure;

In token wher of he hadde a long scripture

On either syde, declaryng his entent,

Whyche saydé thus by good avisement.

‘_Inimicos ejus induam confusione._’--Psalm cxxxii. 18.

‘_Alle those that ben enemys to the Kyng

J schal them clothé withe confucion:

Make hym myghti by vertuos leuyng,

His mortall fone to oppressen and bere a down;

And hym to encreasen as Criste’s champion,

Allé myschevys from him to abrigge

With the grace of God at the entryng of this Brigge._’

Too Antilopis stondyng on either syde,

With the Armes of Jngelond and of Fraunce;

Jn token that God schalle for hym provide

As he hath title by iuste eneritaunce,

To regne in pees, plenté, and alle plesaunce:

Cesyng of werre, that men myzte ryden and gon,

As trewe liegis there hertys mad bethe oon.’

“‘And when,’ says Fabyan, ‘the Kyng was passed the first gate, and was

comen to the Draw-bridge, there was ordeined a goodly tower, hanged and

apparailed with silke and clothes of arras, in most riche wise.’ Of

which building thus speaks Lydgate.

‘Forthermore, so as the Kyng ’gan ryde,

Myddes of the Brigge ther was a toure on lofte;

The Lord of Lordes beynge ay his gyde

As he hath be, and yit wil be full ofte:

The toure araied with velwetty softe,

Clothys of gold, silk, and tapicerie,

As apperteynyth to his Regalye.

And at his comyng, of excellent beauté

Benygne of port, most womanly of chere,

There issued out Emperesses thre,

Ther hair displaied as Phebus in his sphere;

With crownettys of gold, and stonés clere,

At whos out comyng thei gaf swyche a light

That the beholders were stonyed in there sight.

[Sidenote: _Nature._]

The first of them was callyd Nature,

As sche that hathé vndyr here demayne

Man, beest, and foul, and euery creature,

With jnne the bondys of here goldyn cheyne:

Eke heuene, and erthe, and euery creature,

This Emperesse of custum dothe embrace;

And next her com her Suster callyd Grace.

[Sidenote: _Grace._]

Passyng famous and of gret reuerence,

Most desyryd in allé regiouns;

For where that euere shewith here presence

She bryngith gladnes to Citees and to townys;

Of all well fare she halt the possessionys:

For, y dar sey, prosperite in no place

No while abidith, but if there be Grace.

[Sidenote: _Fortune._]

Jn tokene that Grace shal longe continue,

Vn to the Kyng she shewyd here ful benygne;

And next here com the Emperesse Fortune,

To hym aperyng with many a noble signe

And Rialle tokenys, to shewe that he was digne

Of God disposyd, as lust ordeygne

Vp on his hed to weré crownés tweyne.

[Sidenote: _Natura, Gracia, et Fortuna._]

These thre Ladies, al of on entent,

Thre goostly gyftés, heuynly and deuyne,

Vn to the Kyng a non they dyd present,

And to his hignesse they dyd a non enclyne:

And what they weren pleynly to determyne,

Grace gaf hym first at his comynge

Two ryché gyftés, Sciens and Cunnynge.

Nature gaf hym eke Strengthe and Fayrnesse,

For to be louyd and dred of euery wight;

Fortune gaf hym eke Prosperite and Richesse,

With this scripture aperyng in ther sight,

To hym applied of verey due right:--

‘_First vndirstonde, and wilfully procede,

And longe to regne_,’ the Scripture seide in dede.

‘_Intende prosperitate procede et regna._’

‘_This is to mene, who so vndirstondith a right,

Thou schalt by Fortune haue long prosperité;

And by Nature thou shalt have strenghthe and might,

Forth to procede in long felicité;

And Grace also hath grauntyd vn to the,

Vertuosly long in thi Roialle Citeé

With Sceptre and crowne to regne in equyté._’

On the right hand of these Emperesses

Stode vij madenys, very celestiall;

Like Phebus bemys shone there golden tresses,

Vp on there hedes ech hauyng a crownall:

Of port and cheré semyng immortall,

In sight transsendyng alle erthély creatures,

So angelik they weren of there figures.

All clad in white, in token of clennesse,

Liche pure Virgynés as in there ententys,

Schewynge outward an heuenly fresh brightnesse;

Stremyd with sonnys weren alle there garmentys.

A forum prouydyd for pure jnnocentys,

Most columbyne of chere and of lokyng,

Mekly roos vp at the comyng of the Kyng.

They hadde on bawdrikes al on saphir hewe

Goynge outward, ’gan the kyng salúe;

Hym presentyng with ther gyftés newe,

Lik as thei thought it was to hym duwe:

Whiche gostly giftés here in ordre ’suwe

Down descendyng as siluer dewe from heuene,

Al grace includyd with jnne the giftés sewene.

These riall giftés ben of vertu most,

Goostly corages most soueraygnely delite;

The giftés callyd of the Holy Goost

Outward figuryd by seven dowys (_doves_) white;

Seyenge to hym, lik as clerkés write,

‘_God the fulfille with intelligence,

And with a spirit of goostly sapience.

Impleat te Deus Spiritu sapientiæ, et intellectus,

Spiritu consilii, et fortitudinis, scientiæ, et pietatis,

et spiritu timoris Domini._’

‘_God sendé also, to thi moost availe,

The to preserué from all heuynesse,

A spirit of strenghthé, and of good counsaile,

Of cunnyng, drede, pite, and of lownesse._’

Thus thise ladies ’gan there gyftés dresse,

Graciously at there out comyng,

By influence light vp on the kyng.

These Emperesses hadde on there left syde

Othere vij Virgines pure and clene;

By accordaunce continually to a byde, (_shining stars_)

Al clad in white samete, (_satin_) ful of sterres shene;

And to declaré what they woldé mene

Vn to the Kyng with ful gret reuerence,

These wreten there gyftes shortly in sentence:

‘_Induat te Dominus Coronâ Gloriæ, Sceptro Clementiæ,

Gladio Justitiæ, Pallio Prudentiæ, Scuto Fidei,

Galiâ Salutis, et Vinculo Pacis._’

‘_God the endue with a crowne of glorie,

And with a Sceptre of clennesse and pité;

And with a sheld of right and victorie,

And with a mantel of prudence clad thou be:

A shelde of feith for to defendé thee,

An helme of helthé wrought to thine encres,

Girt with a girdell of loue and perfect pees._’

These vij Virgynes of sight most heuenly

With herte, body, and handys reioysyng,

And of there cheres aperid murely,

For the Kynge’s gracious hom comyng:

And for gladnesse they be gan to synge

Most angelik, with heuenly armonye,

This same roundell which y shall now specifie.

‘_Souerayne lord wolcome to zoure Citee,

Wolcome oure Joye, and our hertys plesaunce;

Wolcome, wolcome, right wolcome mote ye be,

Wolcome oure gladnes, wolcome oure suffisaunce:

Syngyng to fore thi Rialle mageste

We saye of herte with oughten variaunce

Souereign lord wolcome, wolcome oure Joye,

Wolcome you be, vnto your owne newe Troye.’

‘Mayr, Citezines, and al the commonté,

At zoure hom comyng newé out of Fraunce,

By grace releuyd of there olde greuaunce,

Synge this day with gret solempnyté._’

Thus resceyuyd, an esy paas rydyng

The King is entred in to yis Citee.’

“The King next passed on to the Conduit in Cornhill, where he was

awaited by other Pageants equally sumptuous and interesting; but as

these are out of our province, we shall mention them no farther.

“There seems to have gone abroad a singular conception, that the Chapel

of St. Thomas on London Bridge did not exist beyond the time of King

Henry the Sixth; in the 23rd year of whose reign,--1458,--there were

four Chaplains serving in it; though it was originally founded but for

two Priests, four Clerks, and their officers, independently of the

several chantries, or revenues, left to the establishment, for the

singing of daily mass for the souls of its benefactors. The income

of the Chapel, however, more than ten years before that period, was

considered as worthy of some inquiry on the part of a neighbouring

ecclesiastic; for we find, in Newcourt’s ‘_Repertorium_,’ which I

have already cited, volume i., page 396, the following particulars

concerning it. ‘In the year 1433,’ says this Author, ‘Sir John Brockle,

then Mayor of London, upon a controversie that was then like to arise,

between the said Mayor and Commonalty of London, and the Bridge-Masters

on the one part, and Richard Morysby, Archdeacon of London, and

Rector of St. Magnus Church, on the other, about the oblations and

other spiritual profits, which were made in a certain Chapel, called

the Chapel of St. Thomas on the Bridge, within the precincts of this

parish; there was a composition, or agreement, then made, and confirmed

by Robert Fitzhugh, then Bishop of London, whereby (inter alia) it was

agreed, that the Chaplains of the Chapel, and their successors, should

receive all the profits of the Chapel to the use of the same, and the

Bridge, and should pay yearly at Michaelmas the sum of xx_d._ to the

said Church of St. Magnus, and to the Rector of the same, and to his

successors for ever.’

“And now that we are speaking of the property appertaining to London

Bridge, it will be a fit place to give you some idea whence it was in

general derived; I say, in general, because the inquiry into all its

sources would be not only difficult, but almost impossible. Stow tells

you in his ‘_Survey_,’ volume i., page 59, that after the erection

of buildings upon London Bridge, ‘many charitable men gave lands,

tenements, or sums of money, towards the maintenance thereof: all

which was sometimes noted, and in a table fair written for posterity

remaining in the Chapel, till the same Chapel was turned to a

dwelling-house, and then removed to the Bridge-House.’ The honest old

Antiquary states, however, that he would willingly have given a copy of

this table of benefactors, but that he could not procure a sight of it;

for, as he was known to be a notable restorer of decayed and dormant

charities, he was occasionally refused admission to such records

as would have enabled him to compile a lasting register of all the

pious gifts and benefactions in London. He never hesitated to reprove

unfaithful Executors, whether Corporations, or private persons, some

of which he caused to perform the testaments which they proved; whilst

the dishonesty of others he left on record to futurity. It is then

not to be wondered at, if he often-times met with a repulse instead

of information; ignorance opposed him in one quarter, and interest

in another; and he might very well have taken up the significant,

though homely complaint of Ames, when he was composing his History of

Printing, ‘Some of those persons _treats_ folks, as if they came as

spies into their affairs.’ We have, however, some particulars of the

Bridge property, as well collected by Stow, as gathered since his time;

and, firstly, I must notice to you, that at page 60 of his ‘_Survey_,’

he states that ‘John Feckenham, _Civis et Bracciator_,’--Citizen

and Brewer, or perhaps, Corn-Meter, ‘by his will, dated May 11th,

1436, bequeathed to the Mayor and Commonalty of the City of London,

a Tenement with a Shop and Garden, in the Parish of St. Augustine

Pappey,’--that is to say in St. Mary at Axe,--‘between the tenement and

lands of the Bridge of the City of London on the East, &c. To have to

the Mayor and Commonalty of London, _ad usum et sustentationem operis

Pontis prædictis in perpetuum_,’--for the use and support of the work

of the aforesaid Bridge for ever,--‘on condition that the Chaplains of

the Chapel of St. Thomas the Martyr, on the Bridge, celebrating, have

his soul, and also the souls of the late Lord Richard II., King of

England, Edward Boteler, knight, and the Lady Anne his wife, Richard

Storme, and Alice his wife, and the soul of Joan, his’--the said

Feckenham’s--‘wife, perpetually recommended in their prayers.’ You may

see both the original and an authentic copy of this Will, and that

which I shall hereafter mention, in the Bishop of London’s Registry in

St. Paul’s Cathedral. The Chamber in which they are kept, is entered

through the Vestry on the Northern side of the nave; whence a flight

of dark winding stairs, lighted only by loop-holes, leads you to a

small square room, surrounded by oaken presses containing the original

Wills tied up in bundles. The Calendar, or Index to the Register Books,

extends from 1418 to 1599; all after that year being kept at the

Bishop’s Consistory Court in Great Knight-Ryder Street. It is a small

folio volume, having a parchment cover, anciently tied with strings,

and is written in a small neat black text upon parchment, though now

much soiled by time and the continual dust of the chamber. If ever you

visit this Registry, however, I would not have you trust too much to

this Calendar; for in referring to the Will which I have now quoted,

its volume and page are called ‘_Moore, prima pars, folio_ iiij.;’

though the true reference is ‘_3 Moore, folio_ cccclxij a.’ This

volume, _Moore_, is so called from the first Will entered in it, and

it contains registers of Wills from the year 1418 to 1438, beautifully

written in a small black text upon parchment, in a very thick square

folio.

“Another benefactor to London Bridge mentioned by Stow, was one John

Edwards, Citizen and Butcher, who ‘gave by his Will, dated the 8th of

November, 1442, to John Hatherle, Mayor of the City of London, and

to John Herst and Thomas Cook, Masters of the work of the Bridge of

London, for ever, his tenement, with a garden, in the Parish of St.

Botolph, Aldgate, situate between the tenement lately John Cornwallys’s

on the South, &c., and extending from the King’s Street leading from

Aldgate towards the Tower on the West, &c. towards the sustaining and

reparation of the said Bridge.’ You will find this Will in the Register

called 4 _Stacy_, now _Prowet_, folio ciiij b, which extends from 1438

to 1449; though the Calendar marks it as entered at folio xxv. Both of

these Wills are in Latin.

“Without, at present, referring to the multitudes of books and records

of Bridge property, which must exist in the office of the Comptroller

of its Estates, I will give you an abstract of one of these volumes,

of which a Manuscript copy is to be found in the Harleian Collection

in the British Museum, No. 6016, folio 152. This book is entitled ‘_A

Repertory by way of Survey, of all the forren landes belonging to

London Bridge, to geather with all the quitt rents due to, and other

rents due from the same_:’ and the industrious mortal who copied it out

has added, ‘Borrowed the booke 21°. ffebr. 1653 of Captaine Richard

Lee, Clarke of the Bridge-house.’ The Survey is written in corrupt

and abbreviated Latin, which, from the expressions which are made use

of, would appear like the language of the fifteenth century; and it

contains many curious particulars of the names of persons and places,

not elsewhere to be found. I purpose, however, giving you only a

general statement of the amount of Bridge property in different places,

with a few notices and extracts from the more interesting parts;

reminding you, that these abstracts have never yet been printed.--In

the Parish of St. Andrew the Bishop, London Bridge possessed 20 huts

or cabins, occupied by the Brotherhood of Friars Minors, which were

valued at £12. 3_s._ 4_d._ Then follows an entry of ‘Lands and Meadows

belonging to the Bridge of London without the bar of Southwark, at Le

Loke, in Hattesham, Camerwelle, Lewesham, and Stratford.’ In Lambeth

field without Southwark, or St. George’s bar, 19 acres of land, lying

towards Newington and Lambeth, held of the Prior of Bermondsey,

for the yearly rent of 14_s._ 10_d._ At Le Loke,--that is to say,

partly on the site of the New Kent Road, and on part of which was,

doubtless, built that row of houses in Blackman Street, now called

Bridge-house-Place,--4 acres of arable land, called Longland, and 2-1/2

acres and 1 rood of meadow land, held by the yearly rent of 5_s._

10_d._, payable at the Feast of St. Michael. Also, on the South part

of King Street, 2 acres of arable, and 2 acres of meadow land, called

Carpenterishawe, held of the Archbishop of Canterbury, at the yearly

rent of 6_d._, payable at the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel. Also

near St. Thomas Wateringgs, on the South part of King’s Street, 7 acres

of arable, and 2 acres of meadow land, called Fourecrofts, by the

yearly rent of 4_s._ 8_d._, payable at the Feast of St. Michael, and at

Easter; another piece of land lying towards Hattesham,--perhaps Hatcham

Manor,--containing 10 acres of arable, and 2-1/2 acres and 1 rood of

meadow land, called Tevatree, was held for the same sum. At Le Steerte,

near the wall of Bermondsey, one acre of meadow ground, for the rent

of 2_d._ per annum; and at Hattesham, at the entrance of the Marsh,

6 acres of arable land enclosed by a ditch, were held of the heirs

of Simon de Kyme, for the rent of one penny per annum. In Lewisham,

London Bridge seems to have had large possessions, since they were let

out to farm at the immense rent of £3. 4_s._; and to the property of

the Manor was attached the ancient feudal rights of heriot,--taking of

the best beast, when a new tenant came on the estate; wardship,--the

holding and enjoying the profits of a tenant’s land, who was a minor;

marriage,--claiming assistance from all the tenants once, to furnish

a dowry for the Lord’s eldest daughter; Reliefs and Escheats,--the

payment of a certain sum on the entry of a new tenant, and the return

of forfeited estates. The land itself was divided, and the original

rents were as follow.

“‘24 and 11 acres of arable land, called the Greggehouse, 5 acres

of wood, in two groves, 42 acres of arable land, and 2 acres of

meadow land, held of the Abbot of Gaunt, at the yearly rent of 14_s._

9-1/2_d._; 22 acres held of the heirs of Lord John de Backwell, Knight,

at the yearly rent of 3_s._; 10 acres, and 10 acres in the field called

Edwinesfelde, held of the Abbot of Stratford, at the yearly rent of

10_d._; 2 acres held of the heirs of Lord William Bonquer, Knight, at

the yearly rent of 8_d._; 1-1/2 acre lying in the road near Depeford

Bregge, held of the heirs of William Clekots, at the yearly rent of

1-1/2_d._; 3 acres in a croft near Leuesham Street, held of the heirs

of Henry Boyding, and William Atteford, at the yearly rent of 2_d._;

1-1/2 acre at Rombeigh, for which nothing is paid; 10 acres in the

field called Brodefelde, held of the heirs of William de Hinntingfeld,

Knight, at the yearly rent of 1_s._ 8_d._ _Item._ There is owing for

the said Manor to the heirs of Nicholas de Farndon, the yearly rent

of 1_d._ At Leuesham, a water-mill, with 2 acres of pasture belonging

to it, held of divers persons for the rent of 1_s._ 5_d._ and half a

quarter of corn out of the tolls yearly, and the value of the tenths,

from this time forth for ever.’

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