PARIS, October, 1805.
MY LORD:--The provocations of our Government must have been extraordinary
indeed, when they were able to awaken the Cabinet of Berlin from its long
and incomprehensible infatuation of trusting to the friendly intentions
of honest Talleyrand, and to the disinterested policy of our generous
Bonaparte. To judge its intents from its acts, the favour of the Cabinet
of St. Cloud was not only its wish but its want. You must remember that,
last year, besides his ordinary Ambassador, Da Lucchesini, His Prussian
Majesty was so ill advised as to despatch General Knobelsdorff as his
extra representative, to assist at Napoleon’s coronation, a degradation
of lawful sovereignty to which even the Court of Naples, though
surrounded with our troops, refused to subscribe; and, so late as last
June, the same Knobelsdorff did, in the name of his Prince, the honours
at the reviews near Magdeburg, to all the generals of our army in Hanover
who chose to attend there. On this occasion the King lodged in a
farmhouse, the Queen in the house of the curate of Koestelith, while our
sans-culotte officers, Bernadotte & Co., were quartered and treated in
style at the castle of Putzbull, fitted up for their accommodation. This
was certainly very hospitable, and very civil, but it was neither prudent
nor politic. Upstarts, experiencing such a reception from Princes, are
convinced that they are dreaded, because they know that they have not
merit to be esteemed.
Do not confound this Knobelsdorff with the late Field-marshal of that
name, who, in 1796, answered to a request which our then Ambassador at
Berlin (Abbe Sieges) had made to be introduced to him, NON ET SANS
PHRASE, the very words this regicide used when he sat in judgment on his
King, and voted LA MORT ET SANS PHRASE. This Knobelsdorff is a very
different character. He pretends to be equally conspicuous in the
Cabinet as in the field, in the boudoir as in the study. A
demi-philosopher, a demi-savant, a demi-gallant and a demi-politician,
constitute, all taken together, nothing except an insignificant courtier.
I do not know whether he was among those Prussian officers who, in 1798,
CRIED when it was inserted in the public prints that the Grand Bonaparte
had been killed in an insurrection at Cairo, but of this I am certain,
that were Knobelsdorff to survive Napoleon the First, none of His
Imperial Majesty’s own dutiful subjects would mourn him more sincerely
than this subject of the King of Prussia. He is said to possess a great
share of the confidence of his King, who has already employed him in
several diplomatic missions. The principal and most requisite qualities
in a negotiator are political information, inviolable fidelity,
penetrating but unbiased judgment, a dignified firmness, and
condescending manners. I have not been often enough in the society of
General Knobelsdorff to assert whether nature and education have destined
him to illumine or to cloud the Prussian monarchy.
I have already mentioned in a former letter that it was Count von
Haugwitz who, in 1792, as Prussian Ambassador at Vienna, arranged the
treaty which then united the Austrian and Prussian Eagles against the
Jacobin Cap of Liberty. It is now said in our diplomatic circle that his
second mission to the same capital has for an object the renewal of these
ties, which the Treaty of Basle dissolved; and that our Government, to
impede his success, or to occasion his recall, before he could have time
to conclude, had proposed to Prussia an annual subsidy of thirty millions
of liveres--which it intended to exact from Portugal for its neutrality.
The present respectable appearance of Prussia, shows, however, that
whether the mission of Haugwitz had the desired issue or not, His
Prussian Majesty confides in his army in preference to our parchments.
Some of our politicians pretend that the present Minister of the foreign
department in Prussia, Baron von Hardenberg, is not such a friend of the
system of neutrality as his predecessor. All the transactions of his
administration seem, nevertheless, to proclaim that, if he wished his
country to take an active part in the present conflict, it would not have
been against France, had she not begun the attack with the invasion of
Anspach and Bayreuth. Let it be recollected that, since his Ministry,
Prussia has acknowledged Bonaparte an Emperor of the French, has
exchanged orders with him, and has sent an extraordinary Ambassador to be
present at his coronation,--not common compliments, even between Princes
connected by the nearest ties of friendship and consanguinity. Under his
administration, the Rhine has been passed to seize the Duc d’Enghien, and
the Elbe to capture Sir George Rumbold; the Hanse Towns have been
pillaged, and even Emden blockaded; and the representations against, all
these outrages have neither been followed by public reparation nor a
becoming resentment; and was it not also Baron von Hardenberg, who, on
the 5th of April, 1795, concluded at Basle that treaty to which we owe
all our conquests and Germany and Italy all their disasters? It is not
probable that the parent of pacification will destroy its own progeny, if
self-preservation does not require it.
Baron von Hardenberg is both a learned nobleman and an enlightened
statesman, and does equal honour both to his own rank and to the choice
of his Prince. The late Frederick William II. nominated him a Minister
of State and a Counsellor of his Cabinet. On the 26th of January, 1792,
as a directorial Minister, he took possession, in the name of the King of
Prussia, of the Margravates of Anspach and Bayreuth, and the inhabitants
swore before him, as their governor, their oaths of allegiance to their
new Sovereign.--He continued to reside as a kind of viceroy, in these
States, until March, 1795, when he replaced Baron von Goltz as negotiator
with our republican plenipotentiary in Switzerland; but after settling
all differences between Prussia and France, he returned to his former
post at Anspach, where no complaints have been heard against his
Government.
The ambition of Baron von Hardenberg has always been to obtain the place
he now occupies, and the study of his life has been to gain such
information as would enable him to fill it with distinction. I have
heard it said that in most countries he had for years kept and paid
private agents, who regularly corresponded with him and sent him reports
of what they heard or saw of political intrigue or machinations. One of
these his agents I happened to meet with, in 1796, at Basle, and were I
to conclude from what I observed in him, the Minister has not been very
judicious in his selection of private correspondents. Figure to yourself
a bald-headed personage, about forty years of age, near seven feet high,
deaf as a post, stammering and making convulsive efforts to express a
sentence of five words, which, after all, his gibberish made
unintelligible. His dress was as eccentric as his person was singular,
and his manners corresponded with both. He called himself Baron von
Bulow, and I saw him afterwards, in the autumn of 1797, at Paris, with
the same accoutrements and the same jargon, assuming an air of diplomatic
mystery, even while displaying before me, in a coffee-house, his letters
and instructions from his principal. As might be expected, he had the
adroitness to get himself shut up in the Temple, where, I have been told,
the generosity of your Sir Sidney Smith prevented him from starving.
No member of the foreign diplomatic corps here possesses either more
knowledge, or a longer experience, than the Prussian Ambassador, Marquis
of Lucchesini. He went with several other philosophers of Italy to
admire the late hero of modern philosophy at Berlin, Frederick the Great,
who received him well, caressed him often, but never trusted or employed
him. I suppose it was not at the mention of the Marquis’s name for the
place of a governor of some province that this Monarch said, “My subjects
of that province have always been dutiful; a philosopher shall never rule
in my name but over people with whom I am discontented, or whom I intend
to chastise.” This Prince was not unacquainted with the morality of his
sectaries.
During the latter part of the life of this King, the Marquis of
Lucchesini was frequently of his literary and convivial parties; but he
was neither his friend nor his favourite, but his listener. It was first
under Frederick William II. that he began his diplomatic career, with an
appointment as Minister from Prussia to the late King of Poland. His
first act in this post was a treaty signed on the 29th of March, 1790,
with the King and Republic of Poland, which changed an elective monarchy
into an hereditary one; but, notwithstanding the Cabinet of Berlin had
guaranteed this alteration, and the constitution decreed in consequence,
in 1791, three years afterwards Russian and Prussian bayonets annihilated
both, and selfishness banished faith.
In July, 1790, he assisted as a Prussian plenipotentiary at the
conferences at Reichenback, together with the English and Dutch
Ambassadors, having for object a pacification between Austria and Turkey.
In December of the same year he went with the same Ministers to the
Congress at Sistova, where, in May, 1791, he signed the Treaty of Peace
between the Grand Seignior and the Emperor of Germany. In June, 1792, he
was a second time sent as a Minister to Warsaw, where he remained until
January, 1793, when he was promoted to the post of Ambassador at the
Court of Vienna. He continued, however, to reside with His Prussian
Majesty during the greatest part of the campaign on the Rhine, and
signed, on the 24th of June, 1793, in the camp before Mentz, an offensive
and defensive alliance with your Court; an alliance which Prussian policy
respected not above eighteen months. In October, 1796, he requested his
recall, but this his Sovereign refused, with the most gracious
expressions; and he could not obtain it until March, 1797. Some
disapprobation of the new political plan introduced by Count von Haugwitz
in the Cabinet at Berlin is supposed to have occasioned his determination
to retire from public employment. As he, however, continued to reside in
the capital of Prussia, and, as many believed, secretly intrigued to
appear again upon the scene, the nomination, in 1800, to his present
important post was as much the consequence of his own desire as of the
favour of his King.
The Marquis of Lucchesini lives here in great style at the beautiful
Hotel de l’Infantado, where his lady’s routs, assemblies, and circles are
the resort of our most fashionable gentry. Madame da Lucchesini is more
agreeable than handsome, more fit to shine at Berlin than at Paris; for
though her manners are elegant, they want that ease, that finish which a
German or Italian education cannot teach, nor a German or Italian society
confer. To judge from the number of her admirers, she seems to know that
she is married to a philosopher. Her husband was born at Lucca, in
Italy, and is, therefore, at present a subject of Bonaparte’s
brother-in-law, Prince Bacciochi, to whom, when His Serene Highness was a
marker at a billiard-table, I have had the honour of giving many a
shilling, as well as many a box on the ear.