CHAPTER I

THE AUDIENCIA IN THE SPANISH COLONIES

AS ILLUSTRATED BY THE AUDIENCIA OF MANILA (1583-1800)

BY

CHARLES HENRY CUNNINGHAM, Ph. D.

Adjunct Professor of History in the University of Texas

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

BERKELEY

1919

PREFACE

It seems proper to say at the outset that a general study of the

Spanish colonial system convinced me of the need of an extended

investigation of the audiencia, which was the central institution in

the colonies. It was, however, the circumstance of my being situated

in Manila for some years and thus having at my disposal the original

documents bearing upon the history of the audiencia which was situated

there that led me to study this particular tribunal. At first sight it

may appear that something of direct applicability to Spanish-American

conditions, which would have been gained by the study of the Audiencia

of Mexico, or Guadalajara, or Lima, has thus been lost. Nevertheless,

if it is borne in mind that the audiencia system was common to all the

Spanish colonies, and that the laws by which it was constituted and

regulated applied to the different political divisions of America as

to the Philippines, the assumption will not seem wholly unjustified

that the Audiencia of Manila may be taken as a typical legal and

political institution.

A large part of the time expended in collecting the materials upon

which this book is based was spent in the various depositories in

Manila. The most notable group of documents there is to be found in the

Philippines Library, and it is with pleasure that I express here my

obligations to Dr. James Alexander Robertson, the librarian; for not

only did Dr. Robertson place at my disposal all the resources of the

library, but he contributed generously from his adequate knowledge of

Philippine history and afforded continual inspiration during the course

of my labors in Manila. I am also deeply conscious of the assistance

so kindly rendered by Don Manuel Artigas, chief of the Division of

Filipiniana, and by Don Manuel Yriarte of the Philippine Archive.

In addition to research in the Philippines Library, the Philippine

Archive, and the Audiencia Records in Manila approximately three years

have been spent in the archives of Spain. The main centre of my work,

of course, has been the Archive of the Indies at Seville, where

I was given free access to all the available materials, and every

facility was extended to me by the chief of the archive, Don Pedro

Torres Lanzas, and by his obliging assistants. I am also indebted

for many courtesies to Don Miguel Gómez de Campillo of the National

Historical Archive at Madrid, and to Don Juan Montero, chief of the

archive at Simancas.

The object of this prefatory note would not be achieved if I failed to

express adequately my acknowledgment to my teacher and friend Professor

Frederick J. Teggart, of the University of California. His inspiration

led me to appreciate the importance of institutional studies; his

continued encouragement has helped me over the hard places in the

work; and I am conscious now of the extent to which he has sought,

by vigilant criticism, to guard me against precipitateness. I am

indebted to Professor Herbert Bolton for valuable aid and for advice

in the final presentation of the manuscript; to Dr. Charles Wilson

Hackett for a systematic revision of the Bibliography and of the

footnotes; to Professor E. C. Barker for advice and assistance; to

Professor W. R. Shepherd and Professor Francis S. Philbrick for their

criticism of portions of this book; and to Messrs. A. H. Allen and

Morse A. Cartwright of the University of California Press for their

many manifestations of courtesy and patience in the supervision of

its publication. To Professor H. Morse Stephens of the University of

California and to the generous order of the Native Sons of the Golden

West I am indebted for the rare opportunity of two years of foreign

residence and research in the various archives of Spain.

Finally, my greatest indebtedness is to my wife, who has cheerfully

given up the pleasures and conveniences of life among friends in home

surroundings to accompany me to less pleasant places, in order that

I might succeed in the work which I have undertaken.

Charles H. Cunningham.

University of Texas, Austin, Texas,

March 1, 1918.

CONTENTS

Pages

Preface v-vii

Introduction 1-7

CHAPTER I

The Audiencias of the Spanish Colonies 8-31

CHAPTER II

The Establishment of the Audiencia of Manila (1583-1598) 32-82

CHAPTER III

The Judicial Functions of the Audiencia 83-120

CHAPTER IV

The Judicial Functions of the Audiencia: The Residencia 121-159

CHAPTER V

The Semi-Judicial and Administrative Functions of the

Audiencia 160-192

CHAPTER VI

The Audiencia and the Governor: General Relations 193-225

CHAPTER VII

The Audiencia and the Governor: The Military Jurisdiction 226-258

CHAPTER VIII

The Audiencia and the Governor: Conflicts of Jurisdiction 259-303

CHAPTER IX

The Audiencia and the Governor: The Ad Interim Rule 304-361

CHAPTER X

The Audiencia and the Church: The Royal Patronage 362-409

CHAPTER XI

The Audiencia and the Church: The Ecclesiastical

Jurisdiction 410-444

Bibliography 445-462

Index 463-479

INTRODUCTION

The audiencia was primarily a judicial tribunal. It has been considered

almost entirely as such by these modern historical writers who have

referred to it in passing. Its legislative, administrative, executive,

and ecclesiastical functions have received little attention. This

may be owing to the fact that little or no documentary study of the

audiencia has heretofore been made. A great deal of attention has been

devoted in this book to the non-judicial functions of the audiencia. A

chapter has been given, indeed, to its purely judicial activities,

but the chief purpose of this investigation has been to show that

the audiencia was more than a court of justice, and to bring out its

governmental and ecclesiastical functions.

This study will be confined, chronologically, to the period extending

from the time of the creation of the audiencia, at the close of the

sixteenth century, to the end of the eighteenth. This limitation is

advisable, first, because the vastness of the subject requires it, and

second, because the audiencia became more concerned with judicial and

less with administrative, political, and economic affairs through the

constitutional changes which were made at the close of the eighteenth

and at the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. The audiencia thus

loses its interest, from our present viewpoint, after the eighteenth

century. Again, it may be said that owing to the loss of colonies by

Spain in the early nineteenth century, and the general anarchy that

prevailed after 1810, a continuation of an intensive study beyond

that period would be without value because its subject-matter would

be no longer characteristic.

In assuming that the Audiencia of Manila was typical of all the

audiencias in the Spanish colonial system, it is not claimed that

the tribunal in the Philippines was identical in every function and

detail with those of the other colonies of Spain. It is no doubt

true that local conditions brought about pronounced differences and

that each audiencia had its own local characteristics and powers,

which differed from those of the others. The subject is so vast,

however, and the research required for a comparative study of all

these institutions would be so extensive that it would occupy more

than a lifetime to complete it.

The main interest of this investigation does not lie in the

organization, the scope, nature, or detailed powers of the audiencia

as an institution of the Philippines, but in its larger relation

to the general field of Spanish colonial history and government. It

applies to the entire field of Spanish colonial administration. It

is related to the government of Perú, New Spain, Cuba, and other

colonies wherein there were audiencias, and where functions similar

to those of the Manila tribunal were exercised. The establishment of

all these audiencias was part of the same movement, and the act of

their creation was the product of experience gained in Spain through

efforts at centralization there. The audiencias of the colonies were

alike dependent on the Council of the Indies; common institutions

and departments of government existed in Spain for the control

and regulation of the tribunals of the colonies. All were of equal

judicial rank before the Council of the Indies, and cases appealed to

the latter from the several audiencias were treated in the same manner

and considered as having equal rank and importance. The general powers

and attributes of these audiencias were prescribed in the same code,

the Recopilación, and general laws and cédulas of reform were expedited

from time to time and sent to the tribunals of all the colonies. Such

is the basis, therefore, of the claim that this is in reality a study

of the audiencia as an institution, illustrated particularly by the

history of that of the Philippines.

A study of the audiencia of any colony is concerned with all of

the problems that came up in its life--with legal, political,

ecclesiastical, and social conditions. It will be seen that the

audiencia was the one tribunal which regulated, checked, and often

controlled both church and state in the colonies; it represented the

king, and its duty was to see that the royal commands were obeyed;

it was the royal audiencia. Isolated as were the officials of the

Philippines, in those distant seas, removed from any but the most

remote influence of the home government, beset on all sides by hostile

forces, and dependent on themselves alone, conditions there present an

especially favorable field wherein to note the ultimate possibilities

of the authority of the audiencia. It is the design of this treatise to

examine conditions in the Philippines under the aspects noted, and to

assign them their place in the history of Spanish colonization. The

investigation of what was, beyond doubt, the most important and

many-sided institution in the Spanish administration of the Philippines

provides a means of approach to that larger field of study.

A survey of the Spanish colonial system or a study of the government

of any one colony will reveal the fact that political life and

power there were vested chiefly in three institutions. Upon

these the peace, prosperity and security of each colony largely

depended. These institutions were the audiencia, the office of viceroy,

or captain-general, and the church. By means of the two former the

royal interests in the colony were represented, and through the latter

one of the chief aims of Spain's colonial system was effected, namely,

the conversion of infidels and the subsequent care of their souls. The

church added to its own power in various ways. No study of Spanish

colonial institutions would be complete which failed to consider the

church as a political power. It is to a consideration of these three

chief factors of colonial government, and their interrelation, that

this study will be dedicated. After a review of the circumstances

surrounding the establishment of the Audiencia of Manila, we shall

devote ourselves to a detailed study of the audiencia itself. We

shall first notice the audiencia's judicial functions as a court of

ordinary justice and secondarily as a court of residencia. The second

part of this section will be concerned with the semi-judicial and

administrative functions of the audiencia.

The title of captain-general was primarily of military significance,

and it was exercised alike by viceroys and governors; the official

designation of the former being "my viceroy and captain-general"

and that of the latter being "my governor and captain-general." Not

all governors were captains-general.

The viceroys in the larger divisions and the captains-general in the

smaller ones represented the king as head of the church and state

in their several districts. Because these officials were so powerful

and their duties so multitudinous, they came into contact with every

department of the government. The audiencias came into relation with

these officials most frequently. It is therefore necessary to study

the governor and captain-general first from the viewpoint of his

position as chief executive of the colony and as representative of

the king. The frequency of their relations and the identity of their

spheres of authority suggest that we give attention to the conflicts

of jurisdiction of the governor and audiencia; finally, we shall take

note of the occasions on which the audiencia assumed the government

on the event of a vacancy, noticing the laws authorizing such action

and the principles underlying them.

The importance of the church in the Spanish colonial system has

already been alluded to. The extent of its power and the frequency

and importance of its relations with the audiencia demand considerable

attention. After studying the general phases of the relations of the

audiencia and the church, we shall see that the tribunal exercised

ecclesiastical authority of a very pronounced character. This power it

derived from two sources: first, from the authority that was entrusted

to it by virtue of the royal patronage; second, from its status as a

court of justice with jurisdiction in ecclesiastical affairs similar

to that which it had as an ordinary tribunal of justice. The above

is an outline of the plan of this book.

That which impresses the modern student most with regard to Spanish

administrative machinery was its failure to effect deliberately the

division of powers which, with our traditions, we consider essential

to a well-balanced government. The terms "executive" and "judicial"

are employed in this book, as they were in Spain's colonies, to

designate functions rather than departments. The viceroy, as president

of the audiencia, had cognizance of certain judicial matters, and

more or less participation in them, though he was forbidden to act

as judge, especially over affairs in which he had already officiated

as executive. The audiencia likewise shared many executive functions,

yet it was not judge of its own acts, for when judgment was passed on

the administrative acts or judicial pronouncements of an oidor, either

on appeal or by review of sentence, that magistrate was expected to

retire, or to be occupied with some other case. So, while there was no

judicial department with solely judicial functions, or a legislative

or executive department, as they are known in some modern states,

there existed certain interrelations which did not entirely result in

confusion, as one might suppose. On the contrary, it may be often noted

that as a resultant of this system, men and acts of an exceedingly

well-balanced and statesmanlike character were produced. We shall see,

moreover, that they were far from meriting the disapprobation that

is frequently heaped upon so-called Spanish governmental incapacity.

The defects which appear so conspicuous in Spanish administration were

largely due to the extremely methodical turn of the Spanish official

mind, the vastness of the empire which was to be governed, and the

lack of facilities available for efficient administration. It was a

government of expedientes, literally a government on paper. All acts,

estimates, budgets, and plans had to be drafted and written out,

duplicates and triplicates of each report had to be made, advice

had to be taken, and opinions rendered, whether the matter went any

further than the theoretical stage or not. We do much the same in our

modern age, but inventions and labor-saving devices have fortunately

spared us much of the time and effort which a few centuries ago

had to be expended to accomplish proportionate results. The apparent

unwieldiness of the Spanish colonial empire would have been materially

reduced by the use of the telegraph, cable, steamship, typewriter

and carbon-paper.

An effort has been made that this should be something more than

a theoretical dissertation. A knowledge that certain laws were

promulgated is only half of what is necessary in a study of this

character. It is imperative to understand how these laws were applied,

and whether they were efficiently and effectively carried out. Every

phase of the audiencia's history has, therefore, been illustrated

wherever possible with one or more concrete cases, taken from actual

practice. Many of these illustrations are comparatively insignificant

by themselves, involving persons of no historical importance and

concerning matters of a seemingly trivial nature. Nevertheless, it

has been necessary to consider these matters carefully because they

were typical and true to actual conditions, and because they reveal

better than anything else could the affairs which were the concern

of the audiencia, showing the part played by the tribunal in the life

of the colony.

In the preparation of this work due deference has been paid to the

standard authorities usually cited by writers of Spanish-American

history. So little attention has been given by students of Spanish

colonial history to the audiencia as an institution, however, that

the present writer has been obliged to depend almost entirely on the

hitherto untouched documentary material in Spain and the Philippines,

and to place almost his sole reliance upon it. This material consists

of laws, cédulas, royal orders, ordinances, correspondence, and lastly,

but most important, records of cases and actual happenings in the

form of letters, memorials, reports, complaints and contemporary

accounts. These latter convey, as nothing else can, an idea of how

the laws were carried out, what was their effect, what part the

audiencia played in the interpretation and execution of the law,

and the relations of the tribunal to the other authorities and

institutions of government. Of this sort of material there is much,

and in its light the history of the Spanish colonies and of their

institutions yet remains to be written.

CHAPTER I

THE AUDIENCIAS OF THE SPANISH COLONIES

The Spanish system of colonial administration was an adaptation beyond

the seas of fundamental administrative, judicial and ecclesiastical

institutions and principles which had grown up and had proved

serviceable throughout a long period of successful use in Spain. As

the audiencias and their allied officials had shown themselves to be

efficient as agencies of centralization in the isolated provinces

of Spain, so they were utilized, by the organization which they

effected, to bring the colonies nearer the mother country. When

Spain was confronted with the necessity of governing her vast empire,

it was natural that she should profit by her former administrative

experience, and make use of those institutions of government which

had proved successful at home.

The purpose of the present chapter is to emphasize the fact that, these

institutions which had served in Spain, and were still in process

of development there, were utilized in all of the colonies. The

Philippine audiencia, which will be more particularly studied in

subsequent chapters, was not a rare and isolated exception, but

rather an integral part of a great administrative system. [1] This

will more clearly appear from a sketch of the early development of

colonial administration.

In accordance with the terms of the concession made by the Catholic

Monarchs at Santa Fé on April 30, 1492, Columbus was given the title of

"Admiral, Viceroy, and Governor of the Undiscovered Lands and Seas of

the Indies." [2] He was likewise entrusted with the duty of proposing

three candidates for the government of each colony, and from these

three names the king was to select one. It was further provided that

the alcaldes and alguaciles for the administration of justice should

be named by Columbus, and that he should hear appeals from these

minor judges in second instance. This is a brief outline of the first

government and judiciary provided for the New World. It is improbable

that this arrangement was the product of any great amount of study

or reflection. It was formulated before the New World had even been

discovered, and this scheme, as well as the conditions of commerce

and tribute which went with it, were largely proposed by Columbus,

and acceded to by the Catholic Monarchs without anticipation of

the tremendous consequences which were to come from that voyage of

discovery and those which were to follow it.

When Columbus undertook his second and later voyages the Catholic

rulers began to modify the conditions of the original compact

by sending royal representatives with him to take account of his

expeditions. The difficulties which Columbus had in the government of

his West Indian colony are too well known to be more than referred to

here. Through the influence of Fonseca, and the gradual realization of

the tremendous size and importance of the new dominions, the rulers

of Spain began to feel that a mistake had been made in granting to

this Genoese sailor and to his heirs the complete proprietorship and

government of this distant empire. The abrogation of the contract was a

natural consequence. It was the repudiation of a colonial system which

had been created in the dark, and formulated without a knowledge of the

conditions and problems to be met. Such an arrangement was foredoomed

to failure, and if the colonies were to be administered successfully,

reform was necessary.

In 1507, the towns of Española petitioned the king for the same

privileges and forms of government as were possessed by the towns of

Spain. The request was granted, and municipal rights were bestowed upon

fourteen towns. These concessions included the privilege of electing

their own regidores and alcaldes ordinarios [3] and the rights of

local legislation and administration of justice. The principle was

subsequently enunciated that,

inasmuch as the kingdoms of Castile and of the Indies are under

one crown, the laws and the order of government of one should be as

similar to and as much in agreement with the other as possible; our

royal council, in the laws and establishments which are ordered,

must strive to reduce the form and manner of their government to

the style and order by which the kingdoms of Castile and León

are governed and ruled, to the extent that the diversity and

difference of the lands and nations permit. [4]

In 1511, a tribunal of independent royal judges was constituted in the

colony of Española to try cases appealed from the town magistrates

and the governor. [5] This judicial body may be considered as the

predecessor of the royal audiencia which was established fifteen years

later. The organization and purpose of the tribunal were exactly

similar to those of the courts existing in the frontier provinces

of Spain before the establishment of audiencias. The chief reason

for its creation was the need of checking the abuses of an absolute

governor. This tribunal was composed of three magistrates, who were

possessed of the licentiate's degree, designated as alcaldes mayores,

and appointed by the king. They were empowered to hear and determine

appeals from the governor and from his tenientes and alcaldes. [6]

These magistrates, acting collectively, became at once official

organs for the expression of the needs of the colony in non-judicial

matters, frequently presenting memorials to the Council of the Indies

independently of the governor. [7] The crown had already assumed

direction of the administrative and executive affairs of the colony of

Puerto Rico, on August 15, 1509, by naming a special governor for that

island. On July 25, 1511, Diego Colón, son of the discoverer, was named

governor of Española, and of the other islands and of the mainland

discovered by his father. This latter act of royal intervention did

not confirm, but rather abrogated in practice, the claims of this same

Colón to the inheritance of the provinces which had been given formerly

to his father. This act maintained the pre-eminence and authority of

the Spanish monarchs in these territories. [8] The further growth and

development of the West Indian colonies, and especially the increasing

Spanish population, called for the establishment of a more efficient

tribunal of administration and justice. This need was met in the

creation of the first audiencia in America, that of Santo Domingo,

which was established September 14, 1526.

The law, which has been cited already, providing that the

administration of the Indies should be patterned in all ways after

the governments of Castile and León, shows very clearly the natural

influence of the early history and institutions of Spain. The

audiencias established in the colonies were at first similar in

jurisdiction and organization to those of Spain, which country had

already succeeded in governing provinces that were, in effect, almost

as isolated and as far from actual contact with the court as were the

Indies. The audiencia of Spain had proved of immense value as an agency

of direct control. It had been found satisfactory under conditions very

similar to those in the Indies, which were not regarded as foreign

possessions, but as integral parts of Castile, being the property of

the monarchs of that kingdom, and under their personal direction.

Before proceeding with a description of the growth of the audiencia

system, it is desirable, first, to note the establishment in Spain

of two organs for the administration of colonial affairs. These

may be examined here conveniently, because their creation

antedated the institution of the audiencia in the colonies. The

first, chronologically, as well as in importance, was the Casa de

Contratación, which was created January 10, 1503. [9] This essentially

commercial body was intended at first to supervise the import and

export trade of Spain with the colonies, and to arrange for the

sale and distribution of imported articles, concessions of cargo to

individuals, the lading and discharging of cargo, and the collection of

duties. The functions of this body were soon amplified to the extent

that it was given jurisdiction over emigration to the colonies. In

1509 it was granted further authority over certain criminal cases

relating to trade, and in 1510, letrados were added to the tribunal

of the Casa for the better determination of legal affairs.

As established in 1503, the Casa de Contratación consisted of a

treasurer, auditor (comptroller), and factor. [10] That the institution

flourished and increased in importance may be deduced from the reform

of Philip II, on September 25, 1583, whereby the above mentioned

officials were retained and a royal audiencia was created within

the Casa. This was composed of three jueces letrados and a fiscal,

besides the numerous subordinate officials who usually accompanied

the judicial tribunal. [11] Though at first it exercised some of the

functions which belonged later to the Council of the Indies, it came

subsequently to be subordinate to that body. [12] It was transferred

to Cádiz in 1717, and was suppressed by the royal decree of June 18,

1790. [13] its remaining attributions being assumed by the Consulado

of Seville. [14]

The beginnings of the Council of the Indies may be noted in the

creation of a special committee of the Council of Castile for the

supervision of administrative affairs in the colonies. This was

eight years after the establishment of the Casa de Contratación,

when another need than the purely commercial, for which the Casa de

Contratación had served, began to be felt. [15] The inadequacy of

the system devised by the Catholic Monarchs at Santa Fé had already

become evident. The problems of administration in the colonies were

making clear the need of a more effective system of regulation. Just

as the number of suits to be tried before the old tribunal de la cort

del rey had increased to such an extent that the king could no longer

attend to them personally, so the problems of administration in the

new colonies demanded more attention and regulation than could be

provided by the administrative machinery at hand. The functions of

this new tribunal, if it may be designated as such at this time, do

not seem to have been clearly expressed at first, at least by any law

or decree now at hand, but it appears that they were advisory rather

than administrative. It soon became evident that a distinction had

to be made between the prerogatives of this council and those of the

Casa de Contratación. During the early history of these two tribunals

there was considerable conflict of jurisdiction between them. It is

probable that until the reform of August 4, 1524, was promulgated,

active supervision of colonial affairs was maintained by the Council

of Castile, both the Casa de Contratación and this new tribunal of

the Indies acting under its direction. Charles V gave new life to the

tribunal of the Indies on the above date by assigning to it definite

legislative and administrative powers, putting at its head Loaysa,

the general of the Dominican order and his own confessor. The Council

was further modified by Charles V in 1542, and by Philip II in 1571,

in the following terms:

It is our royal will that the said council shall have the

supreme jurisdiction in all our occidental Indies ... and of the

affairs which result from them, ... and for the good government

and administration of justice, it may order and make with our

advice, the laws, pragmatics, ordinances and provisions, general

and particular, ... which ... may be required for the good of the

provinces ... and in the matters pertaining to the Indies, that the

said our council be obeyed and respected, and that its provisions

in all, and by all be fulfilled and obeyed in all particulars. [16]

The Council of the Indies, as established in 1524, consisted of

a president, a high chancellor, eight members who were lawyers, a

fiscal, two secretaries and a lieutenant chancellor. [17] All these

were required to be of noble birth and qualified by experience and

ability to carry to a successful issue the high responsibilities

which they were called upon to discharge. [18] Besides there was a

corps of accountants, auditors, copyists, reporters and clerks. The

number of these last-mentioned functionaries was enormous, especially

in subsequent years, when correspondence with twelve or thirteen

different colonies was maintained.

The Council of the Indies was the high court of appeal to which all

cases from the colonial audiencias came for final adjudication. It

was, however, not only a court of appeal in judicial matters, but

also a directive ministry for the supervision of the administrative

acts of the colonial audiencias and executives.

The unqualified success of the Audiencia of Santo Domingo, both as a

tribunal of justice and as an administrative organ, led to the general

establishment of the institution throughout the Spanish colonial

empire. The audiencias which were created in Spain's colonies from

1526 to 1893 follow in the order of their establishment. [19]

Santo Domingo, created September 14, 1526, consisting of a

president, four oidores, [20] and a fiscal.

Mexico, [21] created November 29, 1527, consisting of two chambers

or salas, a criminal and a civil, a president, eight oidores,

four alcaldes del crimen, and two fiscales for civil and criminal

cases respectively.

Panamá, created February 30, 1535, with a president, four oidores

and a fiscal.

Lima, created November 20, 1542, with two chambers, a civil and

a criminal, a president, eight oidores, four criminal alcaldes,

and two fiscales, as in Mexico.

Santiago de Guatemala, created September 13, 1543, with a

president, five oidores, and a fiscal.

Guadalajara, created February 15, 1548, with a president, four

oidores, and a fiscal.

Santa Fé (New Granada), created July 17, 1549, with a president,

four oidores, and a fiscal.

La Plata (Charcas), created September 4, 1559, with a president,

five oidores, and a fiscal.

San Francisco de Quito, created November 29, 1563, with a

president, four oidores, and a fiscal.

Manila, created May 5, 1583, with a president, four oidores,

and a fiscal.

Santiago de Chile, created February 17, 1609, with a president,

four oidores, and a fiscal.

Buenos Ayres, created November 2, 1661, with a president, three

oidores, and a fiscal; recreated July 2, 1778, when Buenos Ayres

was made a viceroyalty.

Caracas, created June 13, 1786, with a regent, three oidores,

and a fiscal.

Cuzco, created February 26, 1787, with a regent, three oidores,

and a fiscal.

Puerto Rico, created June 19, 1831, to consist of a president,

regent, three oidores, and a fiscal.

Havana, created September 26, 1835, reorganized June 16, 1838,

to consist of a regent, four oidores, and two fiscales. [22]

Puerto Príncipe, transferred in 1797 from Santo Domingo,

reorganized September 26, 1835, to consist of a regent, four

oidores, and a fiscal. This audiencia was suppressed and its

territory added to that of Havana on October 21, 1853. It was

recreated on February 22, 1878, and on May 23, 1879.

Santiago de Cuba, created September 26, 1835, to consist of

a regent, four oidores, and a fiscal. This audiencia was later

suppressed, and its territory was added to the Audiencia of Havana;

it was again reformed and added to Puerto Príncipe on February

22, 1878.

Cebú (Philippines), created February 26, 1886, to consist of a

president, four magistrates, a fiscal, and an assistant fiscal.

Vigán (Philippines) created on May 19, 1893, to consist of one

chief justice, two associates, a prosecuting attorney, and an

assistant prosecutor.

It will be noted that the audiencias of Mexico and Lima contained

the greatest number of magistrates. They were divided into

two salas, a civil and a criminal, with appropriate judges and

fiscales for each. [23] The judges of the criminal branch were

designated as alcaldes and not as oidores. These audiencias were at

first conterminous in territorial jurisdiction with the respective

captaincies-general of those names, but they enjoyed no greater power

or pre-eminence before the Council of the Indies than the audiencias

of the lesser captaincies-general. In the words of the royal decree

of establishment,

there are founded twelve royal audiencias and chanceries ... in

order that our vassals may have persons to rule and govern them

in peace and justice, and their districts have been divided

into governments, corregimientos and alcaldes mayores who will

be provided in accordance with our orders and laws and will be

subordinate to our royal audiencias and to our Supreme Council

of the Indies ... and may no change be made without our express

order or that of the Council. [24]

Many changes were made in the territorial jurisdiction of the

various audiencias. The audiencias of Lima and Mexico, in addition

to their jurisdiction over their respective viceroyalties, exercised

governmental authority over the adjacent districts when the viceroys

were absent; the Audiencia of Lima over Charcas, Quito and Tierra

Firme (Panamá), and that of Mexico over what was later Guadalajara,

the Philippines, and Yucatán. All of these, except the latter, came

to have audiencias, with the usual powers and authority. [25]

The first seven audiencias were founded by Charles V. Three were

created by Philip II. The audiencias of Santiago de Chile and Buenos

Ayres were established by Philip III and Philip IV, respectively. The

greater number of these audiencias was created at the time of the most

rapid extension of the tribunals in Spain; their establishment was part

of the same general tendency; they were therefore closely related. When

the audiencias of Santo Domingo and Mexico were formed, there had

been already in existence in Spain the chanceries of Valladolid, and

Granada. Thirteen audiencias were established in Spain after those

of Santo Domingo and New Spain were created in the colonies. The two

Spanish audiencias mentioned above were designated as models for the

tribunals of the Indies, and the principle was laid down that if a

necessary provision was omitted from the laws of establishment of

the colonial audiencias, "all the presidents and audiencias of those

our realms are ordered to preserve the order and practices which are

followed in the chanceries of Granada and Valladolid." [26]

Territorially, the audiencias of Santo Domingo, Mexico, and Lima were

the nucleii from which and around which most of the other audiencias

were established. Being the first in their respective sections,

they included more territory than they could govern with facility;

thus it later became necessary to divide up their districts. Santo

Domingo held sway at first over Española, Cuba, and Puerto Rico,

with authority also over Venezuela and subsequently over Louisiana

and Florida. [27] New Granada was conceded an audiencia in 1549,

and to this province were added the possessions of Panamá when the

audiencia of that name was suppressed. The Audiencia of Mexico, created

eight years before New Spain was made a viceroyalty, had territorial

jurisdiction at first over a vast empire, which was later divided into

smaller governments with audiencias. Its limits, as defined in the

laws of the Indies, extended on both oceans from the Cape of Florida

to the Cape of Honduras, and included Yucatán, and Tabasco. [28]

The audiencias of Guadalajara, Santiago de Guatemala, and Manila all

set definite limits to the jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Mexico. The

Audiencia of Lima had authority at first over most of Spanish South

America, but its scope was in the same manner diminished from time

to time by the establishment of the audiencias of Santa Fé, La Plata

(Charcas), Quito, Santiago de Chile, and Buenos Ayres. Before the

Audiencia of Cuzco was instituted in 1787, jurisdiction over that

ancient city and district was divided between the audiencias of Lima

and La Plata; Árica, although it belonged to the district of Lima,

was not governed under that jurisdiction, but was administered by

a corregidor directly responsible to the audiencia at Charcas. [29]

Chile and Panamá were subordinate governmentally to the viceroy of

Perú, but the audiencias were independent. [30]

Cuba was early divided into two districts under the rule of

captains-general, those of Havana and Santiago de Cuba. [31] By

cédula of February 24, 1784, Havana was made independent of the

Audiencia of Santo Domingo in administrative matters. Aside from the

one at Puerto Príncipe, audiencias were not created in Cuba, however,

until 1835 and 1838, respectively. Prior to this, Cuba was subject to

the Audiencia of Puerto Príncipe, the successor of Santo Domingo, in

judicial matters, as the governments in Cuba were military. However,

military cases were carried before the captains-general of Havana

and of Santiago de Cuba, respectively. [32]

Although all the audiencias had the same rank before the Council of

the Indies, both as political and judicial tribunals, those of Lima

and Mexico may be said to have been tribunals of the first class, for

reasons which we have noted. Indeed, it must be remembered that it

was the individual captaincy-general that had an audiencia, whether

the captaincy-general happened to be a viceroyalty or not. Judged

by the amount of power they exercised, there were three classes of

audiencias: those of the viceroyalties, of the captaincies-general, and

of the presidencies. On this basis of classification, it may be said

that the first-mentioned were the superior institutions. In matters

of military administration, the captains-general had the same power

as the viceroys, while the audiencias exercised less intervention in

the government than in the presidencies. In the latter, the audiencias

(and presidents) exercised governmental functions as well as judicial,

with appeal to the viceroy. Though they had no military power,

and their scope was strictly limited in financial affairs, these

audiencias actually governed their districts. This the audiencias of

the viceroyalties never did, except when they governed ad interim.

Before proceeding with a study of the powers and duties of the

colonial audiencias, it would be well to compare them, as to extent

of jurisdiction and authority, with those which were in operation

in Spain. Were they equal? Did the colonial institutions, on account

of their isolation, exercise prerogatives which were unknown to the

tribunals of the Peninsula, or vice versa? These questions were

answered by Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, a distinguished Spanish

jurist, oidor of the Audiencia of Lima in 1610, and subsequently

councillor of the Indies. [33] Solórzano y Pereyra illustrates

fourteen points of difference wherein the audiencias of the

colonies exceeded those of the Peninsula in power and authority,

in these matters exercising jurisdiction equal to the Council

of Castile. This, he said, was "on account of the great distance

intervening between them and the king or his royal Council of the

Indies, and the dangers which delay may occasion." Therefore, he said,

the audiencias had been permitted many privileges and powers denied

to the audiencias of Spain. The most important of these powers were

as follows: jurisdiction over residencias of corregidores; the right

to send out special investigators (pesquisidores); supervision over

inferior judges--seeing that they properly tried cases under their

authority, care for the education and good treatment of the Indians

in spiritual and temporal matters, and the punishment of officials

who were remiss in that particular; the collection of tithes; the

assumption of the rights and obligations of the royal patronage,

as well as jurisdiction over cases affecting the same, the building

of churches, the installment of curates and holders of benefices,

and the inspection and possible retention of bulls and briefs.

The colonial audiencias were instructed to guard the royal prerogative,

and were authorized to try all persons accused of usurping the royal

jurisdiction. They were to see that officials, lay and ecclesiastical,

did not charge excessive fees for their services, limiting especially

those exorbitant charges which priests were apt to demand at burials,

funerals, marriages and baptisms. The colonial audiencias were

given supervision over espolios, [34] collecting, administering and

disposing of the properties left by deceased prelates, and paying

claims of heirs and creditors. Another duty was the restraining

of ecclesiastical judges and dignitaries through the recurso de

fuerza. [35] This authority had been permitted to the chanceries of

Valladolid and Granada, only.

Although viceroys and governors were granted special jurisdiction over

administrative matters, they were authorized to call upon the acuerdos

[36] of the audiencias for counsel and advice whenever an exceptionally

arduous case presented itself. The audiencias were permitted to

entertain appeals against the rulings of viceroys and presidents, but

these appeals could be carried again to the Council of the Indies. In

the same manner that affairs of government belonged to the private

jurisdiction of the executive, so did financial matters, according

to Solórzano y Pereyra. In these, however, the viceroy or governor

was assisted in the solution of perplexing problems by the acuerdo

general de hacienda, a body composed of oidores, oficiales reales [37]

and contadores. On the death, disability, or absence of the viceroy or

governor and captain-general it was ordered that the government should

pass under the charge of the entire audiencia. Lastly, Solórzano y

Pereyra pointed out that while the sole duty of the Spanish oidores

was to try cases, the magistrates of the colonial audiencias were

called upon for a number of miscellaneous functions, such as those of

visitador, or inspector of the provinces, or of other departments of

the government, as asesor of the Santa Cruzada, [38] as inspector of

ships, as auditor de guerra, as asesor of the governor, and as juez

de las executorías, under commission of the Council of the Indies

to collect and remit to the government receiver all money derived

from fines and penalties imposed by official visitors (visitadores),

judges of residencia, etcetera. [39]

With the exception of the entertainment of the recurso de fuerza,

none of the above-mentioned functions could be exercised by the

audiencias of Spain. Although the colonial audiencias were to a

large extent patterned after those of Spain, they had greater

power and exercised more extensive functions almost from the

beginning. This was chiefly owing to the added responsibilities of

government resulting from the isolation of the colonies and their

distance from the home government. The audiencias in Spain remained

almost purely judicial. There was no need or opportunity for them

to encroach upon the executive, or to usurp its functions, because

of the control exercised by its immediate representatives. In the

colonies the audiencias were themselves established as the agents of

the royal authority, with the special duty of limiting the abuses

of the officials of the crown. In this capacity, aside from their

customary duties, the tribunals exercised far-reaching authority of

a non-judicial character.

It is desirable to point out in this connection that all the

colonial audiencias utilized the same law in common. Cédulas,

edicts, and decrees were issued to them from a common source, to

be executed under similar circumstances, or on particular occasions

when local conditions demanded such action. The great code of 1680,

the Recopilación de leyes de los Reinos de las Indias, has already

been described as containing laws, both general and particular,

for the regulation of the colonial audiencias. [40]

In the foregoing paragraphs attention has been directed briefly to

the relations of the audiencias and executives with each other, and

with the central government. Some notice at least should be given

to the means by which the will of the executive and judiciary was

enforced and executed upon and in the local units, the provinces and

towns. We have already seen that the offices of the corregidores,

alcaldes mayores and the alcaldes ordinarios developed in Spain,

the first with jurisdiction over the larger districts, the alcaldes

mayores over the smaller areas and large towns, and the alcaldes

ordinarios in the municipalities. In a general sense, this system

was carried into the colonies; the corregidores and alcaldes mayores

were in charge of the large provinces and districts, the alcaldes

ordinarios were the judges of the Spanish towns.

Much the same intercourse and relations existed between these officials

in the colonies as had been characteristic of the similar ones of

Spain. But there were some differences: while in Spain the alcaldes

were in most cases city judges, subject to the corregidores, [41]

in the colonies there was little or no difference between alcaldes

mayores and corregidores. They were most frequently appointed by the

executive, sometimes independently, sometimes by the assistance and

advice of the audiencia, as judges and governors of the provinces,

although the laws of the Indies provided for their appointment

by the king. The practice developed of designating them locally,

and of sending their names to Spain for confirmation. Each alcalde

mayor or corregidor resided at the chief town of his province and

combined in himself the functions of judge, inspector of encomiendas,

administrator of hacienda and police, collector of tribute, vicepatron

and captain-general. [42] He was assisted by officials of a minor

category, frequently natives, who exercised jurisdiction over their

fellows. The law also provided for a teniente letrado to assist the

alcalde or corregidor, [43] but in the Philippines there was no such

official, except at irregular intervals in the Visayas.

These chiefs of provinces were responsible to the audiencias

in matters of justice and to the viceroys or captains-general

in administrative affairs. In Indian relations and in questions

involving encomiendas they were subject to the executive, who had

jurisdiction in first instance, with appeal to the audiencia. The

tribunal could grant encomiendas in default of the regularly appointed

executive. In financial matters the corregidores and alcaldes mayores

were responsible to the executive, but they acted as the agents of

the treasury officials (oficiales reales) in the collection of the

revenue. In their provinces they supervised the building of ships,

the construction of roads and bridges, the repartimientos or polos

[44] of Indians, and the planting of tobacco when the tobacco monopoly

existed in the Philippines. In these matters they were responsible to

the governor, viceroy, or superintendent, and to the various juntas

reales and committees, of which at least one oidor was always a member.

Tributes from the Indians, tithes from the encomenderos and other

kinds of local taxes were collected by the alcaldes mayores and

corregidores. Acting for the vicepatron, these officials represented

the subdelegated authority of the king over the monasteries and

churches of their provinces. They officiated at the formal bestowal of

benefices, they were expected to maintain harmonious relations with

the priests and friars in their provinces, and to check, by their

personal presence and intervention, if necessary, any tendency on

the part of the churchmen to abuse the Indians or to impose upon them.

In like manner they were supposed to prevent the ecclesiastical judges

from exceeding their power, and particularly from transgressing

the royal jurisdiction, which frequently occurred in the earlier

years when that authority had not become clearly defined or firmly

established. As the churchmen with whom these officials had to deal

derived their authority from the higher prelates and the provincials of

the orders and often acted by their direction, their opposition to the

local officials of the civil government was frequently so effective

that the latter were obliged to appeal to the audiencia. The latter

tribunal had the power necessary to deal with these cases, and to

restrain the offending churchmen, by bringing pressure to bear upon

their prelates and superiors.

The provincial governors also had certain military duties. In the

northern provinces of New Spain they had charge of defense, with

responsibility to the viceroy. [45] In the Philippines, however,

and in certain parts of New Spain, where the captain-general took

the place of the viceroy, alcaldes mayores and corregidores acted

as lieutenants of the captains-general, exercising authority of a

military character. [46] They were required to defend their provinces

and districts against invasions, insurrections, Indian outbreaks,

and disturbances. They were authorized to impress men for military

service. Local conditions in Mexico, Perú, Central America, and

the Philippines caused some differentiation in these matters. This

description will serve to convey an impression of the nature of the

duties of these officials and the way in which they acted as the

agents of the captain-general, viceroy, and audiencia. [47]

It has been already pointed out that the alcaldes mayores and

corregidores had extensive judicial duties; a mere restatement of

that important fact will suffice at this time. In subsequent chapters

we shall study in detail numerous illustrations and instances of the

judicial functions of the provincial judges. It has been noted also

that the alcaldes ordinarios were the judges of the Spanish towns. So

they were in the Philippines, but, as there were only four or five

Spanish towns in the archipelago, the alcaldes ordinarios do not

assume great prominence in this study. These alcaldes were usually

chosen by the ayuntamientos (municipal councils), though they were

appointed on some occasions by the governors. As the Spanish towns

enjoyed special privileges conferred by the king, their judges were

not a part of the regular judicial hierarchy, but were dependent on

their ayuntamientos or the governor. However, an oidor was usually

delegated to inspect the work of the alcalde ordinario.

With this introductory view of the general field of Spanish colonial

administration, and this presentation of the characters and elements

which are to assume important roles in this discussion because of

their frequent relations with the audiencia, we may enter upon a

more detailed study of a single institution. It has been emphasized

especially that the audiencia in the Philippines was only an integral

part of the governmental machinery used in the colonial empire of

Spain. It is clear, therefore, that we are not studying an isolated

tribunal, for every royal cédula promulgated to the Philippine

audiencia was in some way related to those issued to ten or eleven

other audiencias of equal status or similar character. Although the

Philippines were apart physically, this institution, with its relation

to the provincial and colonial governments on one hand, and the home

government on the other, brought the colony as close as possible to

Spain, and to the other colonies.

It is certain that the growth of audiencias was a part, not

only of colonial, but of Spanish historical and institutional

development. These institutions served the same purpose in the

colonies that they accomplished in Spain; they were utilized for the

administration of justice, and to check the excesses and abuses of

officials. They were important because they facilitated a greater

degree of centralization. They converged the provincial, colonial,

intercolonial and home governments in the same manner as the audiencias

in Spain brought about unity in provincial and national judicial

administration.

The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies As illustrated by the Audiencia of Manila (1583-1800) · 第 1 / 13 章